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In the unpublished seminars given in the United States and France between 1989–1991, Manger l'autre: Politiques de l'Amitié and Rhétoriques du Cannibalisme , Derrida analyzes the rhetorical function that the act of eating has in the Western tradition's philosophical texts. In this paper I analyze the reading Derrida makes in those seminars of Saint Augustine's Confessions, in order to show that they are entangled with a critique of political sovereignty. For Derrida, Augustine has a cogito of his own, which is a cogito du manger l'autre. Augustine's formulation is "I think, eat and drink" (ego cogito, manduco et bibo), and Derrida understands it as a way of constituting both the self of the ego and the self of the community. The first form of Christian community configured through the intake of food is the fraternity of milk: infants that suck the same milk from the breast of their nurse or mother. The second configuration of the community is, of course, the sacrament of Eucharist, in which the body of the father is divided (partagé) among the brothers. I show how the analysis Derrida makes of Augustine in these seminars is a way of deconstructing the very concept of community and its relation to sovereignty. This is attempted by Derrida through the problem of jealousy: the brothers of milk will always be jealous of each other, being themselves the condition for the breaking of the community and their sovereignty. But the second form of community is also threatened by food: since the holy wafer is an edible thing and the act of incorporation of food is really an act of theophagy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document provides a list of contributors to the journal Diplomatic History. The contributors are scholars and professors from various universities around the world, including the United States, Brazil, Canada, Germany, Turkey, and the United Kingdom. Their areas of expertise cover a wide range of topics, such as environmental history, Cold War relations, World War II, international relations, gender and women's history, and the history of specific countries like Russia, Vietnam, and Iran. The document includes information about their academic positions, publications, and current research projects. [Extracted from the article]

Susan McCall Perlman's book, "The Consequences of Bad Intelligence," examines the impact of French and transnational sources on U.S. perceptions of Cold War France. The book highlights the intelligence deficit that existed in U.S. understanding of France, leading to enduring misconceptions about the country as a weak and unreliable ally. Perlman argues that French informants, driven by their own goals, favored U.S. hegemony and encouraged heavy U.S. intervention in French affairs. The book also explores the role of transnational networks in shaping U.S. policy and emphasizes the shift in U.S. attitudes towards Europe's empires from anti-colonialism to anti-communism. While the book has some limitations, it provides nuanced insights into the dynamics of U.S. intelligence and foreign policies. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses Manuel Covo's book, "Entrepôt of Revolutions: Saint-Domingue, Commercial Sovereignty, and the French-American Alliance," which explores the relationship between political and commercial revolutions during the American, French, and Haitian Revolutions. The book examines the role of Saint-Domingue (Haiti) as an entrepôt between France and the United States, highlighting the importance of trade and commerce in these revolutions. Covo's research is based on extensive archival sources and offers a comprehensive understanding of the Age of Revolutions and Atlantic History. The article praises the book for its contribution to social history, history of ideas, and political economy. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the Franco-American Consular Convention, which took place between 1778 and 1788, and its significance in shaping American independence. It discusses the negotiations, debates, and complexities surrounding the convention, highlighting the role of key figures such as John Jay and Thomas Jefferson. The text also addresses the broader implications of the convention for U.S. foreign relations and the need to navigate international tensions to secure the nation's independence. The article includes picture credits for historical figures and notes that readers can download and share the article with proper attribution but cannot modify or use it for commercial purposes. [Extracted from the article]

Manuel Covo's book, "Entrepôt of Revolutions," explores the connections between the American, French, and Haitian Revolutions and the history of colonial capitalism. Covo focuses on the concept of commercial republicanism, which aimed to use trade to expand citizens' rights and create more equal relationships with foreign nations. The book examines the commercial relationships between Saint-Domingue (now Haiti) and France and the United States, highlighting the extensive trade between the U.S. and Saint-Domingue during this period. Covo's research is based on transnational sources, including consular correspondence, notarial records, and merchant diaries, and reveals the complex trade networks and practices of the time. While the book provides valuable insights into commercial exchange, it is less effective in addressing broader issues of political economy and the significance of the revolutions. [Extracted from the article]

Laura Hobson Faure's book explores the post-Holocaust encounters between American Jewish philanthropic organizations, such as the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (JDC), and their French counterparts in the context of the Cold War, the creation of Israel, and the rebuilding of Europe. The book highlights the significant influence that American Jewish organizations had on the reconstruction of France's Jewish community, bringing funds and importing structures and methods from the United States. The author draws from a variety of sources, including oral history interviews and archives, to support her arguments. This book provides valuable insights into the transnational relations between American Jews and French Jews after World War II. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the captivity narratives of two British men who were captured by republican rebels in Grenada in 1795. It provides insights into the republican regime in Guadeloupe and the experiences of captivity. The article also discusses the tensions between American sailors, British sailors, and French whites in the region, as well as the complex challenge to nationalism during the revolution. The French revolutionary conflict in the Caribbean, particularly in Guadeloupe and Grenada, is explored, highlighting the role of Victor Hugues in the revolution. The text includes two narratives by prisoners, John Hay and Francis MacMahon, which shed light on the actions of Victor Hugues, the overextension of the republican war effort, and the contestations of nationalism and identity in the region. The article also provides a list of references and sources for further research on the topic. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the historical relationship between the United States and Italy in terms of trade and cultural exchange. It emphasizes the significance of the US market for Italian businesses and the impact of Americanization on Italian products in postwar American society. The authors argue that the relationship between the two countries was characterized by reciprocity and mutual interest. The special issue delves into the influence of Italian products on American taste, culture, and everyday life, examining different US markets and consumer groups. It also discusses the role of Italian Americans in promoting and consuming Italian goods, as well as the networks and infrastructures involved in their import and distribution. [Extracted from the article]

A research note is presented on the history of the Quasi-War between the United States and France from 1798 to 1801, which was a naval war related to the French Revolutionary War.

The unions are thus rather absent from Laurie's analyses, much more so than in the work of Vincent Arnaud Chappe on the same issue of discrimination in employment in France. I contacted Laurie in 2007 because I wanted to organize a symposium in France so that her work could be more known to French scholars. They continue to work on diversity and anti-discrimination policies and remain deeply influenced by Laurie's work (Bereni, [3]; Chappe et al., [11]). Laurie's work also has led to extensive discussions on multiple topics including for example the question of the type of data and materials Laurie examined. [Extracted from the article]

Through the little known Longchamps Affair, this article explores the interaction between state and national, and popular and legal, conceptions of American citizenship during the founding era. In 1784, French migrant Charles Julien de Longchamps attacked a French diplomat on the streets of Philadelphia, sparking a national debate on what it meant to be an American citizen. While the French government demanded his expatriation, in an unexpected turn of events, Longchamps alleged that he had been naturalised as a citizen of Pennsylvania the day before the attack, and consequently had the right to stand trial in the United States. The affair became a national referendum on the nature of American citizenship. Officials employed a state-centric, legal vision of membership inherited from the colonial period to argue that Longchamps was not an American citizen and advocate for his removal. These claims were disputed in newspaper coverage across the United States, which instead contended that Longchamps' commitment to revolutionary values proved his citizenship, invoking a broader national community. The public perceived Longchamps' fate as inherently tied to their own, demonstrating that a shared sense of belonging across the United States was equally as important as state membership in shaping how citizenship was understood in real terms. The Longchamps Affair provides a window into the ambiguous and contested nature of membership during the founding decades, both in determining what constituted American citizenship, and how the rights conferred by citizenship differed for native-born Americans and naturalized migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a book review of "Marianne Meets the Mormons: Representations of Mormonism in Nineteenth-Century France" by Heather Belnap, Corry Cropper, and Daryl Lee. The book explores how Mormons were portrayed in French literature, art, and philosophical discussions during the 19th century. The authors argue that these representations reveal French anxieties around religion, politics, socialism, gender, the family, and colonialism. The book analyzes examples from French stage plays, literature, newspapers, and magazines to provide insights into the cultural exchange between Mormonism and France. The review acknowledges the book's strengths in demonstrating how the French conceptualized Mormons as symbols to comment on French issues, but also notes some challenges in the organization and lack of context in certain discussions. The review concludes by suggesting future research questions and expressing hope that the book will inspire further exploration of the relationship between Mormonism and French culture. [Extracted from the article]

By calling attention to how Meiji-era Japanese thinkers "were already drawing on rich intellectual traditions of local and Chinese mercantilism that were different from their European counterparts in both origins and content" (p. 209), Helleiner wants to recover the richness and diversity of political economy as it developed in different parts of the world. Strategic trade policy and tariff wars have been back on the agenda of political economy in the early decades of the 21 SP st sp century. In Part III, Helleiner chronicles the emergence of an indigenous neomercantilist political economy in East Asia. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the international incident that ensued following the decision by U.S. consul to Morocco James DeLong arrested two Confederate sailors who had disembarked a French ship in Tangier, Morocco, in February 1862, particularly focusing upon French condemnation of DeLong's act, the impact of the arrests on Moroccan-U.S. relations, and the significance of the U.S. Civil War in the Middle East and North Africa.

MoMA goes to Paris in 1938: building and politicizing American Art: by Caroline M. Riley, Oakland, CA, University of California Press, 2023, ix + 345 pp., £50, ISBN: 978-0-520-38691-4 Overall, Riley offers an impressively thorough account of MoMA's "voyage as ambassadors of goodwill", as Goodyear himself framed the exhibition-in-progress in 1936 (56). Caroline M. Riley's I MoMA Goes to Paris in 1938: Building and Politicizing American Art i carefully excavates and tracks the history of the Museum of Modern Art's 1938 exhibition I Three Centuries of American Art i (' I Three Centuries i ') from its initial conception in 1930 through multiple rounds of international negotiations and planning, its eventual staging and its afterlives up to the present - what Riley terms the "exhibitionary life cycle". [Extracted from the article]

Hesitating between Pétain and Weygand, then Darlan and Giraud, the FDR administration finally settled on de Gaulle as the absolute last resort. Still, absent in much of the book is a deeper analysis of the FDR-de Gaulle relationship that has occupied other scholars.[1] Neiberg provides a few choice quotations periodically, but FDR is for the most part MIA. In summing up his main argument, Michael Neiberg writes that the U.S. relationship with France during the Second World War began with a "bad policy based on flawed assumptions.". [Extracted from the article]

Notably, in France, crack cocaine has not been framed as a public health epidemic, even with the trend of crack cocaine use and the rise of open drug scenes in Paris and its suburbs [[6]]. The French approach to crack cocaine shares commonalities and differences with the U.S. In France, crack cocaine is mostly smoked but more recently is also being injected intravenously and the spike of increased crack cocaine use in France did not occur until the 2000s [[5]]. Keywords: Crack cocaine; Harm reduction; Racial issues; Structural vulnerability; Drug policy; Population health EN Crack cocaine Harm reduction Racial issues Structural vulnerability Drug policy Population health 1 5 5 05/18/22 20220512 NES 220512 Andrew Goulian and Marie Jauffret-Roustide have contributed equally Introduction Crack cocaine refers to a derivative of powder cocaine. [Extracted from the article]

Access to abortion In France, during the first lockdown, statistics from the national toll-free number "Sexualities, Contraception, Abortion" revealed that reports of difficulties related to abortion or contraception access had increased by 320 percent compared to the same period in 2019 ([2]). At the Inserm Ethics Committee's annual conference in October 2021, the "Gender and Health Research" working group presented a study comparing the impact of the COVID-19 crisis in France and the United States. Through this comparative assessment of the health and social consequences of COVID-19 in France and in the United States, we observe that the crisis has exacerbated inequalities between women and men in both countries. [Extracted from the article]

On April 2, 1822, The I New-York Evening Post i informed its readership of the appointment of Condy Raguet as U.S. consul to Rio de Janeiro, claiming this "to be the first appointment of a diplomatic character that has been made since our acknowledgement of the Independence of South America." South Americans quickly realized that the (predominantly U.S. and British) practice of dispatching consuls to their revolutionary governments was a unilateral policy that served to promote the interests of North Atlantic nations rather than a commitment to a reciprocal relationship or a hemispheric challenge of the Eurocentric norms excluding consuls from the exercise of diplomatic powers. These observations notwithstanding, the failure to address timely invitations to the Spanish and Prussian consuls as well as the absence of the U.S. consul undermined the legitimacy of the ceremonial event.[62] In his communication with the Secretary of State, U.S. consul Condy Raguet excused his absence with the delay of his credentials - which he blamed on the Brazilian customs - yet when confronted by the British, French, and Austrian consuls he chose not to give them any further explanations. Adams attempted to escape this conundrum by claiming that Latin American states had in the end - rightfully - not recognized U.S. consuls who he further stated had been "unauthorized" by the U.S. government to engage in matters touching on recognition. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses French-American relations in 2003 in connection with then-U.S. President George W. Bush's appearance at a Group of Eight (G8) conference in Evian, France and professional cyclist Lance Armstrong's efforts to become the second rider to win five consecutive Tour de France cycling competition titles. French anti-Americanism protests are examined in relation to the U.S. military's invasion of Iraq. The sociocultural aspects of the Tour de France race are assessed.

When Tadeusz Kościuszko returned to the United States in 1797, serious political divisions divided the nation, war threatened between the U.S. and France, and the wars of the French Revolution had Europe in turmoil. Each of these circumstances shaped his brief stay in America and his eventual return to Europe. This article examines the domestic political factionalism that led Thomas Jefferson, then vice president of the United States, to enlist Kościuszko as a secret agent, behind the back of President John Adams, to assist in negotiating a rapprochement with France. It also explores how the Pole's continuing goal of supporting the independence of his homeland intersected with international relations in Europe at the time to facilitate his mission. Finally, it proposes answers as to the nature of the arguments Kościuszko made on behalf of the United States and presents evidence from primary sources that support the Pole's role in defusing U.S.-French tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The first is the ongoing emergence of multicore and hybrid microprocessor designs, ushering in a new era of computing in which system designers must accept energy usage as a first-order constraint, and application designers must be able to exploit parallelism and data locality to an unprecedented degree. The research areas of cluster, cloud, and data analytics computing, which today provide fundamental infrastructure for all areas of advanced computational science, are being radically transformed by the convergence of at least two unprecedented trends. [Extracted from the article]

This article deals with representations of France–United States relations at the time of the treaties of Paris and Versailles (1783). It provides a study of the numerous texts and abundant iconography that dealt with the treaties in the years 1783-1784 on both sides of the Atlantic. Written from the perspective of cultural history, its goal is to go beyond traditional historiographic perspectives and show that the French and the Americans did not share the same vision of the relationship between their two nations. As the American War of Independence ended and a new world order arose, a divide soon developed between, on the one hand, an idealized vision of the French–American friendship and, on the other hand, the realities of international trade and politics. The images and representations analyzed in this study played a key role as France–United States relations were being shaped: as such, they provide important insights into interactions between the two nations in the 1780s and beyond.