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On April 20, 1684, Louis XIV declared that any Parisian child, male or female, of the honorable poor under the age of twenty-five who mistreated his or her parents by refusing to work, by engaging in libertine activities, or by becoming a prostitute would be subject to imprisonment at either Bicêtre or La Salpêtrière hospital in newly constructed maisons de correction, or juvenile detention centers. This article argues that detention centers targeted rebellious youths from a select subsection of Paris's lower sorts, including those with trained and artisanal backgrounds, in order to reeducate and rehabilitate them. As part of eighteenth-century experiments in socialized care, the juvenile detention centers and the families that petitioned them sought to reestablish patriarchal control, both in the household and in the larger community, through rigorous physical punishment and intense vocational training. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the experience of Pierre David, Napoleonic consul in Bosnia from 1807 to 1814, under Hüsrev Mehemed Pasha's tenure as governor of the province (1806-8). It relies on the diplomatic correspondence between David and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The goal is to highlight the French interests in the area and their modification after the Treaty of Tilsit; the figure of Hüsrev Mehemed Pasha; the relationship of the locals with the Ottoman authority and the Consul; and the local effects of the revolution that overthrew the reformer sultan Selim III. The article reveals the ineffectiveness of communication from the highest to the lowest levels of French diplomacy in the Levant. It also demonstrates the complex Ottoman center-periphery dynamics during one of the empire's most critical moments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how in the weeks after the siege of the Bastille in the summer of 1789 the material remains of the fortress were used as political tokens of the nation's newfound freedom. These tokens comprised maquettes of the Bastille carved from its stones, medals and buttons made from the irons that once constrained its inmates, flags captured from its ramparts, and even the mortal remains of prisoners uncovered beneath its walls. Taken together, these tokens constituted a 'precious repository' of objects animated by citizens' acute consciousness of the significance of the Bastille's fall, not only for Paris and for France but for the rest of humanity. 1 The significance of these objects, largely overlooked in the history of the Revolution, rested not on the mystical symbolism of absolute monarchy but on their material proximity to the siege.. This article explores the agency of such objects and their inter- and intra-textual connection to contemporary images and accounts of the French Revolution's first weeks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article discusses a conference about the Congress of Vienna (Vienna, Austria) held in Bonn, Germany, from November 27-28, 2015. The event was organized by several associations including the Gesellschaft für Internationalen Kulturaustausch und Politische Bildung e.V. (GIK) and the Deutsch-Ägyptische Gesellschaft Bonn-Kairo e.V. and focused on topics including France's and Great Britain's role, Prussia and Rhineland (Germany), and the Congress's influence on the development of the Egyptian State.

Copyright of Römische Historische Mitteilungen is the property of Oesterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Author-supplied Abstracts.)

François Furet famously described the French Revolution as ’the first experiment with democracy’, and modern French citizenship is often seen as having emerged during this period. Universal male suffrage was practised for the first time in 1792 and the Revolution also witnessed debate over such issues as: the rights of citizens; the extension of the franchise to poorer inhabitants and black slaves; and even whether women should be given political rights. Yet, the modern idea of citizenship did not emerge from nowhere in 1789. Rather it was the product of more than a century of debate. This article examines the different understandings of citizenship that were competing for dominance in France during the long eighteenth century: the ancient conception; the Bodinian understanding and the rights-based approach. Not only does it demonstrate the contribution of these approaches (and in particular the last) to revolutionary understandings of citizenship, but it also highlights how the tensions of the eighteenth-century debates, and the ambiguities inherent in the rights-based conception, sparked some of the key controversies of the Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Radovi Zavod za povijesne znanosti HAZU u Zaru is the property of Zavod za Povijesne Znanosti HAZU and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the history of smuggling, clandestine, and undercover trade networks during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Topics discussed include relationships between merchant groups and governments concerning trade during this time, the history of global market development, and the influence of these wars on global trade networks.

The article presents a report from a June 14-16, 2012 conference in Tübingen, Germany on European history surrounding the year 1812 on the 200th anniversary of French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte's Russian campaign. Topics of presentations given included French-Russian relations prior to 1812, Theodor Fontane's book "Vor dem Sturm," and the novel "War and Peace" by Leo Tolstoy and its 2007 film adaption by Robert Dornhelm.

The article discusses the history of Europe during the early 19th century, with a focus on the history of Napoleonic rule and the events in 1812 which brought about a crisis in the rule of French leader Napoleon Bonaparte. Topics discussed include the relationship between Napoleon and the leaders of Russia and England during this time, the military and political forces controlled by Napoleon in France, and incursions of Napoleon and his forces into the countries of the Mediterranean region, including Spain.

The article discusses the history of Santo Domingo (which was renamed the Dominican Republic) under the French General Jean-Louis Ferrand from 1804 through 1809. Particular focus is given to Ferrand's efforts, under the direction of the French Emperor Napoleon I, to re-enslave Santo Domingo and overthrow Haiti's ruler Toussaint Louverture. An overview of the slavery laws in Santo Domingo is provided. Ferrand's use of black Haitian captives as slaves, including the Haitians captured by the French who lived near the border with Santo Domingo, is provided.

Between 1815 and 1819, from the fall of the Empire to the second Restoration, a number of caricatures derived from Jacques-Louis David's 1784 Oath of Horatii were produced. Visually and textually, these prints assert their relationship with the famous picture while using the devices of quotation (the recycling and adaptation of an iconic figure) and parody (the burlesque imitation of a serious work). In addition to confirming the effectiveness and immediate intelligibility of David's composition, these prints somehow equate to it in their shared goal of revealing an underlying truth, through the exaggeration of caricature. David's work and the ensuing satirical prints belong, each in their respective historical context, to a culture of opposition. In adapting themselves to dominant culture, they convey it in a new visual language and address a new type of audience in the social arena, sites such as the Salon under the Ancien Regime or the print-shop window under the Restoration. Within the context of the Restoration and the regicidal artist's political exile, the parodies of the Horatii participate in the critical reception of Davidian aesthetics. Moreover, the caricatures inspired by the Horatii satirize the political and social topics of the day, by delegitimizing the return of reactionary ideology by denouncing allegiance reversals towards power, or by criticizing superficial civic values. Diverting from the virtuous rhetoric of David's picture, the caricatures exploit the ironic mode by using antitheses: loyalty and opportunism, luminous reason and obscurantism, martial strength and decrepitude, frugality and gluttony, austerity and bourgeois materialism. It is through the density of allusion to the represented historical moment and to the adopted point of view that intertextuality emerges between the picture of the Horatii and the satirical prints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article claims that the territorial structure of government results from a tension between scale and community. The benefits of scale arise from the nature of public goods, and include economic exchange, political power and protection against external shocks. Communities are double-edged in that they are characterized by parochial altruism. Altruism and social solidarity facilitate government within communities, but parochial attachments constrain government among communities. Scale and community, as theorized here, provide a setting for strategic choice. Both are in flux as patterns of human interaction change, and government itself shapes those patterns. Evidence is drawn from the five largest polities in the history of western Europe: the Roman Empire, the Frankish Empire, Napoleonic France, the Third Reich and the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay investigates the political significance of gender in French kitchens and cuisine during the French Revolution. Integrating a wide range of published and archival sources, it highlights the brief moment when women's work as cooks symbolised republican virtues, before examining the forces that ultimately retrieved male cooks' reputations from association with their aristocratic employers to be considered artisans emblematic of a new nation that integrated the past glories and the present ideals of France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the writings of Swiss author Germaine de Staël, focusing on gender, nationality, and citizenship. The author explores several of de Staël's books including "De l’Allemagne," "Corinne, Or Italy" and "Considérations sur la Révolution Française." Other topics include her views on France during the French Revolution and the reign of Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte and her ideas concerning Italian, German, and English politics. Her views on women and virtue are also noted.

The article discusses the use of propaganda under the leadership of the French emperor Napoléon Bonaparte, with information on public official celebrations, theatrical performances, and art during the government of the French Consulate and the French Empire, from 1799 to 1814. Topics include the political aspects of art in French society, the cultural representation of power in the fine arts, and the variety of celebrations and holidays to commemorate political events and figures in French history.

The article discusses municipal and regional authorities in the Pas-de-Calais department of France between 1800 and 1815 as intermediary powers between the central government and the citizens. Topics include public administration in Pas-de-Calais after the French Revolution, the use of Pas-de-Calais as a military base for the French army, and the leadership of local prefects. The author examines historical documents, archives, and correspondence to draw conclusions about the prefecture in Pas-de-Calais.

Although the idea of ‘Universal Monarchy’ has existed since the early middle ages, the term started to be used pejoratively from the sixteenth century onwards. This article looks at the manner in which contemporaries perceived Napoleon's actions on the international scene, and how they used the term in relation to his foreign policy. Most of Europe's political elite believed that Napoleon was bent on some sort of ‘universal domination’, and that it was not limited to Europe. That perception was a direct result of an aggressive, expansionist French foreign policy. Napoleon's intentions, on the other hand, are more ambiguous. While at times he adopted a rhetoric which informed contemporary fears, the practical limits to his foreign policy were such that ‘Universal Monarchy’ could never be anything more than an ephemeral dream. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a reflection on the graphic uses of male sodomy in French political satire in the beginning of the 19th century. An analysis of a common imaginary representation of sodomy in the caricature genre, at a time when homosexuality was not specified, is proposed. This study is based on the graphic satire that was made against French statesman Jean Jacques Régis de Cambacérès in 1814, which illustrated more or less explicitly his supposed fondness for sodomy. The political effects of such a system are examined.

Historians generally discount the advent of the First French Empire as the result of Napoleon's personal ambition. Napoleon, however, could not have brought about the transition from republic to empire without wide support, not only among the political and military elite, but also among the French people. This article re-examines the reasons why, a little more than ten years after the execution of Louis XVI, moderate-conservative elements in the political elite opted for a monarchical-style political system, and why it was so widely accepted by ordinary people across France. It does so by examining the arguments in favour of empire in three ' sites of ideas ' : the neo-monarchists in Napoleon's entourage ; the political elite, preoccupied with many of the same concerns that had plagued France since 1789; and the wider political nation, which expressed a manifest adhesion to Napoleon as emperor that was marked by an affective bond. The push to empire, it is argued, was an expression of a dominant set of political beliefs and values. Napoleon, on the other hand, only reluctantly came to accept the notion of heredity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Abbé Henri-Baptiste Grégoire's role as a political leader during the French Revolution, focusing on his views on diplomacy and international relations. Special attention is paid to French revolutionaries' reliance on "droit des gens" (law of nations), and Grégoire's attempts to pass new laws are highlighted. Other topics include a gap between ideology and reality during the French Revolution, French politician Edmond Genet, and Grégoire's religious views.

The defeat of Prussia by Napoleon in 1806 and the resulting insurrection in Prussian Poland re-opened the complex 'Polish Question'. The former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth had been wiped off the map only eleven years earlier. The large size and the civic traditions of the Polish 'political nation' meant that the three partitioning powers (Austria, Prussia, Russia) were bound to be alarmed by the developments in Prussian Poland. Napoleon's attitude to the Poles was cautious, but, as the campaign against Russia (Prussia's new ally) continued into 1807, he authorized the creation of a Polish army and of a quasi-government in Warsaw. The article examines the negotiations over the future of Prussia's Polish lands held between Napoleon and Tsar Alexander I at Tilsit in June–July 1807. Hard geopolitical considerations influenced the negotiations which eventually produced a compromise solution in the form of a so-called 'Duchy of Warsaw' under the King of Saxony. Although the Poles had no direct influence on the negotiations, the Polish military effort on the side of France was an important factor in the outcome of the settlement. The Russians remained deeply wary of the new duchy, especially after its enlargement in 1809. With the collapse of the Napoleonic Empire in 1814–15, Tsar Alexander acquired most of the duchy which was to survive for many years under Russian rule as the so-called 'Congress' Kingdom of Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses what is known about the unfinished novel "L'Amazone" by Jacques-Henri Bernardin de Saint-Pierre. Bernardin, it notes, used fiction to criticize republican excesses, provide a utopian vision for reason and harmony with nature, and to espouse his scientific theories to prove scientist Isaac Newton wrong. It also theorizes that the work may have been intended as part of the "Harmonies de la Nature" and may reveal a desire to leave France and establish a utopian community.

The article presents a study of the life and career of French writer and intellectual Josephy Rosny. Particular attention is paid to his role as a writer during France's Revolutionary period. Rosny's career trajectory was that he first entered the French Revolutionary army as a soldier, then became an administrative official and finally a writer. His work spanned a variety of genres during his most productive phase, which was from 1794 to 1812. During this phase, Rosny published nearly forty works encompassing drama, novels, moral tales, dictionaries and scholarly writings. This article attempts to examine the largely forgotten Rosny in the context of the "world of letters" during the Revolutionary period.

In August 1791, a slave revolt erupted in Saint-Domingue, richest colony of the Americas. France sent two commissioners to restore peace in this insurgent area. Under the threat of revolution, they declared the abolition of slavery in 1793. This decision was ratified by the French Convention on 4 February 1794. Revocation of this abolition act in 1802 by Napoleon Bonaparte had no effect on the situation of slaves in Saint-Domingue, which proclaimed its independence 1 January 1804. This episode gave birth to the first black state of the Americas, baptised under its old Amerindian name "Haïti." The new republic was recognized as an independent state more than 20 years later. The French law of 17 April 1825 conceded Haitian independence in exchange for a ransom of 150 million francs. The great majority of abolitionist governments of the nineteenth century judged it legitimate to compensate slave owners for the loss of capital invested in their slave property. What was exceptional about the indemnity of Saint-Domingue was the fact that it was not an internal governmental decision, but the fruit of transactions from one state to another. The indemnity favored the planters, but was also the price exacted for becoming an autonomous state. This work will focus on the criteria taken into account by France in the fixation of the compensation amount. Slave ownership did not exist after the revolution. How did fixing a number compensate for property lost more than 30 years earlier? What were the data considered by France? Finally, what was the compensation value for the various protagonists? These questions will clarify the objectives followed by France in establishing this compensation. Was the purpose of « ransom of slavery », to indemnify slave owners for the loss of their property, or was its ultimate target to economically subdue a rebel colony by creating an « independence debt »? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article proposes to examine testimonials from religious people belonging to the Catholic secular clergy in the end of the 18th century in France, during the Revolution. According to the article, these documents recount personal experiences and address the theme of emigration, as these clerics went into exile in other countries. They appear as men torn with contradictory emotions and trying to survive in a hostile environment, considered as martyrs or counter-revolutionaries. Their political views and approaches on the customs of the country where they found refuge are explored.

The article focuses on the history of activism during the period of the French Revolution, from 1789 to 1798, and more particularly on the place of religious activism at that period in Lyon, France. According to the article, several Catholic secular associations developed in the city from 1791, supporting the action of the faithful in favor of the non-juror Church, which was opposed to the constitutional clergy and its defenders. The author states that after 1792, the fight of these associations is dedicated to the protection of non-juror priests.

The article focuses on the diplomatic maneuvers between Spain and France concerning the Order of Saint John of Malta and control of the Maltese Islands. The author traces Spain's diplomatic relations with the Maltese religious order during the reign of Spanish King Charles IV, considers military and commercial relations between Spain and France and discusses the French strategic interest in the islands of Malta. The author also cites the role of French military officer Napoleon Bonaparte and the French interest in Malta as a Mediterranean base for its military campaigns into the Middle East and northern Africa.

Copyright of Canadian Bulletin of Medical History is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the role of France in world politics at the beginning of the 19th century. The author discusses international and military relations between Spain, France and Great Britain, discusses the purpose of Napoleon's campaigns in Europe and comments on France's role in the decline of Spain's empire. He also cites how these events precipitated the wars of independence in the Spanish colonies in America.

The article discusses the use of soil as a building material for the peasants of France during the French Revolution. The author focuses on the ancient building technique called pisé where soil is compacted into bricks and used in constructing houses. The author highlights the advocacy of this building technique by artist Fraçois Cointeraux. The author examines Cointeraux's writings on the subject of pisé and their cultural and political context, and its popularity in Paris during the revolution.

French naturalists at the Muséum Nationale d'Histoire Naturelle in Paris in the early nineteenth century recognized that their individual and collective successes were intimately linked to questions of power over specimens. France's strength abroad affected the growth of the museum's collections. At the museum, preserving, naming, classifying, displaying, interpreting, and otherwise deploying specimens went hand in hand with promoting scientific theories, advancing scientific careers, and instructing the public. The control of specimens, both literally and figuratively, was the museum's ongoing concern. The leopard in this essay's title, a live specimen confiscated from the streets of Paris in 1793, serves here to represent the tensions created in an existing order of things by the introduction of a potentially disruptive agent. The essay explores the life of the museum and the interrelations among its naturalists, the special challenges created by the establishment of a menagerie, and the histories of particular specimens and ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the Parthenopean Republic of 1799 in the Kingdom of Naples in Southern Italy. The author argues that the effects from the French Revolution helped create the first republic in Naples since the Roman Republic and was the beginning of the Risorgimento. Also discussed is the Jacobin conspiracy, the War of the First and Second Coalitions in Italy, and the foreign policies of the French Directory regarding Italy, especially Naples. Some notable people discussed include Queen Maria Carolina of Naples, French General and de facto leader of the the Parthenopean Republic Jean Etienne Championnet, and French General Napoleon Bonaparte.

The article suggests that a distinction between 'republicans' and 'democrats' more usefully describes competing constitutional and economic reformers in Restoration France than the distinction between 'ancients' and 'moderns' made famous by Benjamin Constant. It shows that Constant's description of Rousseau as an 'ancient', and the blaming of his political theory for the excesses of the 1790s, is historically questionable, and masks Constant's broader aim of bringing into disrepute contemporary strategies for the moralization of politics and commerce. Such strategies are evident in the writings of Jean-Baptiste Say, and reveal the profound divide between reformers who have traditionally been described as 'liberals'. Say and Constant disagreed about the extent to which the people could be trusted to act as political agents, about the capacity of the state to make property relations more legitimate, about religion, and the relevance of the example of Britain to French economic and political reform projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]