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Among its many global impacts, decolonization triggered the migration of several million 'repatriates' — white settlers or others associated with the imperial power — who left Asia and Africa and 'returned' to their European 'motherlands'. This article explores the arrival of several thousand Anglo-Egyptians into Britain in 1957 following the Suez crisis, the one million pieds-noirs who left Algeria for France in 1962, and the 500,000 retornados who entered Portugal amidst the 1975 Carnation Revolution. Offering an integrated comparison of these three key moments of decolonization via the migrations they triggered, it underscores the importance of citizenship, understood here as both a 'hard' legal category and a set of 'soft' social practices. The comparison equally demonstrates how, across different national contexts, citizenship was unevenly applied. Despite holding the same rights, returnee-citizens faced discrimination from resident-citizens in subtle (and sometimes less subtle) ways. Moreover, subgroups of returnee-citizens were treated differently by the state, in a process that amounted at times to their physical and social segregation and a racialization of welfare. This unevenness of treatment illuminates how the British, French, and Portuguese national communities were reimagined in the era of decolonization, and the crucial role 'repatriated' citizens played in that process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before 1975, prisoners in France could only marry if they successfully petitioned the state for permission. This article examines how local, regional and national officials dealt with marriage requests submitted by male inmates of the Camps de Mauzac in the Dordogne between 1946 and 1959. It reveals that they consistently adjudicated the petitions according to a standard of sexual morality focused on female behaviour: prisoners were permitted to wed only if police investigations could confirm the virtuous private lives of their un‐incarcerated fiancées. State actors justified this mode of judgment by invoking the rehabilitative power of good wives to heal male degeneracy. Through the Mauzac cases, this article illustrates that traditionalist ideals of heterosexual matrimony and anxieties over female promiscuity remained central to negotiations of state power over the lives of marginalised people in post‐1945 France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of the development a delegate sports federation in France for athletes with physical disabilities during the mid-1900s, and it mentions the French Framework Act Favoring the Disabled, as well as physical rehabilitation, competitive sports, and the creation of the Fédération Sportive des Handicapés Physiques de France in 1963. Founder Philippe Berthe's Amicale Sportive des Mutilés de France club is assessed, along with disability management.

This article examines love as a facet of nation building in constructions of modern womanhood and national identity in the 1950s and 1960s. In Tunisia and France, romantic love was evoked to define an urban, middle-class modernity in which the gender norms implicit in companionate marriage signaled a break with the past. These ideals were represented in fiction and women's magazines and elaborated in the novel genre of the advice column. Yet this celebration was interrupted by concern about "mixed marriage" and the rise of anti-immigrant discrimination targeting North Africans in France. Referring to race or religion, debates about interracial marriage in Tunisia and the sexual stereotyping of North African men in France reveal the continuity of colonialism's racial legacies upon postcolonial states. The idealization of marital choice as a testament to individual and national modernity was destabilized by transnational intimacies revealing the limits of the nation-state's liberatory promise to women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores a specific physical rehabilitation in French schooling after the Second World War. To this end, it analyses how, in concepts and as the result of data-derived information, pupils considered as "weak" physically speaking were taken care of by the school and especially how the actors of the physical education (PE) system got together to make a cultural offer in line with what were considered to be their needs and aptitudes. Indeed, after a meticulous summary of some of their body measurements and physical displays, the pupils are thus classified into groups where they were taught a kind of PE, considered as the most appropriate to their needs. The paper also focuses on how, during a particular social and political context, the school developed corrective gymnastics as an original pedagogy for disabled pupils of the third group who were to be taught in a new location, the physical rehabilitation centres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this issue, Miller and Sardais challenge the established wisdom that agents are preordained to play costly villains in their contracts with shareholders in modern corporations. The key exhibit in support of their assertion is an angel agent in the form of Pierre Lefaucheux, the CEO of Régie Renault in early postwar France. Lefaucheux is shown to be a model agent, refreshingly free of the symptoms that afflict the archetypal economic agent of neoclassical agency theory. In this counterpoint, I provide a more restrained view of angel agents, question their wider presence and argue that one angel agent does not negate the overall theory of agency, and conclude by noting that the angel agent model has never really gained wide currency. Finally, I note that the inability of Renault to remain profitable in the late 1970s and the early 1980s raises questions about the longevity of programs left in place by well-intentioned angel agents. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In postwar France, the definition of play helped to situate the meaning of childhood in a manner that marginalized disabled children from the common understanding of childhood. Three thinkers--Françoise Dolto, Maud Mannoni, and Fernand Deligny--all advocated more nuanced and open definitions of play that allowed for the recognition of disabled children's forms of play, which often operated outside of social norms. In their practices, each of these thinkers articulated new interpretations of play that expanded its meaning in social and therapeutic contexts. This recognition was important in questioning the isolation of disabled children, in identifying their belonging among other children, and in revealing the changing boundaries of definitions of childhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After World War II, France's rural Catholic youth associations (Jeunesse agricole catholique [JAC] and its sister organization, Jeunesse agricole catholique féminine [JACF]) organized a traveling home expo for agrarian families. The Rural Home Expo promoted a vision of rural modernization that drew on gendered models of postwar consumerism, economic development, and Catholic teaching on the family. The new rural home envisioned by JAC helped popularize and advance policies to industrialize French agriculture. By the mid-1950s, female activists resisted the gendered division of labor on which this vision was based. In 1957, JACF shifted its mission to promote women's participation in the agricultural profession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the regulatory framework within which the television documentary production industry operates in France, and how public policies have created and then adapted a support system in response to the active agency of professionals. I give particular attention to the reform of the support system implemented between 2014 and 2017, which has privileged certain categories of non-fiction programmes and affected the patterns of production. I will look at the definition of quality criteria in documentary funding, focusing on the pivotal, though controversial, notion of ‘creative documentary’, and on the diverse approaches that inform French audiovisual policy. By focusing on policy interventions, the article will address the economic and political history of television documentary in France between 1986 and 2017. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jewish leaders during the Franco-Algerian War (1954-1962) drastically changed their statements on Jewish-Algerian identity, history, and status. Below, we examine this shift by analyzing their statements about Adolphe Crémieux, the namesake of the decree that gave Algerian Jews French citizenship in 1870. Between 1954 and 1962, Jewish leaders went from adulation to dismissal as they discussed the man and his legacy. Analyzing statements about Crémieux brings into sharp relief the Jews' legal situation in Algeria, which arbitrarily changed at certain moments. A look at these statements also reveals the instability of the French colonial system in Algeria. The first part of this article argues that the Crémieux Decree--already fundational to Jewish-Algerian identity--took on a new importance after the Second World War into the 1950s. The second part looks at reversals in attitudes toward Crémieux a few years later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The experiences of defeat and occupation by Germany and liberation by the Allies wrought considerable gender damage upon France during the Second World War. In this essay, I examine appropriations of "Quand Madelon," a popular World War I song that reemerged during the early weeks of France's liberation, arguing that these appropriations offered one discursive resource by which patriots reasserted the manly strength of their nation. By reviving old archetypal notions of eroticized, subservient femininity and tough, virile masculinity, the tunes exerted discipline over "wayward" French women and eased gendered anxieties about the nation's ability to reclaim its status as a sovereign nation. Courting widespread favor, even among French women, the songs made this gender discipline more palatable by pairing it with visions of a sexualized, civically engaged womanhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During their long exile during 1940–1944, various components of the “Free French” were largely kept out of the “Post-War Planning” process that took place in the American State Department. They perceived this absence as a major, and often deliberate, humiliation that made the circumstances of their exile all the more exasperating. Charles de Gaulle was seen by the “Anglo–Saxon” Allies as a figure of dubious worth and usefulness, and Washington’s general tone was to dismiss the exiles as the “so-called Free French.” They were admitted to the decision-making process only slowly and grudgingly, and not until after many of the key decisions about organising the United Nations had been taken. This article shows how that exclusion affected the French leadership, how they reacted, and suggests some lasting results. It also assesses to what extent France had a coherent contribution to the formation of a global international organisation during 1943–1944, and what factors inhibited France properly articulating that contribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interesting case study in the history of welfare systems is the comparison between France and Italy. In fact, in the 1940s both countries had to tackle a very similar dilemma: the corrective reform of their existing welfare or the institution of reforms in line with the ‘universal’ model. This was a crucial turning point. Understanding these dynamics means grasping the significance of one of the most important moments in the history of the welfare state. The proposed reforms were ultimately rejected. Why? The aim of this article is to try to provide an answer to this question, examining the issue at various levels. It highlights the interactions between the top-down choices (the theoretical reflections and the political decisions) and grassroots dynamics (of social groups), and illustrates the decision-making process that led to the final outcome. The article is based largely on documents, often unpublished, from both French and Italian archives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores issues associated with the transparency of French society to the government of France between 1944 and 1968. Topics explored include the black market, resistance to taxation, public health policy, and state and society. Other subjects include French language policy, civil-military relations, and urban planning.

From the early 1960s to the mid-1980s, a revaluation of the French countryside as a site of leisure and as a place to imagine France's rural past fueled an unprecedented boom in the ownership of peasant houses by urban dwellers for use as secondary residences. The rural résidence secondaire became a mass phenomenon and a paradoxical hallmark of the radical modernization of French society that had taken place during the years of rapid economic expansion dubbed the trente glorieuses. This article lays out the economic and social developments that made mass ownership of secondary houses possible and that stimulated the emergence of a market for old, often dilapidated, houses in rural areas. It also explores the affective needs and consumer desires that made fixing up a rundown peasant house or farm building compelling for so many city dwellers and a lasting feature of French postwar culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Bulletin of Medical History is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Drawing for the first time on personal interviews with over 25 informants and new documentary evidence, this article looks at an under-researched area of enquiry: political spaces and dynamics within Communist Party organisations that existed in parallel and functioned concurrently to the democratic centralist system. Taking as a case study a representative sample of the regional party membership of the French Communist Party Var Federation in 1956, it considers contemporary perspectives, interests, contradictions and tensions in everyday politics at this level which, whilst not representing internecine conflict as such, constituted nevertheless distinct articulations of communist identity and militancy. However, the objective of this article is not simply to measure the extent of adherence to a regulatory system within a political entity, although it inevitably does that. This is a qualitative study that examines in detail and explains in context power relations within a micro-political environment, within a wider political structure, within a world movement, at an important conjuncture in post-war history. In so doing, it sheds new light on the orientation, nature and practices of the Parti Communiste Français as a national party at this time. It also, automatically, addresses questions of human agency. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article aims to analyse the processes by which French savings banks have transformed themselves in the past 70 years. Although much is known about how banking has changed in industrialised countries since the late 1970s, in particular through higher competition, regulatory changes and restructuring, we know relatively little about how non-profit banks have been affected. In addition, although the key factors of change highlighted in the literature all reveal an implicit emphasis on exogenous sources of change (i.e. banks respond to changes in their external environment by adjusting their strategy), not much research has been dedicated to investigate the potential endogenous factors of change and, by extension, more complex interactions between banks and their environment have been ignored. This article aims to respond to these two challenges, by drawing on the framework proposed by Haveman and Rao suggesting that organisational change occurs as the outcome of co-evolution between organisations and institutions. Given the key role played by the state in banking, the article proposes an amendment to this framework by taking into account the multiple interdependencies between state and banking actors, and how these interdependencies evolve over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationships among female respectability, aesthetics, and national belonging in the wake of World War II. This was a time of tumult, and the French sought order through conformity. This conformity had much to do with conservative gender roles. The article analyzes images of female beauty and love in the feminine press. A complex reading of these images reveals an intriguing subtext: a woman needed to conform to certain images of respectable femininity, which included a properly feminine appearance and, perhaps most important, a satisfied man at her side. Articles in women's magazines warned that a woman's failure to conform to such standards would result in ostracism and a lifetime of loneliness. This article posits that establishing these strict guidelines for women was crucial to reinstating a sense of male virility and control in France after the chaos of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly attention to decolonization in the French Empire and beyond has largely focused on the political transitions from colonies to nation-states. This introduction, and the essays in this special issue, present new ways of looking at decolonization by examining how religious communities and institutions imagined and experienced the end of French Empire. This approach adds valuable perspectives obscured by historiographical emphasis on French republican secularism and on the workings of the colonial state. Bringing together histories of religion and decolonization sheds new light on the late colonial period and the early successor states of the French empire. It also points to the importance of international institutions and transnational religious communities in the transitions at the end of empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article questions the references to the ‘Trente Glorieuses’ in French advertising through the study of a corpus of recent advertisements. It analyses the ‘Trente Glorieuses’ historical label and the ‘retro’ cultural label as two sides of the same outlook on the past. An examination of the diverse ways in which the past is represented in advertising demonstrates the representational fixity of the ‘Trente Glorieuses’ which takes place. Memory is condensed in it around unconditional and stable imaginaries that are close to a panegyric. Advertising shapes a veritable nostalgic fantasy for those decades, crystallised around vast and unifying themes of memory such as that of revolt. A final angle addresses the representations of ‘anti-nostalgia’ through a study of a campaign that rises up against advertising amnesia and positions itself as a witness to history. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the second most visited site in Paris during the 1960s, behind only the Eiffel Tower, which stood outside the city's walls in Orly. The airport there, re-built in 1961 to welcome the new era of high-speed air travel in the form of jet service, featured a prominent 'terrasse' where visitors paid admission to watch the jets come and go. This article examines the jet-age renovation of the airport and the wild popularity of visits there in order to consider the role of visual spectacle in advancing the culture of technological optimism of 1960s France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Algol was a high-level programming language, created by American and European mathematicians in the late 1950s. It sparked a wave of debates, projects and counter-projects, and remained lively in academic spheres until the 1970s. This article focuses on Algol, less as a programming language than as a research programme, an object of circulation and translation, and a decisive step in the building of a new scientific community: computer science, or informatique. It provides an analysis of the main French actors involved in the global Algol endeavor--small groups of computer scientists who became interested in this project, appropriated it, and participated in its evolution, either within academic laboratories, R&D departments of computer companies, user organizations, or learned societies. This involves grasping each group with its local, particular rationale, culture, and environment as well as its integration in scientific networks at national and transnational levels. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 1946, the French Antilles were "assimilated" to France as constituent departments of the Republic. With assimilation, hundreds of Antilleans traveled to France to attend college, university, and technical schools. When they arrived in the metropole, they were confronted by racism, discrimination, and "incomprehension," confined to immigrant quarters, refused lodging and service, and even attacked by far-right activists. This article examines how the encounter with the racial reality of postwar France radicalized a generation of Antillean students. These students formed organizations, from Catholic student groups to militant youth organizations, that questioned the gains of assimilation, the realities of French citizenship, and their own cultural and social identities. Former student militants would go on to play an important role in both Antillean politics and in Antillean culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: While some countries like Belgium chose a penal system clearly inspired by social-defense theories for mentally disturbed criminals, the French law hasn't been consistent and varies from the enlightened classical law and social-defense law. Indeed paragraph 1 of article 122-1 states that people whose discernment or control is abolished by a psychiatric disorder are non-responsible respecting the classical logic of law. On the other hand, Paragraph 2 of Article 122-1 allows the mentally ill to be judged responsible whereas no institution exists to take care about them. Then the system of psychiatric care in prisons present as a solution for professionals wishing to promote a system where people are punished and socially rehabilitated. Thus these forensic psychiatrists don't refer to paragraph 1 of article 122-1 and even people presenting serious mental disorders are considered responsible. Moreover, if a controversy has always existed between psychiatrists who argue a large conception of mental irresponsibility and professionals who defend the right to punish and to conclude that responsibility even for mentally disturbed criminals, the controversy becomes more important in French forensic psychiatry after the Second World War. If until the 1970s the practice of imposing responsibility for mentally ill individuals shows itself as a humanism, it occurs more within a security perspective today. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The Avignon Arts Festival was created by Jean Vilar with a production of Richard II in 1947, as a way to restore national cohesion in the aftermath of WWII. Vilar's idea of a theatre for all people led him to develop theatrical activities outside Paris, making him a major actor of the decentralisation, and to break with Italian style theatre, particularly with the convention of the fourth wall. Vilar staged Richard II in the Honour Court of the medieval Popes's Palace, today listed as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO and the neuralgic centre of the festival. The choice of this venue, which was meant to revive the Greek and Elizabethan traditions of open-air theatre addressing large and diversified audiences nevertheless challenged and still challenges theatrical performances, which are either magnified or totally annihilated by the monumental upstage wall charged with history. Vilar claimed that Shakespeare's drama, a constant in the festival since 1947, helped him to negotiate with the wall. The article purposes to question the different modes of interaction between corpus and venue: to what extent does the genius loci inform Shakespearean performances? And how does Shakespeare's adaptogenic drama reveal itself appropriate to invent new theatrical forms, far from what Vilar denounced as “Shakespeare's guaranteed income"? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of nostalgia in relation to empire is usually analyzed as a longing for former imperial and colonial glory, thus eliding the full spectrum of hegemonic practices that are associated with empire. Focusing on the postindependence narratives and practices of France and Britain, this article distinguishes between imperial nostalgia and colonial nostalgia, arguing that the former is associated with the loss of empire-that is, the decline of national grandeur and the international power politics connected to economic and political hegemony-and the latter with the loss of sociocultural standing or, more precisely, the colonial lifestyle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historische Zeitschrift is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyzes feminist philosopher Simone de Beauvoir's book "The Second Sex," with a particular focus on the book's treatment of fashion. According to the author, feminist critiques of the book written during the 1970s overlook the importance of its political and historical context in postwar France. It is also suggested that feminist critics incorrectly read de Beauvoir's fashion commentary as an attack on women's ability to take pleasure in dress and self-adornment.

How do changing notions of children's reading practices alter or even create classic texts? This article looks at how the nineteenth-century author Jules Verne (1828–1905) was modernised by Hachette for their Bibliothèque Verte children's collection in the 1950s and 60s. Using the methodology of adaptation studies, the article reads the abridged texts in the context of the concerns that emerged in postwar France about what children were reading. It examines how these concerns shaped editorial policy, and the transformations that Verne's texts underwent before they were considered suitable for the children of the baby-boom generation. It asks whether these adapted versions damaged Verne's reputation, as many literary scholars have suggested, or if the process of dividing his readership into children and adults actually helped to reinforce the new idea of his texts as complex and multilayered. In so doing, this article provides new insights into the impact of postwar reforms on children's publishing and explores the complex interplay between abridgment, censorship, children's literature and the adult canon. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses a movement to promote hygiene in France during the 1950s. It provides background information on hygiene in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and comments on aspects of hygiene including laundry, toilets, and the washing of the body. Topics considered by the author include sanitation, attitudes toward naked bodies, and hygiene in schools and in the military. He also reflects on French infant mortality rates, magazine surveys, and housing costs, conditions, and policies.

Information on presentations and speeches delivered at an international workshop held April 18-19, 2012 at the German Historical Institute in Rome, Italy, titled "A New “Generation” of Democratic Politicians? Models of Political and Social Progress in Germany, France and Italy between Dictatorship and the Cold War," is presented. Topics include democratic education in Italy and Germany after 1945, German identity, and Socialist politics.

Copyright of Revue des Sciences Sociales is the property of Universite des Sciences Humaines and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In France, tension between modernism, upheld by young people, and tradition, supported by many social lobbyists, orchestrated the Sixties. In particular sport’s political and federal proposals didn’t really meet the expectations, values and representations of French youth. Thus in the article the authors focus on a sports theme through the study of four magazines for teenagers which were representative of that period. In the analysis of these monthly teen magazines, the authors show that in contrast to the ‘adult’ press, teen magazines announced changes in sports and leisure that would take the form of resistance to a traditional model which had, on the contrary, intended to attract the young. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the conditions in which sports history appeared in France at the end of the 1960s and its development during the last three decades. It argues that the first works were strongly influenced by the place of physical education and by the new forms of social and cultural history, the structuralist sociology of Pierre Bourdieu and the thinking of Michel Foucault on the body. The analysis identifies the main characteristics of French sports historiography in terms of topics, approaches and conceptual frames, stressing some weaknesses but also some unexpected specificities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses municipal development, tourism, and nudism in France following World War II, particularly on the Ile du Levant, France. The author argues that a nudist subculture that had developed in Europe following World War II created a demand for nude vacations, and that French municipalities took advantage of an alleged lack of national policy on nudism to attract nudist vacationers. The author asserts that the actions of French municipalities regarding nude tourism were significant in the development of a national policy on attracting tourists to France. The article also compares the actions of French municipalities to other European nations such as Germany.

With the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), Mitterrand on the one hand perpetuated the Gaullist tradition of independence in defence as a gauge of national sovereignty. On the other hand, he inherited the Gaullist tradition with regard to NATO, especially in the matter of a European defence identity apart from NATO. Although fiercely protective of France's position outside NATO's integrated command, Mitterrand's official acceptance of the New Strategic Concept of NATO in 1991 and his participation in the Gulf War and other Western actions were such that arguably they helped pave the way for France's eventual rapprochement with NATO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Algerian War of Independence (1954-1962), France mobilized tens of thousands of native Algerian soldiers, known as the harkis, for counterinsurgent operations directed against their own countrymen of the National Liberation Front. As recruits for the French army, the harkis were given French status, which was then revoked when Algeria gained its independence. France later accepted the harkis as veterans and 'repatriates,' only to confine them in camps until the 1970s. The abuse of the harkis has been noted as a 'forgotten' episode in French postcolonial history. This article argues that the harkis were far from having been 'forgotten,' and in fact were considered important throughout the Fifth Republic as a powerful counterpoint to the more problematic immigrant Algerian population in France. The harkis represented the key tension in postcolonial France between the notion of an irrevocable civil status and a national identity that favored a Eurocentric culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interwar migration of Algerian workers to France, predominantly a movement of single males, led to the formation of numerous mixed couples, a pattern that was remarkably different from the high level of ethnic and religious segregation in the colony. This article examines the significant but largely unrecognized role of European women in the émigré nationalist movement. After 1945, and in particular with the start of the War of Independence, family reunification led to a rapid increase in female emigration, enabling a more "patriotic" form of marriage. Concurrently, the influence of the reformist Ulema, which opposed mixed marriage as a symbol of Western assimilation and the subversion of Arabic culture, language, and identity, spread into the nationalist movement. In the latent conflict between more secular, socialist, and progressive currents in the French Federation of the Front de Libération Nationale that accepted or engaged in mixed-couple relations and a religiously inspired, exclusionary, and chauvinistic form of nationalism, the latter won out in the postcolonial state, initiating a long phase of antifeminist reaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In February 1991, the French academic Georges Boudarel was denounced for his role in a Viet-minh camp during the Indochina War. For the first time, public opinion was moved by the fate of the former prisoners of the Viet-Minh. Following this affair allows us to understand how the actors developed strategies to arrive at memorial recognition and to assert their voice in history. The use of the internet is an essential part in this process because it offers a visibility that traditional media did not provide and allows the imposition of a certain vision of the past. The Boudarel Affair encouraged people to speak out and gave former prisoners the status of victims, allowing a focus on their suffering which it had not been possible to express in the context of the Cold War. The recognition of this suffering is nonetheless necessary for the identity reconstruction of individuals, for it allows them to move beyond the event and appease memories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the advent of participation in French planning as the historical touchstone of a larger shift in urban thinking. It investigates how the interactions between inhabitants, developers, state officials and social scientific experts in the production of large-scale modern housing areas and new towns helped bring about user participation as a category of action and discourse. The article argues that the transformation of inhabitants into active participants entails the development of legitimate 'user knowledge' and therefore - perhaps paradoxically - the continuing involvement of experts. The first part of the article examines how the turn towards mass housing production during the 1950s prompted the question of the user and established the ground for debates about participation. The second part of the article explores the relationship between inhabitant contestation and changing urban planning and policy-making during the 1960s. The focus here is on Sarcelles, which served both as a national urban model, a key object of sociological study, and the main target of national public outcry, and helps to reveal relations between local contestation, national policy and shifts in urban thinking. The last part of the article looks at the concrete influence of ideas of participation on subsequent urban policies during the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the development of genetically-altered seeds as a political product of the Vichy regime in France between 1940 and 1944. The author discusses the proto-fascist state policies of the Vichy government, the relationship between agricultural biotechnology and World War II politics, and the importance of seeds in providing a sufficient supply of food for the country. Topics include autarky, plant genomes, and genetic modernism. The article also addresses ontology, biopolitics, and the influence of Vichy agricultural advancements on the history of France after World War II.

Although the French police and criminal thriller traditionally leaves little room for female characters, the rise of the genre during the 1950s allowed a number of actresses to make a name for themselves, more often than not as the guilty party. Established actresses tended to play the serious role of the murderous bourgeoise abandoned by her husband, while newcomers played the pretty young tease. Annie Girardot is a classic example of the guilty woman, and made enough of a name for herself in serious roles to be able to leave the Comédie-Française. While never an « inflatable doll », and without the tragic dignity of Danielle Darrieux in La Vérité sur Bébé Donge (Henri Decoin, 1952), Annie Girardot was in a class of her own compared to other actresses of her generation, because she managed to impart intelligence and authority to her characters, in particular in Le Désert de Pigalle (Léo Joannon, 1957) and Maigret tend un piège (Jean Delannoy, 1957). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women filmmakers' contribution to documentary started in France from the post-war period onwards and their films have been extremely varied in their topics as well in their forms. Seen as a political weapon in the 1970s, women's documentaries dealt mostly with the present and the contemporary, while portraits of figures from the past – especially artists – are more prevalent in the following decade. In the 1990s with the ‘return of political films’, there seems to be a blurring between documentary and fiction with ‘characters’ rather than the more traditional ‘witness’. The articulation between the ‘private’ and the ‘political’, so prevalent in the ‘ entre-deux-mai’ period, comes back, albeit in a different form in films made from the mid-1990s. This article will concentrate on Mariana Otero's Histoire d'un secret (2003), which seems to be at the crossroads of most tendencies of women's documentaries made in France since the war: it is the portrait of a talented artist, but it is also and above all a denunciation of the secrets surrounding the death of thousands of women each year from the consequences of illegal abortion in the 1960s and 1970s. I shall also analyse how the film expresses the invisibility and secrecy of women's suffering, the dilemma it raises for visual representation, and its renewed conception of the personal (the artist was the director's mother) as political. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a study identifying the effects of external factors on force and doctrine development through the exploration of three themes in the French directive of March 27, 1933. It notes that the study explores the roots of the French Air Force (armee de l'air), the foundations of its doctrine, and identifies some of the main lessons from the Great War. The study attempts to identify some lessons learned from the conflict of the airpower supporters with their opponents.

In post-war France, Gaston Bardet was the defender of a tradition of urbanism that began in Paris in the 1900s with Marcel Poëte's teaching of urban history and which is reflected in the pages of pre-war and wartime Urbanisme. As the processes of reconstruction threatened the historic fabric of many French towns and cities, Bardet attacked what he saw as the soul-less 'machinisme' of Le Corbusier's vision of the city adopted by Congres Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne (CIAM). Drawing on the older tradition, Bardet set out a social approach to urbanism at three levels: first were his proposals for planning to play a part in the spiritual regeneration of society; second was his attempt to develop an approach to regional planning, checking the growth of the giant city to promote instead smaller towns and a sense of community; third was his keen engagement with the spatial qualities of urban design. In the early 1950s, Bardet's ideas, unlike Mumford's comparable 'bio-technic' ideal, were dismissed by modernists as old-fashioned and, perhaps, tainted by the values of the Vichy regime. But Bardet remains important as a champion of the ideas that animated so many of the wartime plans that provided the basis for France's post-war reconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates that in the post-World War II period the bodies of Guadeloupean and Martinican women served as a tool to implement new French "development" policies affecting Guadeloupe and Martinique. Immigration officials hoped to improve the women's socioeconomic conditions by encouraging them to migrate to France where they could earn higher wages. By contrast, the women's bodies became a battlefield for Caribbean male nationalists, who appropriated their experiences for political reasons. On both sides, however, the paradoxes were striking. French officials treated Antillean women in a manner that contradicted the national republican values of universal equality, and the Antillean nationalists politicized the migration of Antillean women to France as a way of dealing with the emasculating effects of neocolonial relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By examining France's post-war transformation from an imperial into a nuclear and cultural power, this article explores how the triangular relationships between France, Algeria and the USA cause the traditional self-image of the nation as hexagon to break. Two arguments are made: first, that the French cultural and nuclear projects are not only intertwined but also conflictual, promoting both conciliation and friction in international relations; and second, that the metaphorical use of nuclear terminology in post-war French theory echoes this dissonance by using technological imagery to criticise a technocratic Gaullism. French cultural and nuclear policy work alternately in conjunction and at cross-purposes, while theoretical interventions critical of the Gaullist state adopt a discourse that mimics that of the nuclear establishment. The article concludes with a discussion of a single building situated at ground zero of these debates. In its iconographic conflation of heart, grotto, bunker and broken hexagon, the church of Sainte-Bernadette-du-Banlay by Claude Parent and Paul Virilio renders the double paradox of: first, a national self-image that is simultaneously held together and split apart by alternately converging and diverging policies; and second, a critique that assumes the form of its object. En traçant la transformation de la France impériale en pouvoir nucléaire et culturel pendant l'après-guerre, cet article interroge les rapports triangulaires entre la France, l'Algérie et les États-Unis et la pression destructrice qu'ils exercent sur le symbole traditionnel de la nation française, l'hexagone. L'article avance un double argument: en premier lieu, les projets culturels et nucléaires entrepris par la France dans l'après-guerre ont tendance à se contredire, de façon à produire dans les rapports franco-américains un rapprochement culturel accompagné d'un éloignement diplomatique; en deuxième lieu, l'emploi métaphorique de la terminologie de la recherche nucléaire dans la sociologie et la philosophie fait écho à cette dissonance en se servant d'un langage technologique pour avancer une critique du gaullisme technocratique. En conclusion, l'article commente un exemple architectural qui se trouve au cœur de ces débats. Conçue par Claude Parent et Paul Virilio, l'église de Sainte-Bernadette-du-Banlay se caractérise par une iconographie complexe (cœur sacré, grotte, bunker, hexagone fracturé) qui met en scène un double paradoxe: d'un côté, celui d'un symbole national unifié et déchiré à la fois par des initiatives politiques et culturelles qui tantôt se renforcent tantôt se contredisent; et de l'autre, celui d'une critique qui emprunte la forme de ce qu'elle rejette. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]