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Early childhood educational centers (ECEC) are contexts where young children make their first contact with specific, culturally determined rules, practices, and values. Only a few studies have analyzed in-depth the practices through which the educators direct the children's action and attention while they are performing routine educational activities. By means of detailed transcription of educators-children conversations and Conversation Analytic methodology, this work examines a set of videorecorded interactions collected in one Italian ECE center ("nido"), particularly focusing on the verbal and multimodal resources employed by ECEC teachers as they manage episodes, where the children diverge from an expected course of action. Analyses reveal that the educators employ a variety of multimodal resources to orchestrate the child's attention and actions toward the desired course of activity, which open spaces where the child's agency, however more or less strongly reprimanded, is admitted and negotiated.

This article investigates miscommunication in sequences of talk where an oncologist asks about patients' co-morbidities, that is, their other illnesses beyond cancer. Using conversation analysis, we examine ways in which the participants identify and manage two sources of miscommunication: a divergence in the doctor's and the patient's understandings about the scope of the question; and a divergence in the doctor's and the patient's (and sometimes their companion's) understandings about the matters that the question targets. Our findings have implications for practice, highlighting ways in which clinicians and patients can manage these sources of miscommunication. These include practices to retrospectively or pre-emptively manage ambiguities and to check the accuracy of patients' answers. Additionally, our study addresses some theoretical and methodological problems in the study of miscommunication. Our data consist of 25 video-recorded first consultations in an Italian hospital; the participants speak Italian.

Under the rapid advances of digital technology, traditional paper-based forms of reading and writing are steadily giving way to digital-based literacies, in theory as well as in application. Drawing on a study of literacy in a medical workplace context, this article examines critically the shift toward computer-mediated textual practices. While a considerable body of research has investigated benefits and issues associated with digital literacy tools in medicine, we consider the affordances of paper-based practices. Our analysis of verbal interaction and textual artifacts drawn from a qualitative study of oncology visits indicates that the uses of pen and paper are advantageous for both doctor and patient. Specifically, they allow doctors to process and package information in ways that are favorable to their personal modus operandi, and they enable patients to participate in the medical visit and take an active role in managing their medical treatment. Understanding the affordances of paper-based literacy provides insights for refining digital tools as well as for motivating the design of possible hybrid forms and digital-analog intersections that can best support medical practices.

People identify apologies as unique types of actions as compared with kin-related moves, which remedy troubles or offenses, such as excuses and justifications (Goffman, 1971; Owen, 1983; Olshtain & Cohen, 1983; Sbisa, 1999). A feature of these apologies is the speaker's acknowledgment of personal responsibility for having caused trouble or offense (i.e., the "guilt") (Goffman, 1971) and a demand to the recipient to be absolved, that is, to either have the offense considered as nonharmful or so minimal it makes the apology irrelevant (Robinson, 2004). It appears that the two common formats for apologizing are "sorry" and "I'm sorry." According to Robinson (2004), who collects them into a single category ("sorry-based" units), they both overtly do the work of accepting "moral responsibility for offensive behaviour and initiate the process of negotiating absolution" (Robinson, 2004, p. 292). Heritage and Raymond (see EJ1088323) distinguish between the two formats of the "sorry" component, highlighting how local offenses (available to both speakers, indigenous to the interaction) are usually supported by "sorry," and more distal and face-threatening virtual offenses are more often supported by "I'm sorry." Elaborating Robinson's argument, and following the discussion opened by Heritage and Raymond, this article extends the analysis of the "sorry"-initiated and "I'm sorry"-initiated apologies. Particularly, the authors investigate to what extent the adoption of one (or the other) of the two formats by the apologizer indexes a different degree of moral responsibility for the offense and to what extent the differences--if any--in the use and sequential management of the two formats relate to how absolution is pursued and accomplished.

The present article focuses on the distribution of participation in family interaction involving young children (3-5 years old). Adopting a purely qualitative method of analysis, we show instances of family dinnertime conversations in which children appeared banned from participation, while they are the topic of the ongoing talk. We have called " backstage interaction, " sequences adjacent to those in which the child is involved, and within her/his auditory range, so that the child projected participation role alternates between that of addressee and overhearer. We argue that the "backstage talk" in the child's presence has the main effect of casting the current interaction with the child as a representation, in Goffman's terms (1959). Though, the child is left the opportunity to enter again the conversation: the person involved is interested in layering the selfs/he exposed, offering the child a "fictional self to interact with, thus preserving their face from the incumbent threat of the child's impoliteness or embarrassing "spontaneity".

This article focuses on children's engagement in extracurricular activities from the perspective of middle-class parents in Rome, Italy, and Los Angeles, California. Analysis of parents' accounts captured in interviews and ethnographic fieldwork reveals that both sets of parents perceive activities as important for children's success. Yet Roman parents consider activities as part of "children's world," downplaying intense involvement and performance. Conversely, L.A. parents view activities as preparing children for adult life, emphasizing competition and accomplishment. (Contains 1 table and 13 excerpts.)

A qualitative study analyzed the distribution of participation by young children (ages 3-5) in family dinnertime conversation, focusing on "backstage talk," sequences adjacent to those in which the child is involved and within his auditory range, so that the child-projected participation-role alternates between that of addressee and overhearer. (Author/MSE)

This article investigates miscommunication in sequences of talk where an oncologist asks about patients' co-morbidities, that is, their other illnesses beyond cancer. Using conversation analysis, we examine ways in which the participants identify and manage two sources of miscommunication: a divergence in the doctor's and the patient's understandings about the scope of the question; and a divergence in the doctor's and the patient's (and sometimes their companion's) understandings about the matters that the question targets. Our findings have implications for practice, highlighting ways in which clinicians and patients can manage these sources of miscommunication. These include practices to retrospectively or pre-emptively manage ambiguities and to check the accuracy of patients' answers. Additionally, our study addresses some theoretical and methodological problems in the study of miscommunication. Our data consist of 25 video-recorded first consultations in an Italian hospital; the participants speak Italian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]