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Kwestia kultywowania i eksponowania dziedzictwa niematerialnego w przestrzeni miejskiej, obecnie silnie stechnicyzowanej, jest rzadko poruszana w literaturze. Zastanawiający jest szczególnie sposób prezentowania tradycji umożliwiający ich poznanie turystom, którzy często są istotnym czynnikiem zachęcającym depozytariuszy do kultywowania zwyczajów. Autorki zakładają, że w tym celu w przestrzeni turystycznej miast powinny pojawić się stosowne obiekty, które byłyby elementem nie tylko przestrzennego, lecz także semiotycznego zagospodarowania miasta. W artykule zagadnienie to rozważano, analizując przykłady snycerstwa w Konjicu i fado w Lizbonie. Dostrzeżono tendencję przenoszenia się zwyczajów do przestrzeni medialnej i wirtualnej przy jednoczesnym zaniku ich obecności w przestrzeni fizycznej, rekompensowanym powstawaniem atrakcji turystycznych. Fado ponadto rozbrzmiewa w przestrzeniach turystycznych poza Lizboną, co pozbawia je oryginalności kontekstu terytorialnego. Płaskorzeźbione produkty drewniane z Konjica przechodzą za to transformację, dostosowując się do gustów potencjalnych nabywców: tracą ornamentykę typową dla regionu, w którym wciąż są wytwarzane, lecz przekształcenia te są immanentnym elementem zauważalnym od początku rozwoju tej tradycji. Nowe wzornictwo staje się jedynie signum temporis, który zapewnia trwanie przestrzeni semiotycznej konjickiej kultury.

Este texto propõe uma apreciação da escrita de Orlando Ribeiro, ao combinar a literatura de Luís Vaz de Camões e a geografia. A partir da obra do geógrafo, a discussão evidencia as relações da escrita do notável poeta com as viagens, os lugares e as observações do meio vivido por ele. Nesse contexto, o objetivo central é revisitar o artigo “Camões e a geografia”, de Orlando Ribeiro (1980) e colocar questões por ele lançadas: Camões e a geografia? Qual é a capacidade investigativa de compreender Camões e sua geografia? Nessa premissa, o trabalho assenta na pesquisa bibliográfica, modalidade de metodologia pautada pela busca eletrônica e consulta de obras físicas. Ao analisar o texto de Ribeiro, os resultados compreendem a relação do legado poético de Camões e os fados “Verdes são os campos” e “Soneto Andreia”.

This text proposes an appreciation of Orlando Ribeiro's writing, combining Luís Vaz de Camões' literature and geography. Based on the geographer's work, the discussion highlights the relations between the notable poet's writing and his travels, places and observations of his environment. In this context, the central objective is to revisit the article "Camões and Geography" and answer the questions raised, e.g., what is the investigative ability to understand Camões and its geography? This paper is based on bibliographical research, a methodology focused on the critical analysis of texts. When analysing Ribeiro's text, results comprehend the relation between the legacy and the fates "Verdes são os campos" and "Soneto Andreia", poems by Camões. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumo A partir de finais da década de 1960, o fado e sua principal intérprete, Amália Rodrigues, foram identificados com o atraso político, econômico e cultural do Estado Novo português. Por um lado, o gênero musical era convidativo à resignação e ao conformismo; por outro, Amália era vista como adepta e colaboradora da ditadura de Oliveira Salazar e Marcello Caetano. Em substituição ao fado, uma nova canção, conhecida como “canto de intervenção”, ganhava crescente simpatia, sobretudo entre as juventudes universitárias e os segmentos de oposição. O presente artigo tem por objetivo analisar, por um lado, o gradual isolamento do fado e de Amália Rodrigues entre a crise do regime autoritário português e o processo revolucionário que se seguiu ao golpe de 25 de Abril de 1974; por outro, o papel do “canto de intervenção” como resultado de uma nova estética adequada aos valores do Estado revolucionário.

Copyright of Varia História is the property of Varia Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Fado, sometimes called Portuguese urban romance, is a cultural phenomenon whose meaning goes far beyond this definition and generally beyond the framework of musical culture at all. It has become an important part of the traditional culture of Portugal, an iconic element of the image of the country, having gone through several phases of evolution in its relatively short (slightly less than two centuries) history. Having arisen and being at the initial stage an element of the folklore of the urban lower classes of Lisbon, fado later underwent cultural appropriation by the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie, who saw in it the features of the national spirit and the expression of the mentality of the Portuguese. In particular, it was associated with such properties of the national character, which are generalised in the concept of «saudade» – melancholic or tragic longing for the distant, unattainable, often gone into the past. On the other hand, fado was condemned and stigmatised as a low genre associated with marginal strata, as well as with the backwardness and decline of the country. In the first half of the 20th century, the professionalisation and prestige of the fado is increasing, it penetrates the theatre scene, grows popular with the general public, becomes famous abroad. To a large extent, this is due to the innovations of a new generation of authors and performers, in particular, Alfredo Marceneiro, Hermínia Silva and Amália Rodrigues, sometimes defined as the «fado triangle». The significance of fado for Portuguese and world culture was marked by its inclusion in the UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage List in 2011.

Music is an art form and cultural activity whose language, the sounds and silences, is organized in time with logic and sensitivity. Music as a whole is the result of an ancestral nonverbal and international mode of human expression and communication. The primitive and former mother-child bonding might be highly influenced and modulated by the music and singing with their babies. Musicality and music imply two different sides of the same coin, where the former is based on the human capacity to produce the latter. Some theories about evolution suggest music might have an adaptive advantage for humans in society. Historical examples of different styles in music point out that if any allusion or reminder about gender in music might happen most probably occurs in folk non always written pagan or secular music with lyrics or voice. This genre of music usually tells about traditional gender differences in jobs, habits, lifestyles, etc., and has a clear preference for male musicians, while on the contrary, classical music usually does not have a clear gender difference in meaning, and instruments are played by both. In this text, I explore and empirically describe, neuroanatomically or functionally, some examples of different genres of music and brain differences, related to music and dance. Three different genres of music (Classical music, Fado and Flamenco) are explored in an attempt to elucidate some reasons for possible gender differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cepstral measures are sensitive to gender, age and phonatory tasks. With a cepstral measure designated as the CPP, it was possible to confirm the vulnerability of the Fado singers' voice. These were established at the vocal pathological threshold, which suggests a need for a direct clinical approach for these voice users. This study aimed to characterize cepstral peak prominence (CPP) and cepstral peak prominence smoothed (CPPS) in the Fado singing voice and to determine if there were significant differences in CPP and CPPS measures between spoken and sung tasks, as well as due to singers' gender and age. Forty seven males and 57 females Fado singers, ranging from 18 to 70 years participated in this study. Spoken voice tasks were sustained [a] and reading aloud the phonetically balanced text " O Sol ". Sung tasks were sustained [a] of the word [ɐfin a ɫ] and the Fado chorus song " Nem às paredes confesso ". Acoustic measures included CPP and CPPS. CPP was measured using Analyses of Dysphonia in Speech and Voice software, of Multi-Speech program, Model 3700, by KayPENTAX. CPPS was measured using Praat software (4.2.1/2003). Statistical analysis was performed with an IBM SPSS Statistics version 22 program. CPP and CPPS mean differences of spoken and sung tasks were analyzed using paired samples t -test, with α at.05. CPP and CPPS values of singers' voice changed according to the gender, age and phonatory tasks. There were significant differences between CPP and CPPS measures (P < 0.05). Generally, young male singers, in their sung task, presented the highest CPP and CPPS values. The highest CPP mean was obtained by older males in sustained spoken [a] and the lowest was obtained by younger males in their reading aloud task. For CPPS, the highest mean value was obtained by younger males during sung [a] and the lowest was by younger males in the reading aloud task. Males presented higher cepstral measures than females. Young singers presented higher cepstral measures than older. Sung tasks had higher cepstral measures than spoken tasks. CPPS means are overall higher than CPP means. This study reinforces the need for a clinical prevention approach directed at potential vocal disorders in Fado singers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In cultural geography, several authors agree on the existence of a two-way relationship between music and place. Thus emerges the concept of “soundscape”, according to which a geographical space is identified and perceived also thanks to its auditory dimension. This is certainly the case of Lisbon’s fado: born in the slums of the Portuguese capital during the XIX century, it has now achieved a strong tourist value, also thanks to its inclusion in the list of Unesco Intangible World Heritage in November 2011. In this paper we try to understand if fado corresponds to a still authentic feeling, or if it is turning rather into a “scenography” and a representation aimed at an audience of tourists, which inevitably involves a process of “commodification” and trivialization.

The impact of academia on cultural heritage is yet to be scrutinised. The intangible cultural heritage (ICH) constitutes a particularly fragile domain because it is so open to the influence of researchers and bodies of reputation, such as the experts hired for the production of a diplomatic file such as the UNESCO candidacy. In the beginning of the article I offer the institutional overview of ICH and its Portuguese subsidiary. In the second part of the article I detail the Eu­ropean project HeritaMus and its underlying conceptual framework, which was designed to document ICH and tangible cultural assets, creating a simple tool for cooperative curation involving members of the fado community.

Fado is an urban Portuguese musical style rooted in popular culture. Previously found data suggests that Fado singers may have an increased risk of developing voice disorders. (1) Aim: To determine the risk factors for the development of voice disorders among Fado singers. (2) Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted through the administration of a questionnaire containing questions related to voice disorders in singers. The relationship between personal and social data, musical background, performance demands and habits, vocal health and wellbeing, and strategies to overcome voice problems are reported. Beyond a comprehensive characterization, odds ratios (ORs) and their 95% confidence intervals (CIs) for the association with voice disorders were calculated through univariate and multivariate logistic regression analyses. (3) Results: The significant risk factors for voice disorders were as follows in decreasing order: nose-related disorders; decongestants or antihistamines; oral contraceptives or hormone replacement therapy; previous smoking habits; and vocal fatigue after performances. (4) Conclusion: These activities significantly increased the risk of developing voice disorders. The evidence from this study and the relative low prevalence of self-reported voice disorders suggest that these singers may develop a kind of protective combination of factors beyond the scope of this research.

This article reflects on Fado discourses to which it was exposed in specific historical contexts. We will focus on its variability, sometimes associated to subaltern, popular or elite music, unveiling the instability of meaning, and the structures that allow us to understand culture in a broader sense.To do that, we will explore the origins of Fado until its status as a “national song”. Then, we will discuss the classification of Fado as intangible heritage of humanity, by UNESCO, facing it as an institution that produces discourses. The article suggests that not only the discourses around Fado influence its social valuation, but also the UNESCO transmits an idea of universality to something that is subjective and positional, by delimiting criteria on what should be considered a heritage of humanity.

In cultural geography, several authors agree on the existence of a two-way relationship between music and place. Thus emerges the concept of "soundscape", according to which a geographical space is identified and perceived also thanks to its auditory dimension. This is certainly the case of Lisbon's fado: born in the slums of the Portuguese capital during the XIX century, it has now achieved a strong tourist value, also thanks to its inclusion in the list of Unesco Intangible World Heritage in November 2011. In this paper we try to understand if fado corresponds to a still authentic feeling, or if it is turning rather into a "scenography" and a representation aimed at an audience of tourists, which inevitably involves a process of "commodification" and trivialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to examine the changing atmosphere of Lisbon's fado live music scene during the COVID-19 crisis. In particular, it focuses on the effects of the lockdown measures and other public health restrictions on the casas de fado, a distinctive type of local institution where music, tourism and the quest for experiences of authenticity intersect. Drawing on in-person and remote interviews with venue owners, local association representatives, musicians and patrons, as well as on content analysis of local media sources and participant observation, this article argues that the pandemic has revealed the fragility of a local music ecosystem overly dependent on foreign tourism and institutional support for its survival. Moreover, it discusses how the changes brought about by the pandemic has impacted fado practice itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Muito longe da consagração atual e mesmo antes da sua domesticação pelo salazarismo, o fado atravessou fases dilemáticas da sua existência. Entre elas, estão os tempos iniciais da sua mediatização, em particular, as complexas articulações com a rádio na década de 1930, com o Estado Novo e os preconceitos de classe a tentarem ostracizar o fado ou, pelo menos, travar a legitimação nacional da cultura popular urbana. As tensões que já antes rodeavam o fado renovaram-se e agudizaram-se face ao contexto simultâneo de estabilização da ditadura e de implantação da rádio em Portugal, colocando o novo meio de difusão sonora no centro das lutas simbólicas em torno da “canção nacional”. Envolvendo dilemas entre o estigma e a legitimação fadista, entre a sua origem e a propagação, entre a difusão pública e o controlo estético ou moral, constitui-se uma zona de articulação da rádio com o fado onde diversos atores sociais se posicionaram, com diferentes objetivos e estratégias, e em que se jogaram questões de programação, discursividade e status social. O objetivo deste artigo é identificar esse conjunto de articulações ao longo dos anos 30, tentando perceber de que maneira a formação do campo radiofónico, com as suas várias estações e matizes, se tornou palco e participante num processo cultural que, em alguns aspetos, já o precedia. A pesquisa baseia-se na imprensa coeva, especificamente nos jornais de fado (Guitarra de Portugal; Canção do Sul) e nos periódicos dedicados à rádio (Rádio Semanal; Rádio Revista; Boletim da Emissora Nacional; Rádio Nacional).

This article reflects on Fado discourses to which it was exposed in specific historical contexts. We will focus on its variability, sometimes associated to subaltern, popular or elite music, unveiling the instability of meaning, and the structures that allow us to understand culture in a broader sense. To do that, we will explore the origins of Fado until its status as a "national song". Then, we will discuss the classification of Fado as intangible heritage of humanity, by UNESCO, facing it as an institution that produces discourses. The article suggests that not only the discourses around Fado influence its social valuation, but also the UNESCO transmits an idea of universality to something that is subjective and positional, by delimiting criteria on what should be considered a heritage of humanity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Museologia e Patrimônio is the property of Museologia e Patrimonio and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Universum is the property of Instituto de Estudios Humanisticos Juan Ignacio Molina, Universidad de Talca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Listening to music might make one tremble, cry or get up and dance in response. Musical feelings might spread from listener to listener in a hard to pin down but nevertheless palpable 'emotional contagion'. While theorising emotion, feeling or sentiment in relation to the social life of music and sound is not new, for the most part, scholars in music and sound studies have been relative late comers to the contemporary conversation on affect theory. In this essay, I place two academic turns in productive alignment, an 'affective turn' and a turn in ethnomusicology, the anthropology of music and sound and the interdisciplinary field of critical sound studies to the study of listening and aurality. What might methodological approaches gleaned from the anthropology of music and sound lend to theorizations of method for the anthropology of emotion and affect? In what ways is affect rendered audible as an object of analysis in the process of doing ethnography? Focusing on analyses of select audio-visual field recordings, I ask, how can we listen for affect? And what theoretical and methodological considerations might emerge when we do? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

HeritaMus is a digital tool for gathering, retrieving and visualizing complex data on heritage (tangible and intangible), thereby promoting participatory curatorship by mobilizing communities of practice. Developed over a three-year period by a European consortium, the project was based on a cooperative ethnography study on the uses and re-uses of historical sound recordings of two cultural manifestations inscribed on the UNESCO ICH list: fado and flamenco. Taking historical sound recordings as a fundamental actor that informs current musical practice, the project focused on overcoming the artificial divide between tangible heritage (historical phonograms) and intangible heritage (musical practice and community of practice knowledge). HeritaMus was designed to display the networks established by all kinds of actors (human and non-human), deepening the understanding of their intricate relationships. This paper introduces the theoretical background of the HeritaMus project and the conceptual challenges that the consortium faced while developing the tool, describes the tool’s main characteristics and processes, and projects future developments. Some research results are also presented concerning politics of representation, the uneven representation of communities of practice and communities of research, the impact of “heritage excess” and the erasure of controversy among heritage practices—topics that are known to practitioners but often overlooked by academia.

As part of his 1975 solo debut album, Água do céu-pássaro, Ney Matogrosso recorded a cover of "Barco negro," a Portuguese fado made famous by Amália Rodrigues and based on an earlier Brazilian song, "Mãe-preta," written by Caco Velho and Piratini and recorded by Os Tocantins in 1943. Matogrosso conflates the two versions, titling the track, "Mãe preta (Barco negro)." This article marks Matogrosso’s recording as an iteration of transgender voice and locates—in his performance and album artwork—queer, indigenous, and Afro-Brazilian intersections that rework the mãe preta figure central to Brazil’s foundational narrative. Making use of Hortense Spiller’s theorization of the trans-Atlantic slave trade as "body-theft," I argue that Matogrosso’s referents and trans voice reembody the Luso-Afro-Brazilian black mother in ways that unsettle Lusotropicalism and haunt Portuguese nationalist tropes.

Music without Borders: Portuguese Fado in a Multicultural Space In 2011 fado was added to the UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage List, but much before it started to function as a Portugal’s music trade mark. Fado lovers believe that it is a reflection of the Portuguese soul. The genre can be traced to the 19th century’s poor districts of Lisbon (Alfama, Mouraria), however some ethnomusicologists increasingly emphasize its earlier African‑Brazilian origins. For more than two hundred years of its existence, fado passed through different phases of development, reaching diverse public, first in Portugal and then abroad. In times of the dictatorship Antonio Salazar’s regime tried to influence fado by introducing censorship and specifying rigid rules of performance. The aim of this article is to show the evolution of the Portuguese fado and its modern interpretations, resulting from the fusion of this genre with other forms, such as bossa nova, jazz, folk, pop, or tango. This blurring and softening of the music boundaries is illustrated with the example of surprising connections between fado and Angolan, Capeverdean, Andalusian, Brazilian or Jewish music. The principal argument of the article is the idea that nowadays fado exceeds many borders: the limits of social groups, cultural and ethnic areas, countries and music genres.

As part of his 1975 solo debut album, Água do céu-pássaro, Ney Matogrosso recorded a cover of "Barco negro," a Portuguese fado made famous by Amália Rodrigues and based on an earlier Brazilian song, "Mãe-preta," written by Caco Velho and Piratini and recorded by Os Tocantins in 1943. Matogrosso conflates the two versions, titling the track, "Mãe preta (Barco negro)." This article marks Matogrosso's recording as an iteration of transgender voice and locates--in his performance and album artwork--queer, indigenous, and Afro-Brazilian intersections that rework the mãe preta figure central to Brazil's foundational narrative. Making use of Hortense Spiller's theorization of the trans-Atlantic slave trade as "body-theft," I argue that Matogrosso's referents and trans voice reembody the Luso-Afro-Brazilian black mother in ways that unsettle Lusotropicalism and haunt Portuguese nationalist tropes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2011 fado was added to the UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage List, but much before it started to function as a Portugal's music trade mark. Fado lovers believe that it is a reflection of the Portuguese soul. The genre can be traced to the 19th century's poor districts of Lisbon (Alfama, Mouraria), however some ethnomusicologists increasingly emphasize its earlier African-Brazilian origins. For more than two hundred years of its existence, fado passed through different phases of development, reaching diverse public, first in Portugal and then abroad. In times of the dictatorship Antonio Salazar's regime tried to influence fado by introducing censorship and specifying rigid rules of performance. The aim of this article is to show the evolution of the Portuguese fado and its modern interpretations, resulting from the fusion of this genre with other forms, such as bossa nova, jazz, folk, pop, or tango. This blurring and softening of the music boundaries is illustrated with the example of surprising connections between fado and Angolan, Capeverdean, Andalusian, Brazilian or Jewish music. The principal argument of the article is the idea that nowadays fado exceeds many borders: the limits of social groups, cultural and ethnic areas, countries and music genres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

O fadoé um gênero musical presente no cotidiano social e cultural dos portugueses desde o século XIX,com uma trajetória que ultrapassoufronteiras importantes.Este trabalho tem o objetivo apresentar uma análise sobre o uso turístico ede lazer do fado nos bairros tradicionais da capital portuguesa, mostrando as paisagens por onde o gênero circulou no passado e onde se encontra atualmente. Para tal, serão apresentados espaços e lugares por onde o fado transitou até consolidar-se como a maior representação cultural e identitária portuguesa e indissociável da imagem internacional de Portugal

A kind of fado from slavery times took me to Quissamã, in Brazil, and I was intrigued by what I would find out. In the first place, for whatever reason, fado singers share the belief that fado belongs to God. Secondly, this God's fado is performed with dancing and stepping, reminding fandango moves, even though it is well known that the stepped fandango was one of the most persecuted dances in colonial Brazil for its bad reputation. Attempting to decode these enigmatic features, I explore transits of fado and fandango in a plot involving stances of dissemination, transformation, variation and re-composition, concluding that the knots in this plot are tied and untied in the chronotopes of such transits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Portugal served as the setting for over thirty Hollywood films produced during the Estado Novo dictatorship (1933-1974), the country's cinematic image was largely a product of World War II, whose specific context encouraged a sanitized depiction of its regime, perpetuated during the Cold War. After contextualizing Portugal's presence and involvement in those productions, this article examines Hollywood's engagement with two important symbols associated with the Salazar dictatorship, namely fado music and the Miracle of Fatima. It discusses their narrative purposes in US film fiction and, in turn, how North American cinema helped promote these cultural pillars of the Estado Novo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text postulates a model of a historico-anthropological nature for understanding the musical relationships from Brazil, Portugal, and Atlantic lusophone Africa during the XVII and XIX centuries. The model stars from the constitution of the Atlantic lusophone space as one of continual sociocultural relationships in general and musical in particular up to the first decades of the XIX century and even before. Those musical relationships are based on the existence of vast transatlantic system of musical and dance genres connected through historic and structural transformations. Because it belongs to that system, the lundu-modinha-fado transformation system will be studied, with emphasis on Bazilian dance and Portuguese song. The article elaborates the concept of "musical genre" from the notions of Mikhail Bakhtin´s "discursive genre" and Claude Lévi-Strauss and Marshall Sahlins’s "transformation".

Fado is the most important genre of Portuguese popular music. It is part of hegemonic representations of nationality and an icon of Lisbon. Also, fado has an outstanding place in music market, nationally and abroad. By contrast, among the representations that legitimate the “authenticity” of fado, one can find a strong defense of amateur dispositions. Some fadistas (fado singers) say that “true” fado is never (and, ideally, could never be) a way to make a living; it should always be an expression of the soul. The obvious echoes of the “l’art pour l’art” discourse from the 19th century can be recognized here. This paper aims to question: how can this discourse be reproduced today? What are its meanings? Are there contradictions between the existence of this discourse and market projection of the genre?

THE PHENOMENON AMÁLIA – A CRUCIAL CHAPTER IN THE RELIGIOUS HISTORY OF FADO The present article treats “the phenomenon of Amália Rodrigues” in the perspective of religiousness of the Fado genre. The analysis of the fadista’s religious attitude is based on Amália’s image created by Vítor Pavão dos Santos in his book entitled Amália – Uma Biografia and presents some fundamental aspects of her devotion. The issues include: religion/catholicism, God, the Church, morality, religious practices, God’s Mother or freedom versus fatalism. The analysis attempts to discover concrete manifestations of the above listed issues and differentiate between what is typically Portuguese and what is specifically Amalian.