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In this article, the authors investigated the governance involved in the formulation process of the Brasília Solar Program (PBS). The PBS engaged forty entities in a partnership for the generation and use of photovoltaic solar energy in Brasília. The methodology involved the use of document techniques and semi-structured interviews conducted between 2017 and 2018. The study revealed that the number of entities participating in the formulation of the PBS was lower than expected, which can be attributed to the centralized decision arrangements and to low autonomy. The actors involved demonstrated homogeneity in the interpretation of the objectives and in the justifications of the program. The PBS adopted unilateral monitoring mechanisms that hindered the participation of the actors and was not able to provide channels for the resolution of conflicts and for the application of penalties for free rides.

O maior lixão a céu aberto da América Latina foi fechado em 2018 após mais de uma década de embate. Nós analisamos a trajetória do fechamento do lixão (2010 a 2018) à luz da literatura sobre implementação e participação em políticas públicas. Realizamos entrevistas e coletas documentais. Os resultados apontaram para dois momentos distintos do processo de implementação da política: o da descentralização (2010 a 2014) e o da centralização (2014 a 2018). Enquanto no primeiro momento houve autonomia na tomada de decisão dos atores envolvidos, num movimento de construção de diversos núcleos independentes e com capacidade deliberativa, no segundo período, esses núcleos foram descaracterizados, e o processo de decisão foi estruturado de forma a concentrar as ações na figura do governador. Ao mesmo tempo em que houve diferenças nos dois períodos analisados, em ambos observamos a exclusão dos catadores na tomada de decisão. Assim, mesmo que o fechamento do Lixão tenha sido considerado bem-sucedido, a falta de participação dos catadores nos processos decisórios gerou uma situação socioeconômica desfavorável para eles, que perderam suas precárias atividades econômicas dependentes dos resíduos sólidos recicláveis e não conseguiram se reposicionar profissionalmente em curto prazo.

The ‘frontier’ is central to a new wave of development scholarship, but the broad deployment of the concept has blurred several key dimensions of frontier development. We focus on the Brazilian Amazon to synthesize classical frontier theory and emerging perspectives with special attention to the role of governance in frontier development. Since 2004, primary deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon has declined over 70 percent while agricultural production in the region has increased. Contrary to narratives that view this transition as the result of ‘frontier governance’ – i.e., the imposition of order on a pre-existing frontier – we propose the concept of a ‘governance frontier,’ which recognizes the role of politics in constructing and transforming frontier spaces. This concept politicizes economic accounts of frontier development and spatializes abstract notions of governance. We employ a ‘follow the policy’ methodology to trace the evolution of a governance frontier in the eastern Brazilian Amazon, drawing on original fieldwork across four Amazonian municipalities and inside an environmental non-governmental organization. We show that a key feature of the Amazonian governance frontier has been a distinct geographical configuration of ‘model municipalities’ that function as nodes of policy experimentation, legitimation, and transfer. Our findings support an integration of frontier theory and governance theory in a place-based, political geography approach to regional political-economic transformation, which demands greater attention to the political dimensions of frontiers and to the spatial dimensions of governance. © 2018 Elsevier Ltd

Este artigo discute o tema do esvaziamento demográfico das regiões rurais brasileiras e a crescente escassez de trabalho nas atividades agropecuárias, em virtude da pretensa generalização da abundante, ou até mesmo ilimitada disponibilidade de mão de obra no passado, segundo as premissas do modelo clássico de Arthur Lewis (1954). Conforme este modelo, o segmento rural e de outros espaços sociais fragilizados, vivendo em regime de subsistência, poderiam suprir as necessidades de mão de obra do setor industrial. A seguir, são discutidas algumas conclusões da literatura especializada, a fim de demonstrar a sua pertinência, de um lado, mas, de outro, a igualmente insuficiência do modelo de Lewis quando aplicado à realidade brasileira das últimas décadas.

Energy resources and their different forms of regulation are critical to sustainable development. Given this perspective, we compare two different energy resources and their governance systems – the Eagle Ford Shale in the U.S. and the Gaucho Biodiesel Pole in Brazil. Despite the differences in terms of the nature of the energy resource, stakeholders, and institutions, both systems perform poorly in terms of governance, defined here as equity, participation, transparency, and accountability. We collected data using semi-structured interviews with stakeholders, participated in public hearings, and archival research. We found patterns that reveal asymmetric power relations amongst stakeholders and institutions, especially the dominance of the energy industry’s agenda, which hinders self-regulatory autonomy of communities and societal participation.

International audience; In the Cerrado, the expansion of soybean cultivation since the 1990s has coincided withthe strengthening of environmental regulations. We analyze how the two mainenvironmental policies – Protected Areas and the Forest Code – have played out at theground level in western Bahia state. These policies in Cerrado have not been designedto curb the expansion of this agricultural frontier. These norms have, on the contrary,accommodated this expansion because the way environmental managers selectivelychoose environmental problems and publicize them through specific informationsystems depreciates traditional fire-dependent production systems. These ‘politics ofselection’ are likely to increase competition for resources in the margins of soybeanagriculture, which is where traditional populations have now become confined.

This study analyzes the evolution of policies and programs for Payments for Environmental Services - PES in Brazil and discusses the implications of prevailing models for reconciling conservation and development. PES emerged from initiatives of productive diversification and agroecological transition. However, its institutionalization in public policies favors a convergence towards forest conservation and restoration. This shift is related to: 1) the priority given by the Federa Government to deforestation control; 2) the expectations around REDD funds; 3) the proposal to include PES in the Brazilian Forest Code. This trend coincides with the use of satellite images to monitor land-use, which produces a binary representation of the landscape. This justifies conventional models of agricultural intensification and nature protection, which do not take into account the provision of environmental services through traditional agricultural practices. Therefore, access of farmers to PES is contingent on their access to scientific-technical networks that structure local institutional arrangements., O texto analisa a evolução das políticas e programas de Pagamentos por Serviços Ambientais (PSA) no Brasil e discute as implicações dos modelos preponderantes para a conciliação entre conservação e desenvolvimento. Os PSA emergiram de iniciativas de diversificação produtiva e de transição agroecológica. Entretanto, sua institucionalização em politicas públicas favorece a convergência para medidas de restrição de uso da terra e de restauração florestal. Essa mudança está ligada a: 1) a ênfase dada pelo governo às medidas de controle do desmatamento, 2) as expectativas de financiamentos por REDD e 3) as perspectivas de inclusão dos PSA no Código Florestal. Ela é reforçada pelo uso preponderante de satélites para o monitoramento dos projetos, o que produz um sistema binário de representação da paisagem. Isso justifica modelos convencionais de intensificação da agricultura e de proteção da natureza que não levam em conta atividades agropecuárias provedoras de serviços ambientais. Assim, o ingresso dos agricultores nos programas de PSA depende, mais do que nunca, do seu acesso às redes e cientifico-técnicas que estruturam os arranjos institucionais locais.

O Brasil assumiu metas ambiciosas de conservação a partir da assinatura da Convenção sobre Diversidade Biológica e, na última década, foi responsável pela criação de quase três quartos das novas áreas protegidas no mundo. Apesar do papel histórico do governo federal na criação de Unidades de Conservação (UC), no período citado os governos estaduais assumiram a liderança do processo, em especial o estado do Amazonas. Neste artigo apresentamos alguns resultados da pesquisa em que buscamos entender por que o governo do Amazonas optou por executar uma política intensiva de criação de UCs de uso sustentável a partir do início da década de 2000. Os resultados mostram que a presença de incentivos econômicos e sociais e a conformação de um novo ambiente político-institucional, por meio da plataforma Zona Franca Verde, foram os elementos que levaram à intensificação da agenda de conservação no estado. O discurso ambientalista ajudou o governador eleito em 2002 a se diferenciar de políticos tradicionais e a colocar o estado em uma posição privilegiada para o uso sustentável e a conservação de seus ativos ambientais.

This article presents evidence on two distinct farming systems—one that utilizes common property pasturelands and another based on private pasturelands—in the Brazilian semi-arid zone. The research is based on a survey carried out in the state of Bahia in 2002. A bivariate analysis was carried out to compare agricultural outputs and income generated in each system. Data suggest that there are no significant differences between the two groups concerning income generation. However, farmers using common pasturelands have more diversified systems and invest more on small-animal husbandry, which are adapted to the dry environment. As a consequence, families that use common pasturelands have a higher consumption of animal protein. These families are thus not necessarily more vulnerable to droughts than those with private pasturelands. Formulating effective institutions to control access to the commons is a strategy pursued by some communities, yet, their ecological sustainability is still unknown.

Global interest in and attention to forests have grown as concerns about global warming and climate change have taken a heightened position in international policy debates. Forests have been repositioned in international arenas as repositories of global value for their contribution to carbon sequestration and climate mitigation (Fairhead and Leach, 2003; Peet, Robbins and Watts, 2011). In this context, Latin American forests are seen as globally important in fighting climate change.

Despite its argued theoretical benefits, forestry decentralization in practice can have detrimental effects on forest-dependent peoples, but little is understood about the specific paths by which decentralization affects livelihoods. This article, based on data from research in 2005 in Bolivia, Brazil, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, presents a working conceptual model for analyzing these interactions. The research found that vulnerability increased when decentralization was not combined with policies addressing structural inequities-that is, increased municipal government control over land and forests must be accompanied by policies increasing poor local people's access rights and security. At the same time, increased municipal government authority over forest management and monitoring can facilitate access to these and other assets needed for forest livelihoods, but this new responsibility must also be accompanied by improved controls over local authorities. The needed changes rarely come about without specific organized demands of local actors' associations and movements.

How are forestry decentralisations evolving in Latin America? What role are municipal governments playing, and to what extent are the needs of forest-dependent peoples being taken into account? This article represents a synthesis of research findings from Bolivia, Brazil, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. It assesses current trends in Latin American forestry decentralisations, with particular attention to different conceptions of decentralisation, the role of sub-national governments and the problems of forest-dependent groups. With regard to sub-national governments, the research finds that the principal tendency in the decentralisation of decision-making over forests is through contractual arrangements between local or state governments and forestry institutes. For their part, forest-dependent groups are not able to improve their opportunity to engage in forestry-based activities without specific policies operating in their favour – beginning with secure access to forest resources – and such policy changes have most often come about in response to organised demands and in policy spheres outside of forestry.

A few years before the 2002 presidential election, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva’s wing in the Workers’ Party (PT) made a sharp shift to the right. During the elections he attracted a conservative alliance to support him in order to avoid losing its third election in a row (Arretche, 2013). Yet there were hopes that a postneoliberal era of environmental policies was coming. The choice of Marina Silva as environmental minister fed those hopes. Silva, born in the rubber-rich forests of Acre, was an iconic environmental militant who fought along with Chico Mendes against the deforestation of Amazonia. However, hopes faded away, as the conservative alliance that supported President Lula in Congress opposed any legislative innovation that could threaten their interests, particularly those of the rural caucus. Moreover, the Lula administration also represented the return of the national developmentalist state, whose project places a high value on increasing commodity exports. During the PT’s three terms in office, environmentalists have been facing a series of political setbacks. Congress approved the use of genetically modified organisms (GMOs), and revised the forest legislation to lift land-use restrictions; the Brazilian Institute of Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (IBAMA) licensed mega-dams in Amazonia in controversial processes, and the federal government sharply slowed down the creation of protected areas (PAs) and indigenous lands. However, news from the environmental front was not all bad during this period. Thanks to the Brazilian federalist system, state governments have a fair degree of autonomy, which can be used to pass and implement innovative policies. Traditionally, the states that have advanced further in environmental policies are those that are rich, whose economies are less dependent on natural resources, and who have stronger social movements and knowledge networks (Toni, 2006). States in Amazonia do not fall within this category. They are on the agricultural frontier and part of their political elite thrives on the free exploitation of natural resources. Traditional discourses in these states depict environmental policies as a burden that hinders economic growth and development at the state/ local level. Nevertheless, since the late 1990s, some states in Amazonia haveengaged in promoting biodiversity conservation and protecting the livelihoods of traditional populations that dwell in forests. In this chapter we analyze the trajectory of environmental policies in two Amazonian states: Acre and Amazonas. In both cases we identify a set of innovative environmental policies that marked the state administration and have endured for almost 16 years in Acre and 12 years in Amazonas. We call those polices innovative because they did not come gradually. Rather, they represented a rupture-at least partial-with a conventional development model. Moreover, they were only possible after electoral changes. In the case of Acre, change meant a new elite coming to power, whereas in Amazonas elections brought a change within the ruling elite. Nevertheless, the outcomes of this change were no less impressive than in Acre. Electoral and policy changes in Acre and Amazonas are discussed in parts two and three of this chapter. Before that, in the first part after this introduction, we briefly discuss the relation between the states and the federal government, and the role that each one can play in environmental policies. In the fourth part the chapter examines how the governors of Acre and Amazonas engaged in politics outside the state arena, specifically in negotiations to affect carbon policies in the federal and international arena and, after leaving office, as senators.

"Recent discussions on REDD+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation, plus conservation, sustainable management of forests and enhancement of forest carbon stocks) have raised optimism about reducing carbon emissions and deforestation in tropical countries. If approved under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), REDD+ mechanisms may generate a substantial influx of financial resources to developing countries. Some authors argue that this money could reverse the ongoing process of decentralization of forest policies that has spread through a large number of developing countries in the past two decades. Central states will be accountable for REDD+ money, and may be compelled to control and keep a significant share of REDD+ funds. Supporters of decentralization argue that centralized implementation of REDD+ will be ineffective and inefficient. In this paper, I examine the relation between subnational governments and REDD+ in Brazil. Data show that some state governments in the Brazilian Amazon have played a key role in creating protected areas (PAs) after 2003, which helped decrease deforestation rates. Governors have different stimuli for creating PAs. Some respond to the needs of their political constituency; others have expectations to boost the forest sector so as to increase fiscal revenues. Governors also have led the discussion on REDD+ in Brazil since 2008. Considering their interests and political power, REDD+ is unlikely to curb decentralization in Brazil."

The implementation and success of REDD+ strategies, plans and projects will depend on whether REDD+ influences governance or is shaped by existing governance failures. As governments prepare for REDD+ implementation, they should: - address faulty forest policies and revise development and market policies affecting forests to ensure that gains through carbon emissions reduction in one sector are not counterbalanced by losses in another; - establish a balance between central oversight and decentralised decision-making, tenure security and transparent benefit-sharing arrangements to ensure the legitimacy of REDD+ and avoid conflicts; - build capacity to implement and enforce the law and reduce forest crime through adequate funding levels, independence from both political and industry influence, and legal and regulatory clarity and stability. Achieving the necessary policy reform is a politically difficult process likely to meet resistance. However, it provides an opportunity to shift development patterns and reduce deforestation and degradation. Although civil society and external actors, including donors, can be important drivers for reform, ultimately, it will require policymakers and civil

Orientador: Lea M. L. S. Velho Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociencias Resumo: Esta dissertação avalia a cooperação científica entre Brasil e França na região amazônica, enfocando a questão da exploração da biodiversidade. Para tanto, são estudados cinco projetos desenvolvidos em parceria na região: dois conduzidos pelo INP A e o ORSTOM, dois pelo INP A e o CIRAD e um projeto desenvolvido parcialmente na região pelo CENAIUSP e o ORSTOM. Todos estes fazem parte de um amplo acordo de intercAmbio, firmado entre os governos dos dois países, cuja administração pela parte brasileira feita pelo CNPq. O estudo foi conduzido por meio de entrevistas com brasileiros e franceses envolvidos na execução de pesquisas e administração dos convernos e de leitura de relatórios e atas de reuniões bilaterais. Os resultados indicam que os COD vemos, com exceção do caso CENA/ORSTOM. deixaram muito a desejar em termos de benefícios para O Brasil. O JNPA revelouse uma instituição desprovida dos mínimos recursos necessários para desenvolver trabalhos de cooperação científica internacional, fato que se deve ao descaso do governo federal para com 8 instituição e também uma fraqueza interna, refletida na falta de diretrizes e prioridades de pesquisa do Instituto Abstract: This dissertation assesses the scientific collaboration between Brazil and France in the Amazon, focussing in the biological sciences, particularly in biodiversity studies. Five joint projects developed in the region are evaluated: two of them conducted by INPA and ORSTOM, two by INPA and CIRAD, and the other conducted partially in the Amazon by CENAIUSP and ORSTOM. AlI of them are part of a broad scientific exchange agreement between Brazilian and French govemments, managed in Brazil by CNPq. French and Brazilian staff involved in research and management activities have been accessed. The fmdings indicte that, except for the project between CENA and ORSTOM, collaboration failed to provide satisfactory retums to Brazil. INPA lacks the minimum resources required to develop intemational scientific collaboration, due to federal govemment mismanagement and to its own institutional weakness, evidenced by the absence of directions and research priorities Mestrado Mestre em Política Científica e Tecnológica