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The present article deals with the role of the papacy during the first years of the Anglo-Saxon mission in Germania. The topic has usually been approached in the past with respect to the following development in Europe, namely the Carolingian Renaissance. The goal of the contribution is to emphasise the autonomous character of the eithth century, when the creation of a new empire in the West was not yet considered. During this time, the papacy was facing a crisis within the empire coming from the Lombards and Byzantines. The Pope found support in Franks, but mostly in Anglo-Saxon missionaries. The dynamics of the process comes mostly from the apostolic character of the Church, which was emphasised by the Pope and missionaries and which is illustrated with three selected epistles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the events of the 560s, when the queen-nun Radegund acquired the relic of the True Cross for her convent in Poitiers. Her request for the major Christian shrine to the Byzantine Emperor Justin II and his wife Sophia was untimely: the foreign policy situation at that moment was very difficult – the Kingdom of the Franks was divided among the sons of King Chlothar I. Sigebert, the ruler of Austrasia, sought to strengthen his power and influence among the Franks and in the international scene. The conquests of the Lombards forced the Byzantines and the Franks to seek peace with each other. The obtained results show that both states took advantage of the situation with the relic to conclude a peace treaty without openly declaring their intentions. The roles of each participant in the organization of the embassy to the court of Justin II in 568 are considered. The ulterior motives of the poetic messages sent by Radegund to her relatives in Constantinople are analyzed. These events are a good example of how Sigebert, one of the Frankish kings, solved the foreign and domestic political tasks of that time. The casus with the relic of the True Cross reveals the “inside” of the political and diplomatic mechanics in Byzantium and the Frankish kingdoms.

The current study includes three main chapters. The first one tackles an inventory of baths in the most important Algerian cities during Ottoman period refering to historical sources and modern studies, either the destroyed ones or those which are still exist nowadays. Besides, the second chapter treats the archaeological study by providing an archaeological description of some samples refering to the historical background and geographical location of each bath. Moreover, the third chapter is devoted to the analytical study of plans and architectural elements of baths which have been studied as a sample and others, through presenting the various planning styles, features and architectural characteristics of Algerian baths during the Ottoman period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo propone homenajear el 40° aniversario del Informe Rattenbach a través de su comparación con análogos informes británicos. Los reportes que se contrastan en esta propuesta académica son el celebrado Informe Rattenbach (1983) con los informes Nott (1982), Franks (1983) y Kershaw (1983). La confrontación de estos reportes históricos oficiales, símiles por tratar el mismo tema, por su confección contemporánea, porque representan versiones oficiales gubernamentales, disímiles por su óptica, permiten indagar sobre los temas que trató cada uno, profundidad, coincidencias y diferencias que de forma directa o tácita surgen del análisis, contribuyendo a la construcción histórica del pasado para facilitar la comprensión del presente. El análisis realizado contrasta el Informe Rattenbach con sus homónimos, comparación que permite elevar al lector hacia un estadio de reflexión más allá de la lectura y el análisis individual. La comparación de los informes permite valorar la sustancia del procedimiento introspectivo que representa el Informe Rattenbach, guiado por la búsqueda del conocimiento, indagando sobre responsabilidades mediante un procedimiento ejemplar sobre la forma en que las organizaciones deben capitalizar sus experiencias para asegurar el crecimiento y fortalecimiento institucional.

In the last two decades, historians researching the seventh century ce have increasingly emphasized mobility, communications and connectivity across the Mediterranean world that supposedly included close contacts between the Franks and Byzantium. These studies, however, rely often on optimistic, maximum interpretations of the comparatively sparse source base, and have not always precisely distinguished between different forms of mobility and connectivity. This article argues that a closer examination of the actual cultural and political consequences of mobility and contact between Byzantium and Gaul is required, and that the possibility of discontinuity and disintegration should not be disregarded. In our reading of the sources, we deliberately adopt a sceptical, methodologically cautious minimal position: the textual sources can be interpreted as showing that, while individual, sporadic contacts across the Mediterranean continued to exist, there was no established, continuous practice of communications between Byzantium and Gaul. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of MESOS: The Journal of Interdisciplinary Medieval Studies is the property of MESOS: The Journal of Interdisciplinary Medieval Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article covers the transformation of the ideal of a bishop and the bishop’s role during the Migration Period using the example of Gaul. Following a short description of the methodology, the ideal of the bishop in the period before the migration is discussed. The main aspects of the transformation of this ideal and the role of the bishop are then analysed, followed by any introduc-tory analysis of the source materials where the developments in Gaul are compared with other re-gions, primarily North Africa. The specific development of the gallic episcopate and gallic society is finally evaluated using the German Bischofsherrschaft medieval studies concept.

Since the first ages, women have fought for existence in every field. In general, with the development of civilizations, a huge gap has emerged between men and women who instinctively share everything since their existence, especially in the field of administration. In time, male-dominated societies emerged, and women remained in the background in the administration, and male dominance established a general dominance over women. But women who have not given up their struggle have been able to break this situation in many periods and have gained a place in all parts of society. With the formation of societies, the ruling classes emerged, and the ruling and managed classes were born. Although there are some societies that are rarely managed by women, in general, the government has been in the hands of men. In this case, even if the woman could not intervene directly in the administration, she intervened indirectly. This effect of women on management has changed according to time, place, and societies. In cases where the woman could not be directly in the country's administration, they realized their influence through their husbands. In particular, the monarch's wives not only acted on their own husbands to ensure the continuity of their activities in the administration, but also fought for their children to become rulers in the future. They tried to establish an order between their children that would make them comfortable, they have struggled to have their chosen child be the ruler. The most important factor in this effect is the customs, traditions, and understandings of the societies they belong to. Because beliefs, traditions and customs, social values have also determined the spheres of influence of women. In this study, the effects of monarch wives belonging to three different geographies-West Asia and the Middle East, Europe- and three different nations - Arabs, Turks, Franks - on management will be examined and similar and different aspects of their effects on management will be tried to be revealed by applying the comparison method. When studying the wives of rulers, sources of the period will be considered centrally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 4th century a central government of the Later Roman Empire usually attracted different external tribes to Roman military service, with respect to Western provinces this policy inevitably was applied to German tribes, which lived at the Roman borders across the Rhine. Meanwhile, the author wants to clear, how a roman government created regular military units both from external and internal ethnic groups, i.e. units, from which expeditionary and frontier armies composed of. The author traces peculiarities of internal organizational structure of such the units and a legal condition of the tribal aristocracy, who leaded these ethnic groups. In order to study the question the author turned to hagiography (“Life of Saint Martin of Tour” and “Life of Ambrosius of Milane”), classical narrative accounts (Ammianus Marcellinus and Zosimus), and also to inscription from the city of Strumica (Republic of Macedonia). The author concluded that an internal structure of such ethnic units was a similar to another regular units and that ethnic units themselves were headed by their tribal chiefs, these chiefs received the titles of tribunus and protector.

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay investigates the importance of death in Chanson de Roland for the purposes of enacting and changing borders of cultural identity. It argues that Roland responds to contemporary concerns over Christian superiority vis-à-vis the Islamic world. The representation of communities in Roland is dynamic and changing over the course of the poem: Christian and Saracen communities are initially behaviourally different but with superficial qualities of resemblance that threaten to efface the perceived moral and chivalric superiority of Christendom. Roland's slaying of a specific group of Saracen knights effects a potent clarification and reformulation of communal boundaries between Christians and Saracens, removing any ambiguity or illusion of moral parity between the two camps. Meanwhile, his own death allows for a consolidation of a uniform Frankish Christian identity and a transformation in social and political structures. Finally, the execution of Ganelon functions to qualm unsettling fears over lingering heresy and affirms the non-ethnic basis for Christian identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of History / Habaršy Tarihi Seriâsy is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Relations between southern Britain and the Merovingian kingdoms in the sixth and early seventh centuries have largely been understood in terms of a Frankish hegemony extending across the Channel. However, a re‐examination of the small group of written sources on which this idea is based shows that they do not necessarily imply such overlordship. Sixth‐century archaeological evidence points to a different and more complex picture of Frankish influence: displaying links with the Franks was crucial for the self‐representation of elites in southern England, and should be understood in the context of extensive transmarine contacts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Omer Halisdemir Universitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Omer Halisdemir University, Faculty of Economics & Admistrative Sciene and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The cavalry horse, tactics and training in Western Europe – the Euro-pean provinces of the Roman Empire of the West and the Frankish Empire – du-ring the Early Middle Ages (c. 500-1000) are still subject to many myths in both popular media and academic literature. Source material is admittedly thin, yet it is specific enough to allow us to correct many of these misconceptions and outright errors.

Copyright of Journal of Arts & Social Sciences (JASS) is the property of Sultan Qaboos University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When the Franks invaded the eastern Mediterranean in the late eleventh century, they not only encountered peoples of different religions, cultures, and political regimes - they encountered peoples of different tongues. As a result, interpreters were vital in every conceivable arena of Muslim-Frankish interaction, including diplomacy, where language - even more than religion or politics - was the fundamental barrier to peace between rulers. Yet, despite their central role in the history of Muslim-Frankish diplomacy, interpreters are peripheral in the historiography. Modern historians, with a few recent exceptions, have shown little interest in uncovering the identities and roles of these often-invisible historical actors. This article is an attempt to move the interpreter-envoy from the periphery of crusader diplomacy (and historiography) to his rightful place in the center. I focus my arguments on the role of interpreter-envoys during the Third Crusade, a moment with particularly rich sources on Muslim-Frankish diplomacy in both Latin and Arabic. In the first sections of the article, I explore the question of identity: who typically functioned as diplomatic interpreters in the Third Crusade. In the final section, I explore the question of agency: how these interpreters were implicated in Muslim-Frankish diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The disastrous defeat of the Franks and their Syrian allies at the battle of Forbie in 1244 marked a turning point in the fortunes of the Second Kingdom of Jerusalem. Forbie spelled the end of the Frankish capacity to launch a full-scale campaign with their own forces, leaving their kingdom's survival dependent on the support of its Western allies and the power politics of its Muslim neighbours. This paper examines the battle and the armies of the Franko-Syrian coalition. The campaign's events and the size of the Christian contingent demonstrate the prominent political and military role played by the Second Kingdom in Near Eastern politics up to 1244. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Borders of the Papal State in the Second Half of 8th Century in the Light of Early Sources In 756 as the result of donation made by frankish king Pepin papacy formally controlled duchy of Rome, part of former exarchate of Ravenna (earlier directly submitted to Ravenna), larger part of duchy of the Pentapolis and probably duchy of Perugia. Papacy claimed belonged to Lombards territory of plenaria iustitiae (part of Pentapolis and duchy of Ferrara) as well. In 765 king Desiderius transfered to papacy not plenaria iustitiae but some parts of Tuscany, duchy of Benevento and duchy of Spoleto. In 774 took place frankish intervention which destroyed lombard kingdom. Frankish king Charlemagne conveyed to pope Hadrian I new territories (lombard Tuscany, Corsica, Spoleto, Benevento, Istria, Veneto) and confirmed old donations. However the pope had not possibility to really take over these lands. In 781 as the recompensation king conveyed to Hadrian southern part of Lombard Tuscany, territory of Sabina, part of Campania and confirmed territories in exarchate and Pentapolis. Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily were added as well. In 787 papacy received next part of Campania. Determination of the shape of the territories practically controlled by the pope is very difficult because in many lands there were problems with introduction of real papal reign.

Taking Christianisation as the process by which an entire society can be said to have become Christian, this article examines that phenomenon in ninth-century Saxony. The conversion of Saxony was unwelcome and imposed often by force, especially during the time of Charlemagne. This process of Christianisation is considered through two texts: Translato sancti Alexandrii and Translatio sancti Liborii. The isolationism of the Saxons and the divine triumph over that position through Charlemagne are emphasised in these later accounts of the translation of the remains of saints Alexander and Liborius, whose bodies and the miracles associated with them helped reverse the reintroduction of paganism. At the same time, political necessity had seen the Saxons being granted the right to return to their old way of life in support of the Carolingian rulers. In the end, being Christian was portrayed as the best way to be Saxon and the process of Christianisation hastened. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines what has come to be called Gothic Arianism among the Germanic peoples of late antiquity and its ultimate failure. Goths were to be found among many different Christian groups besides the Arian. The role of Ulfilas, not as a missionary but as a bishop among the Goths is evaluated. The Arian identity of Gothic people under Gothic rule and the relationship between Catholic and Arians in Gothic and Vandal lands is also investigated. The baptism of the Frankish king, Clovis, and its significant role in the slow conversion to Christianity of the Merovingian Franks and the question of whether Burgundians and Lombards were Arians or pagans converted to Catholicism is also examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Archeologia Medievale: Cultura Materiale, Insediamenti, Territorio is the property of All'Insegna del Giglio s.a.s. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Gerion: Revista de Historia Antigua is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Amsterdamer Beiträge zur Älteren Germanistik is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study analyses the importance of the Hispania discourse in the Ten Books of Histories (Historia Francorum) by Gregory of Tours on the “Frank state ideology”. The Frank chronicler uses the topics of the Visigoth Kingdom and the Iberian Peninsula on three interpretational levels (antique, heretic, and orthodox) and in several contexts – the most important being the dynastical, state, and religious. In all cases, Hispania, or rather the Visigoth Kingdom, plays the role of an “unconquered” foreign area or an area under Frank dominance. The function of such an approach and the creation of tradition is clear: to affirm that the Franks were the chosen ones in God’s Plan of Salvation and to affirm their superiority. However, it is important to state that this focus was common among chroniclers in the Middle Ages; the chronicle does not deviate from the characteristics of a “state chronicle.”

This article traces the Frankish legacy in the early years of Frederick Barbarossa’s reign, from his coronation to the diet of Roncaglia (1152-1158). I demonstrate that Frederick's ideological system was based on a fluctuating set of German, Frankish, and Roman identities, which constituted an imperial identity. By analysing Frederick’s words and deeds as reported by his contemporaries and comparing them to the Cappenberg Head which he commissioned, I conclude that Frederick alternated between these various identities based on his political situation, and that new ideological developments during his reign, such as the introduction of the term sacrum imperium, stemmed directly from the political discernment of Frederick and his court.

The southern façade of the Holy Sepulchre was adorned until 1929 with two carved lintels, distinct in their iconographies (exhibited ever since in the Rockefeller Museum). Whereas the western Christological lintel represents the narrative of the last days of Jesus in Jerusalem (albeit in breach with the narrative sequence), the eastern peopled-scroll lintel is a non-narrative representation of a variety of beasts, birds, and naked male figures, some of whom are obscenely pointing to their genitalia. The puzzling iconography of this bestial world includes the conspicuous images of a bird-siren and a centaur. Rather overlooked by past scholarship, it would seem implausible that the most important holy site in Christendom and a meta-pilgrimage church would have been decorated with meaningless imagery. This paper contextualizes the eastern lintel within crusader concepts of history and mythology, biblical symbolism, liturgy and patronage. The eastern door gave way to the funerary chapel of the crusader kings, located beneath the Calvary Chapel. An examination of the funerary context reveals that sirens played part in such schemes, endowing the lintel with an apotropaic vitality. A remarkable chapter in the chronicle of Fulcher of Chartres, illustrating the curiosities of the Lands of the Saracens, is suggested as a major conceptual notion for the understanding of the non-narrative lintel, which actually stands within the Bestiary tradition. The lintel thus becomes a liminal site, where all polyvalent layers meet, meant to show the opposition of good and evil forces. This opposition is established by installing a historiated Christological lintel to the west, embodying a liturgical vision of the New Jerusalem recently established by the Franks and, to the east, an image of the conquered beasts of the Saracens, doomed to hell, signaling Latin victory, on the one hand, and promising an apotropaic protection for the departed, on the other. The patronage of Queen Melisende, in collaboration with the crusader Church, is then analyzed.

Copyright of Estudis Romànics is the property of Institut d'Estudis Catalans and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 756 as the result of donation made by frankish king Pepin papacy formally controlled duchy of Rome, part of former exarchate of Ravenna (earlier directly submitted to Ravenna), larger part of duchy of the Pentapolis and probably duchy of Perugia. Papacy claimed belonged to Lombards territory of plenaria iustitiae (part of Pentapolis and duchy of Ferrara) as well. In 765 king Desiderius transfered to papacy not plenaria iustitiae but some parts of Tuscany, duchy of Benevento and duchy of Spoleto. In 774 took place frankish intervention which destroyed lombard kingdom. Frankish king Charlemagne conveyed to pope Hadrian I new territories (lombard Tuscany, Corsica, Spoleto, Benevento, Istria, Veneto) and confirmed old donations. However the pope had not possibility to really take over these lands. In 781 as the recompensation king conveyed to Hadrian southern part of Lombard Tuscany, territory of Sabina, part of Campania and confirmed territories in exarchate and Pentapolis. Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily were added as well. In 787 papacy received next part of Campania. Determination of the shape of the territories practically controlled by the pope is very difficult because in many lands there were problems with introduction of real papal reign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]