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French Press Reactions to Hitler's First Two Years in Power In French Fascism: the Second Wave, 1933-1939, Soucy argued that one of the man reasons why fascism did not succeed in France to the extent that it did in Germany was because of the negative reaction which many French conservatives had to Hitler's repression of dissident German conservatives and Catholics in 1933 and 1934. This article goes beyond the book by providing documentation for this argument. It also casts further doubt on the view of Rene Remond and a number other historians that French conservatism was largely `immune' to fascism in the 1930s due to France's longstanding democratic traditions and that French fascism owed more to the `Jacobin' and `socialist' lefts than to the French right.

The Irish Blueshirt movement of the early thirties attempted to put new wine into old bottles by adopting new ideas from right wing parties and Catholic social theorists in Europe. The leaders adapted such ideas to the old liberal framework for fear of the rise of Fianna Fail. The movement leaders formed a single party Fine Gael. Its leader Gen. Eoin O'Duffy wanted the reunification of Ireland, while intellectuals Michael Tierney, James Hogan, demanded the professionalization of economic activities and a Christian society. The Blueshirt movement faded due to its similarities with European fascism.

Paul de Man amplified the fascist perspective of aesthetic wholesomeness in a set of essays directed against the aesthetic concept in undermining the cognition and aesthetic functionality of tropes used in figurative speech. In a collection of his essays written in the mid-1950s, entitled 'The Resistance to Theory,' de Man demonstrates the disjunction between aesthetic linguistics and practicality. In another collection, he attacks Friedrich Schiller's concept of interpreting a harmonious society in terms of aesthetic educational background of the individuals constituting the society.

The parabolic arch, designed by Eero Saarinen for the Jefferson Memorial, reflected the postwar American search for cultural antidote to the illness of the west rather than sympathy for Italian fascism. The arch resembled the design of Ludovico Quaroni to mark the inauguration of the fascist era in Italy and fuelled controversy. The defense of the arch as a natural form in the history of construction removed obstacles and enabled its successful completion. Despite subsequent remarks on the resemblance of the arch to the ubiquitous 'M' from the signature of the dictator Mussolini, the arch has become and American symbol.

The influence of 'fascination with fascism' in comics and graphic novels, in Europe, Britain and the U.S., is shown. This representation inverted the sense of fascism as a limited historical phenomenon and raised questions concerning the politics of history itself.

The scandalous display of indifference and hostility lead to the growth of fascism in France. The reasons for the collapse of the Centre Left in France after five years of Jospin's complacent government are mentioned.

An account is presented of the debate by the officials of Okhotny Row on honoring victims of the Holocaust. The disagreement of Russian parliament is taken as an indication of the national attitude to Nazism.

Russian trade union workers are increasingly resorting to fascist methods to avenge their grievances. Experts from the Russian-American Foundation for Trade Union Research believe that the fascist trends are a result of the privatization program that has enabled owners of enterprises to get rich at the workers' expense by ignoring workers' needs and aspirations. Fascist leaders feel that taking the law into their own hands to settle differences with employers is easier than seeking a legal remedy, which may take years to arrive at a conclusion.

The influence of the fascist government of Benito Mussolini on sculptural art in Italy is the focus of an exhibition in Leeds, England. The exhibition featured huge monumental statues depicting athletes and classical heroes.