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The article describes how socioeconomic inequities contribute to discrepant unintentional injury risks and calls for an expansion of investment in innovative and targeted prevention strategies to narrow this disparity. Topics include the impact of poverty on injury, barriers and opportunities to implementation of injury prevention, and recommendations for advocacy groups, health care organizations, and community organizations.

When does the United States normalize its diplomatic relations with its adversaries? This article introduces a theory of diplomatic normalization, focusing on the interaction between the hawkishness of presidents and their domestic popularity. I argue that dovish presidents are more likely to pursue normalization when their domestic approval ratings plummet, as this makes them shift their priorities toward policies they find themselves more comfortable and confident handling. Doves are less likely to pursue normalization when they enjoy high popularity, so as not to jeopardize favorable public support. In contrast, hawkish presidents typically do not support normalization, regardless of their domestic standing, as it does not align with their top policy priorities. The exception arises in the rare instance of a president with an exceptionally high degree of hawkishness who is able to pursue reconciliation without losing his support. I test my theoretical expectations using data on U.S. presidents' latent hawkishness and their diplomatic normalization decisions from 1950 to 2005. The empirical evidence supports all hypotheses, underscoring the importance of understanding the interaction between a leader's personal attributes and the domestic political climate when studying foreign policy decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why has the relationship between partisan identification and Americans' trade attitudes shifted in recent years? We suggest that recent shifts in trade attitudes among partisans are driven by Donald Trump, who staked out a position on trade that is at odds with the position on trade traditionally held by Republicans. Using panel data from the Voter Study Group (VSG) surveys from 2011, 2016, and 2017, we conduct cross‐sectional analyses showing that the relationship between partisanship and trade attitudes has shifted dramatically from 2011 to 2016/2017; in 2011, Republicans were significantly more supportive of expanded trade, but by 2016/2017 the relationship had reversed, with Democrats significantly more supportive of trade. We link changes over time in trade attitudes with how Americans evaluate Trump: individuals with favorable attitudes toward Donald Trump are significantly more likely to shift their attitudes in an antitrade direction from 2011 to 2016. Because so many more Republicans have favorable attitudes toward Trump, the aggregate effect of Trump favorability is to shift Republicans as a group to be less favorable toward trade than Democrats. We suggest that Donald Trump has had a transformative effect on Americans' trade attitudes, with previous supporters (opponents) of expanded trade now expressing opposing (supporting) attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States' invasion of Grenada in 1983 represented the lowest point in Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan's relationship, with Thatcher incensed at what she perceived to be her ally's misuse of military force. However, in April 1986, Thatcher gave permission for the United States to use British-based aircraft for air strikes against the Gaddafi regime in Libya, a mission as tenuously grounded in international law as Grenada. How do we explain Thatcher's apparent change in approach to foreign policy, now placing strategic interests above her previous deference to international law, and what does this tell us about the role experience plays in a leader's foreign policy decisions? Drawing on insights from the ongoing behavioural revolution in International Relations, this paper argues that the experience Thatcher gained during the Grenada episode led to her support for US strikes against Libya. A process tracing approach using documents from the UK National Archives, as well as biographies and memoirs, tests this individual-level hypothesis against a rival structuralist explanation. This research shows how experience gained in office can influence a leader's future foreign policy decision-making and demonstrates the utility of process tracing methods for investigations into the role of experience in international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do foreign rivals perceive and respond to heightened domestic polarization in the United States? The conventional thinking is that polarization weakens and distracts the United States, emboldening its adversaries. However, untested assumptions underlie this claim. We use two strategies to explore mechanisms linking domestic polarization and international rivalry. First, we field a survey experiment in China to examine how heightening perceptions of US polarization affects public attitudes toward Chinese foreign policy. Second, we investigate how US rival governments responded to an episode of extreme partisanship: the US Capitol attacks on January 6, 2021. Drawing on Integrated Crisis Early Warning System event data, we explore whether foreign rivals increased hostility toward the United States following the Capitol riots. Both studies fail to show robust evidence for the Emboldening Hypothesis. Extreme polarization has other negative consequences for American foreign policy, but we find no evidence that it makes adversaries materially more assertive toward the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1960s, Australia's commitment to collective security and its grand strategy of forward defense spurred its intervention in Vietnam. As British and American allies signaled retreat from Southeast Asia in 1968-1969, Prime Minister John Gorton sought to encourage U.S. resolve by keeping Australian forces there. With more American soldiers coming home under the guise of Vietnamization, the Australian public increasingly demanded troop withdrawals. The political facts of life became paramount, with Gorton's government buckling in 1970. This article explains the military, strategic, diplomatic, and political considerations that produced Canberra's decision to begin troop reductions in Vietnam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article shares reflections on the end of the Afghan war, which was referred as the forever war, and the limits of U.S. power. Topics discussed include discourses of declinism of the American empire, the geopolitical and military overreach of the U.S., and the decline of the West and rise of Asia/East. Also highlighted are the global perception of U.S. foreign policy and the new multipolar international system.

The article discusses the emergence of a multipolar world economic order. Topics discussed include European Commission vice president Josep Borrell's view that the U.S., China and European Union are the dominant poles in the world economic order, the global shift away from the principles of classical industrial economy, and the role of digital technologies on the revolutionary transformation of the global economy.

This article examines continuity in the transformation of the United States' security arrangements in Asia from a Cold War "hub and spokes system" focused on East Asia into a new arrangement of "networked minilateralism" across the wider "Indo-Pacific" region. It focuses mainly on the role of the United States and the policy tools it employs to coordinate the strengthening of linkages among its partners. By employing tools of defence diplomacy, standardisation in trade and infrastructure development, revamping the rhetoric of common values and inviting extra-regional actors to play a more active role in the Indo-Pacific, Washington is mobilising a "latticework" of partners that are assisting in the redesign of the regional security system and the balancing of China. At the same time, structural changes in the region's power balance have induced local partners to become part of this networked architecture and to maintain a clearer sense of ownership in the regional security system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Survival discourse has emerged as a prominent theme in online discussions about the US–China trade war on the Chinese social media platform Zhihu. This study undertakes a critical discourse analysis of this emergent discourse by examining 80 answers (totaling 95,753 words) from Zhihu users within the broader context of the invocation of survival discourses in modern Chinese history. An intertextual method was adopted in this study, which helps us to better understand netizens' arguments in favor of the Chinese government's tough stance on the trade war with the US and the probable success of this strategy. The analysis reveals the historicity and intertextuality of these discourses, identifies strategies which are employed to support a tough stance on the trade war, and reflects on their implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though the slogan predates the Fourth UN World Conference on Women, 'women's rights are human rights' has become inextricably linked to US First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton's keynote address at the 1995 Conference in Beijing. The speech turned a line socialised by transnational feminist organisers into a State Department mantra with long‐lasting policy ripples still felt today. This article uses new sources from the Office of the First Lady to examine the intra‐departmental dynamics, policy architecture and domestic political considerations that shaped the content of the speech and the Clinton Administration's conception of women's rights as human rights. Early documents show that a focus on human rights was not inevitable, as other policy areas were better developed with more public support. But fear of rollback from previous international standards, external pressures from civil society, a desire to link foreign policy with domestic political aims and ultimately a strong backlash to American participation at the Conference on the basis of China's human rights record all elevated women's human rights as a US delegation priority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an investigation of declassified archival documents of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) that questions the direct involvement of several U.S. administrations in military coups in Turkey during the Cold War. Among the U.S. government institutions, it is argued that only the CIA could have had the competency for covert participation in a coup plot abroad. Other than the indirect role of the U.S. in military takeovers, due to its military and financial assistance in pre-coup periods, and the political recognition of coup regimes, available CIA documents do not present any tangible evidence for agency's direct involvement in Turkish military coups, in contrast to its clandestine operations in other states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The End of Ambition: The United States and the Third World in the Vietnam Era" by Mark Atwood Lawrence explores the shift in U.S. policy towards the decolonized world during the Vietnam War. The book argues that as U.S. military involvement in Vietnam escalated, the U.S. became more willing to work with authoritarian leaders and less tolerant of dissent or criticism from Third World leaders. The author examines case studies of Brazil, India, Iran, Indonesia, and southern Africa to illustrate how this shift played out in specific regions. While the book focuses on U.S. policymakers and government sources, it acknowledges the negative long-term consequences of these policies and complements studies that de-center the United States in the history of the Cold War. [Extracted from the article]

From Vietnam to Afghanistan, U.S. leaders have had great difficulty disentangling the United States from faraway military interventions. William McKinley's 1898 decision to annex the Philippines reveals why, through a phenomenon called the "meddler's trap." The meddler's trap denotes a situation of self-entanglement, whereby a leader inadvertently creates a problem through military intervention, feels they can solve it, and values solving the new problem more because of the initial intervention. The inflated valuation is driven by a cognitive bias called the endowment effect, according to which individuals tend to overvalue goods they feel they own. A military intervention causes a feeling of ownership of the foreign territory, triggering the endowment effect. Following the U.S. victory in Manila during the War of 1898, McKinley doubted Filipino civilizational capacity to self-govern, believed that a U.S. departure from the Philippines would cause chaos and great power war, and believed that U.S. governance could forestall that outcome. Because he had already deployed troops to the Philippines, McKinley also felt ownership over them, and this endowment effect inflated his valuation of the archipelago. Together, these mutually reinforcing beliefs produced the meddler's trap and the United States' largest annexation outside its hemisphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and South Korea relationship has seen remarkable journey in the last three decades. Apart from rising political and economic weights of both the countries, India and South Korea have also emerged as important soft powers in the region. Their soft powers are based on their rich cultural and historical heritages, their democratic traditions and productions of world famous entertainment contents such as movies, dramas, music and so on. The awareness of the cultural connection between the two countries might have been less than expected but both the countries are indeed committed to reach out each other through these connections. Actually soft powers of both the countries are also useful in connecting them bilaterally as well as providing them access to the Southeast Asian countries. This paper tries to look at the role of soft powers of both the countries in their bilateral relations. When the small and middle powers of the region are forced by the US-China contests to work more on their hard powers and alliances/partnerships, the paper argues that a cooperative narrative may emerge in the region through the soft powers reach outs of India and South Korea and their attempts of agenda setting for the region. The paper would also try to explore trajectory of India-South Korea people-to-people connections and flag problems and prospects in the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For over twenty years the United States government has engaged in what it calls a global 'war on terror' (GWOT). This war spans continents and while US interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq receive modest attention, the secretive US war in Somalia remains under-discussed. This article offers an empirical and theoretical examination of what the US has done in Somalia since 2001, considering the political, economic and ideological elements of these acts. Data on the US's war on the Somali people is placed in dialogue with ongoing theorising on the merits of reparations in the world system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses actions taken by the U.S. to hold Russia accountable for its war crimes, crimes against humanity and the crime of aggression in Ukraine, such as helping establish the United Nations Human Rights Council's Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine.

During Trump Administration, he introduced and used "America First" as his guidance in conducting US Foreign Policy. The "America First" emphasizes pursuing national interests and using force to achieve security and prosperity. However, Trump's decision to relocate the US Embassy and recognition Jerusalem as Israel's capital city was contradictory with his "America First" strategy. The author's main question is that What sort of norm shaped US embassy relocation policy? It seems dispensationalism played pivotal role in influencing US embassy relocation policy. Dispensationalism believe that the restoration of Israel is a necessary precondition for the Lord's return and that the Jews must return to their homeland to be regathered as a nation. Trump's motive to adopt Dispensationalism as part of conducting US foreign policy was driven by the urgency to maintain his voting bloc after 2016 US Election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article challenges the anti-structural and ahistorical turn in recent histories of the Iranian Revolution. Tracing the genealogy of this anti-structural turn to the publication of Foucault's writings on Iran, the author argues that the continued decline of US-Iran relations, coupled with hostility toward anti-imperialist scholarship in US academia, has created the conditions for an ahistoricism in US-based scholarship on Iran. This turn is further exacerbated by the lack of accessible archives to enable rigorous analyses of the Revolution. The article concludes by distinguishing between an intellectual, one who challenges the status quo to create a more just world, and a functionary, whose scholarly contributions are guided by the precepts of foundation funding and the State Department. Ultimately the article calls for a transformation in Iranian Studies toward radical intellectualism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia has been the Kurds' patron for more than two centuries, motivated primarily by the cynical desire to use them against adversaries in broader great‐power games while casting itself as a champion of the Kurdish cause. Russia's longstanding and multifaceted relationship with the Kurds demonstrates that when it comes to geopolitics, the United States has more than brute force to contend with. The Russian state also utilizes soft power as an authoritarian state defines it: a tool of pragmatic leverage. While the Kurds are not a monolith, they are anxious about the trajectory of US politics and feel they cannot rely on anyone. The Russian state has opportunities to undermine American interests in places such as Syria and Iraq through its connections with Kurdish groups. This article reviews tsarist, Soviet, and post‐Soviet policies toward the Kurds, including Kurdish communities in Russia. It concludes with a discussion about implications for the United States, given that Moscow will not let go of its Kurdish card, including in the context of the Ukraine invasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why does the United States either continue to support or turn its back on a friendly dictator once that dictator is faced with internal uprisings? This study argues that a US president's decision to either remain loyal to or abandon dictators when they are in trouble ultimately depends on the preservation of acquired influence (PAI). This argument is tested by considering three crises in which the White House was faced with a choice between prolonging support or abandoning established alliances with Batista in Cuba (1956–1959), Mobutu in Zaire (1990–1991), and Mubarak in Egypt (2011). In all three case studies, the PAI argument is found to account for observed variations in US foreign policy toward friendly dictators in trouble. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides an over view of the U.S. foreign policy. Topics discussed include the normative implications of recovering this all-too hidden dimension of judicial interventions; the U.S. Supreme Court case Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer on executive power; and an analysis of the foreign relations law.

The article focuses on the U.S. Department of Commerce's Bureau of Industry and Security's interim final rule which restricts China's access to advanced computing chips, as part of a strategy to advance U.S. national security goals in competition from China, to protect foreign policy interests.

Over the past six decades, the presidential transition scholarship has grown increasingly rich, yet little systematic attention has been paid to the foreign policy activities of the president‐elect. The idea that the United States has "one president at a time" may be a constitutional reality, but it is also a political fiction, more honored in the breach than in the observance. This article demonstrates how U.S. foreign policy operates along several simultaneous tracks during the formal transition period between the election and inauguration. We develop and illustrate a new framework for understanding the underexplored role and significance of the president‐elect as a foreign policy actor during the era of the "modern presidency." By refuting the notion that the president‐elect is a nonentity, this article lays the foundation for more active exploration of the foreign activities of presidents‐elect and their impact on U.S. foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains the Gulf diplomatic crisis and its repercussions by tracing its various stages. It also analyzes the inconsistency of US policy during the Trump administration toward this crisis and how this taught Qatar not to rely entirely on the United States to achieve security. These challenges pushed Qatar to diversify its international alliances and to create a rapprochement with countries in the region, such as Turkey, to achieve military security. Qatar's status as an energy provider to Asia and an alternative to Russian oil and gas, along with its soft power, also strengthened its strategic position. Eventually, the article explains, Qatar was able to strengthen its relationship with the United States once the Biden administration took power. The study concludes that Qatar has become a model for small countries in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the involvement of American governments in the Moroccan war against the Polisario Front, from the Ford administration to the Trump presidency. The consultation of primary sources clarifies particular aspects of this involvement and indicates the role each actor has played in this conflict. The determined support of Republican administrations for the Moroccan side was due to their interests in consolidating reactionary allies in North Africa and shoring up their policies in the Middle East. There is a clear parallel between Morocco's war with the Sahrawis and Israel's conflict with the Palestinians. Although the American preference for Morocco is evident, and its support has prolonged the war, it should be pointed out that the main perpetrator was King Hassan II, who launched the conquest to strengthen his power at a time when his leadership was in question and his throne in danger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Vietnam's strategic adjustments and the U.S. policy. It mentions that the new areas of cooperation between the U.S. and Vietnam could include intelligence-sharing and arms acquisition, and this could also assist Vietnam in its efforts to diversify its arms suppliers away from Russia. It also mentions that Vietnam is hedging between China and the U.S. impacting their relations.

The article informs on Melian Dialogue, which revolves around the Athenian demand that the inhabitants of Melos abandon their alliance with Sparta and throw in their lot with Athens. It mentions events that might confront the U.S. Navy during a maritime crisis in the Western Pacific, with implications for American foreign policy in general and for U.S. naval strategists in particular as they contemplate deterrence strategies.

The article informs on National Security Strategy issued by the U.S. President Joe Biden to balance U.S. commitments in the Indo-Pacific and Europe. It mentions that the strategy outlines building up the U.S. economy and investing in its military; and innocuous idea of partnership focusing on authoritarian governance with a revisionist foreign policy, and solving challenges that cross borders, from climate and terrorism to food insecurity, pandemics and inflation.

The article focuses on the U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East. It mentions that partners and allies are considered force multipliers that allow the U.S. to reduce its international security burdens, project power and safeguard its security, diplomatic and economic interests worldwide. It also mentions that U.S. weapons, joint training and combined exercises alone will not turn America's partners into more competent coalition fighters.

Empire is central to US foreign policy aims but is rarely taken directly into account in studies of American presidential foreign policy rhetoric. We argue here that in doing such studies, analytic attention should be paid to questions of empire as foundational to the development of the United States and to articulations of the American nation. We examine two historical and two heuristic categories used to understand US presidential foreign policy discourse and argue for refocusing analysis by placing questions of whiteness, empire, and colonialism at the core of those categories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This provocation considers the relationship between the United States and the Arctic. America might be understood as an Arctic nation not just because of its political and resource claims in the polar region but because the nation has become both environmentally and politically inhospitable to human life. The polar regions are no longer climate outliers on the planet, remote regions exceptionally hostile to human life. The United States could do more to recognize forms of geopolitical organization that do not presume continental supremacy; that loose the "territory" from "territorial seas"; that understand the cryosphere as a model for new forms of relation and collaboration; that turn to Indigenous knowledge and traditional ecological knowledge for guidance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]