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This collective paper on radicalization and violent extremism part of the 'Philosophy of education in a new key' initiative by Educational Philosophy and Theory brings together some of the leading contemporary scholars writing on the most pressing epistemological, ethical, political and educational issues facing post-9/11 scholarship on radicalization and violent extremism. Its overall aim is to move beyond the 'conventional wisdom' associated with this area of scholarly research best represented by its many slogans, metaphors and other thought-terminating cliches. By providing conceptual lenses on issues previously compartmentalized primarily [or even exclusively] in security and intelligence studies or at the fringes of scholarly interest, radicalization and violent extremism turn out to be much more complex than 'radicalization studies' has been eager to acknowledge.

Political plasticity refers to limitations on how fast, how much, and in what ways political behavior does (or does not) change. In a number of important areas of behavior, such as leader-follower relations, ethnicity, religion, and the rich-poor divide, there has been long-term continuity of human behavior. These continuities are little impacted by factors assumed to bring about change such as electronic technologies, major wars, globalization, and revolutions. In addition to such areas of low political plasticity, areas of high political plasticity are considered. For example, women in education is discussed to illustrate how rapid societal change can be achieved. This book explains the psychological and social mechanisms that limit political plasticity, and shape the possibility of changes in both democratic and dictatorial countries. Students, teachers, and anyone interested in political behavior and social psychology will benefit from this volume.

Psychology is a discipline with global influence, but continues to neglect disadvantaged minorities and continues to adopt an incorrect model of science. This volume explains what has gone wrong, and what steps should be taken for psychology to become a constructive international force. Historically, psychologists have focused only on causal explanations of behavior, neglecting normatively regulated behavior and intentionality. By giving greater importance to context and collective processes, moving from 'societies to cells,' psychologists can better understand and explain individual behavior. Poverty is an extremely powerful context that shapes cognitions and actions, with destructive consequences for disadvantaged individuals. The advocation of 'be happy psychology' and 'resilience' as solutions to problems faced by the disadvantaged leads to entrenched group-based inequalities, with the poor stuck at the bottom. Moving forwards, this volume proposes that psychologists should focus on normative systems to ultimately foster a more balanced field of study for the future.

Most social movements will encounter setbacks in their pursuit of sociopolitical change. However, little is known about how movements are affected after protestors fail to achieve their aims. What are the effects of failure on subsequent engagement in various conventional and radical actions? Does failure promote divergent reactions among protestors and/or dissatisfaction with democracy? A meta-analysis of nine experiments ( N = 1,663) assessed the effects of one-off failure on protestors’ reactions, subsequent tactical choices, and support for democracy; and iterative stochastic simulations modeled the effects of failure over multiple protests over time. Results indicated that initial failure gives rise to divergent, somewhat contradictory responses among protestors and that these responses are further influenced by the repeated failure (vs. success) over time. Further, the simulations identified “tipping points” in these responses that promote radicalization and undermine support for democracy.

Individuals express support for civil liberties and human rights, but when threatened tend to restrict rights for both others and themselves. However, the question of whether or not rights are restricted to punish others or protect ourselves remains unclear. This meta-analysis integrates the findings of the effect of perceived threats on support for restrictions of civil liberties from 1997 to 2019. It includes 163 effect-size estimates from 46 different articles involving 91,716 participants. The presence of threat increased support for restrictions against outgroup members significantly more than ingroup members, providing a possible punitive explanation for support for restrictions of civil liberties. These findings contribute to the debate on rights and their relationship with deservingness, suggesting that we delineate those who deserve human rights and those who do not.

Revolutions are attempts to forcibly overthrow the political and social order. However, most revolutions fail to generate longer-term psychological changes to bring about a match between the behavior of the population and the espoused goals of the revolution. Attempts by the new ruling 'revolutionary' elite to re-establish order in society often result in a resurgence of repression and corruption, and imprisonment for those considered 'anti-revolutionary'. Recent psychological research on revolutions explains this failure through limitations in political plasticity, the speed and extent to which political behavior does or does not change, which constrain the impact a revolution can have on individual and collective behavior.

Collective action is volatile: characterized by swift, unexpected changes in intensity, target, and forms. We conduct a detailed exploration of four reasons that these changes occur. First, action is about identities which are fluid, contested, and multifaceted. As the content of groups' identities change, so do the specific norms for the identities. Second, social movements adopt new tactics, or forms of collective action. Tactical changes may arise from changes in identity, but also changes in the target or opponent groups, and changes in the relationships with targets and with other actors. Factions or wings of a group in conflict may in turn form identities based on opposition or support for differing tactics. Third, social movements change because participant motivation ebbs, surges, and also changes in quality (e.g., becoming more subjectively autonomous, or self-determined). Finally, political social change occurs within socio-political structures; these structures implicate higher-level norms, which both constrain and emerge from actions (e.g., state openness or repression). Our analysis presents idealized and descriptive models of these relationships, and a new model to examine tactical changes empirically, the DIME model. This model highlights that collective actors canDisidentify after failure (giving up and walking away); they canInnovate, or try something new; and they can commit harder, convinced that they are right, with increased moral urgency (Moralization) and redoubled efforts (Energization).

This brief paper explores possibilities for change in political behavior through what I term “political plasticity.” Revolutions provide a suitable context in which to critically examine political plasticity, particularly when the revolutionaries who come to power attempt to bring about radical political changes. The examples of the Bolsheviks who attempted to implement collectivization after the 1917 revolution in Russia, and the Shi’a Muslim fundamentalists, who attempted to create a healthy dictatorial society under velayat-e-faghih after the 1979 revolution in Iran, are used to illustrate limitations to political plasticity, shedding light on possibilities for changes in political behavior.

Gain a better understanding of human behavior by exploring thought experiments in Shakespearean plays and the historical roots of experimental psychology within early modern literature. This book combines scientific psychology with English literature to discuss thought experiments in selected Shakespeare plays and examine the central role of thought experiments in the natural sciences. Thought experiments are essential for progress in scientific research. Indeed, Albert Einstein and a number of other leading scientists relied almost exclusively on thought experiments. Thought experiments also play a pivotal role in English literature, particularly in Shakespeare plays. By focussing on thought experiments and experimental psychology's place within early modern English literature, the volume establishes a more wholistic approach to understanding human behavior.

Extensive research has identified factors influencing collective-action participation. However, less is known about how collective-action outcomes (i.e., success and failure) shape engagement in social movements over time. Using data collected before and after the 2017 marriage-equality debate in Australia, we conducted a latent profile analysis that indicated that success unified supporters of change ( n = 420), whereas failure created subgroups among opponents ( n = 419), reflecting four divergent responses: disengagement (resigned acceptors), moderate disengagement and continued investment (moderates), and renewed commitment to the cause using similar strategies (stay-the-course opponents) or new strategies (innovators). Resigned acceptors were least inclined to act following failure, whereas innovators were generally more likely to engage in conventional action and justify using radical action relative to the other profiles. These divergent reactions were predicted by differing baseline levels of social identification, group efficacy, and anger. Collective-action outcomes dynamically shape participation in social movements; this is an important direction for future research.

Why is movement from closed, dictatorial societies to more open, democratic societies so difficult to achieve? I argue that the best way to address this question is giving primacy to what Valsiner refers to as the zone between the existing and the possible, through the concept of political plasticity, which is the ability to change (or not change) social relations and cognitions in line with actual or desired structural changes. In this way, we can include “non-events,” such as the failure to establish democracy after a popular revolution, as integral to a science of psychology. This chapter begins by discussing the extremely slow pace of change on the dictatorship-democracy continuum. Next, it discusses the concept of political plasticity and the zone between the existing and the possible. Finally, it examines limitations on political plasticity represented by culture and the normative system “out there” in collective processes, above and beyond individuals.

Most humans believe in a god, but many do not. Differences in belief have profound societal impacts. Anthropological accounts implicate bottom-up perceptual processes in shaping religious belief, suggesting that individual differences in these processes may help explain variation in belief. Here, in findings replicated across socio-religiously disparate samples studied in the U.S. and Afghanistan, implicit learning of patterns/order within visuospatial sequences (IL-pat) in a strongly bottom-up paradigm predict 1) stronger belief in an intervening/ordering god, and 2) increased strength-of-belief from childhood to adulthood, controlling for explicit learning and parental belief. Consistent with research implicating IL-pat as a basis of intuition, and intuition as a basis of belief, mediation models support a hypothesized effect pathway whereby IL-pat leads to intuitions of order which, in turn, lead to belief in ordering gods. The universality and variability of human IL-pat may thus contribute to the global presence and variability of religious belief., Nature Communications, 11 (1), ISSN:2041-1723

Supplemental material, supplementary_material for The effect of perceived threat on human rights: A meta-analysis by Kevin R. Carriere, Anna Hallahan and Fathali M. Moghaddam in Group Processes & Intergroup Relations

In celebration of the life and work of Kuo-Shu Yang, this discussion argues for a psychology that better meets the needs of the global 99%. The growth of psychological science outside the First (the United States) and Second (other industrialized nations) Worlds of psychology has been impressive since the 1980s when the Three Worlds of psychology were identified. In the major countries of Africa, Asia, and South America, there are now national and regional psychological associations, conferences, and journals. Along with this growth, major standardized psychological tests of personality and intelligence originating in the First and Second Worlds, as well as numerous research instruments, have been translated and standardized for use in the Third World societies of Africa, Asia, and South America. In this respect, it could be argued that psychology has become more global. However, at the global level, psychology still tends to cater more to the needs of the 1%. We argue that psychological science needs to focus far more on the needs of the 99%.

I first met Rom Harre in the mid 1970s the when I was a student in England, and we met again in 1989 when I visited Georgetown University. Soon after joining the faculty at Georgetown in 1990, my research collaboration with Rom took off and we eventually published 7 books and 45 papers together. He and his wife Hettie also became our close family friends. In reflecting on our friendship and collaboration, I identity a number of ways he influenced my thinking and behavior, both personal and professional.