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This article examines Ryan’s Daughter, Robert Bolt and David Lean’s transformative screen adaptation of Flaubert’s Madame Bovary (1857), and investigates the film’s treatment of history and its generation of meaning, suggesting that when released in 1970, it was ahead of its time in terms of collaborative, intertextual, and cultural-historical palimpsestuous adaptation. Although intended to be a loose adaptation of Madame Bovary, a relational reading of the screenplay and the film shows palimpsestuous emergence of themes, subthemes, and characters not only from the source text but also from Hardy’s Far From the Madding Crowd and the uprisings of 1848 in France and 1916 in Ireland. In addition, it is argued that the ghostly presence of Flaubert and Madame Bovary haunted the film and its authors and was a significant factor in the fashioning of a diegetic, transcultural adaptation that, having been largely overlooked and disparaged for over four decades, deserves to be critically reappraised and recognized as a powerful and dynamic adaptation and reinvention of Flaubert’s classic novel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Victor Hugo's socialism is characterized, from the 1830s onwards, by a holistic vision of the people. It comes as no surprise, then, that the concept of class struggle is not one he relies on to define his vision of social progress. In Les Misérables, however, Hugo shows an acute awareness of the conflicts permeating French society, especially since 1848; he engages with the concept of class, notably in his description of the barricades, and in so doing enters into dialogue with Marx's own interpretation of class struggles in France. This paper analyses to what extent Hugo incorporates social conflicts in his own social messianism; it also demonstrates that class struggle acts as an important fictional catalyst, contributing to the narrative construction of the elusive figure of the misérable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Émile Ollivier was a French political leader who, as Minister of Justice under Napoleon III, authored a plan for achieving a governmental compromise between Bonapartist autocracy and parliamentary democracy. Ollivier was appointed Commissioner-General of the Bouches-du-Rhône Département at the outbreak of the Revolution of 1848. When Louis-Napoléon became President of the Republic (December 1848), Ollivier was dismissed from his post and from 1849 to 1857 held no public office. Elected to the Legislative Assembly in 1857, Ollivier became one of the republican minority known as «the Five», which viewed Napoleon's regime with hostility. But when the Emperor made liberal concessions in November 1860, Ollivier offered his support to him if Napoleon would establish representative government. Ollivier soon broke with the Republicans and began working with the Duke de Mornay for a «Liberal Empire» that would incorporate elements of parliamentary government. On January 2, 1870, Napoleon appointed Ollivier Minister of Justice at the head of a government chosen from the leaders of a majority in parliament. Ollivier drew up a new constitution that was approved in a plebiscite by nearly 70 percent of the voters, and he set up numerous commissions to prepare the complete reform of such areas as labour, education, and law. He seemed to have transformed the Second Empire from despotism to constitutional monarchy without bloodshed or violence. Ollivier's work was ruined by the outbreak of the Franco-German War little more than six months after he came to power. The French military reverses soon obliged him to resign, which he did on August 9, 1870, and he never returned to politics. In the remaining 43 years of his life, Ollivier cultivated his wide interests and varied talents. At 65 he wrote L'Empire libéral, partly a history of the Second Empire, partly an apologetic account of his political activity and a defence of Napoleon III's regime. In his late pamphlets (1889-1894), Ollivier blamed the French Constitutional Laws of 1875 whose parliamentary organization was contrary to the republican principles of popular sovereignty and incompatible to the absolute freedom of executive power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Byron has an odd habit of turning up unexpectedly or at unexpected moments in our reading. This is as true of French culture as of any other. The essay which follows begins by setting out a 'lightweight' catalogue in which the name of Byron can be invoked on the one hand by a prize-winning chef or on the other to name a prize-winning racehorse, can feature in the world of the spy novel or that of 1960s popular music. The second half of the essay presents a more specific series of 'unexpected' references to Byron at crucial moments in French political history: Waterloo, the revolution of 1848 and the presidential election of 1995. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the key role of the French colony in Algeria in the political culture of the Revolution of 1848. Eugène Cavaignac and other army officers with Algerian experience led the state's repression of radical unrest, and their colonial backgrounds became a central narrative trope in debates about political violence in France, especially after the June Days uprising. Following the closure of the National Workshops, legislators adopted a major scheme for working-class emigration to and settlement in Algeria to replace the workshops and resolve unrest. Throughout 1848, Algeria operated as a symbolic and practical field for the struggle between social and political revolution in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article discusses the relationship between the 1848 Revolutions in Europe, particularly the February Revolution in France, and the newspaper "The North Star" owned by African American abolitionist Frederick Douglass. The impact that the French Provisional Government's abolition of slavery in its colonies had on the U.S. antislavery movement is discussed. The role that "The North Star" played in spreading news about the 1848 Revolutions across the Atlantic Ocean region is also discussed.

The article talks about philosopher Thomas Carlyle's unpublished writing " French Republic". According to the author the editor of "Examiner" John Forster decided not to publish it keeping in view of the social tension in that time. Carlyle started writing on the events in Europe in 1848 and got his article " Louis Philippe" published in Examiner. The author provides details about the manuscript, its content and philosophy.

The purpose of this paper is to re-read Marx's Eighteenth Brumaire by highlighting the political meaning of a materialist historiography. In the first part, I consider Marx's historiographical and political intention to represent the history of the aftermath of the revolution of '48 as a farce in order to liquidate 'any faith in the superstitious past'. In the second part I analyse the theatrical register chosen by Marx in order to represent the Second Empire as a society without a body, a phantasmagoria in which the Constitution, the National Assembly and law -- in short, everything that the middle class had put up as essential principles of modem democracy -- disappear. In the third part I argue that Marx does not elaborate a theory of revolution that is good for every occasion. What interests him is a historiography capable of grasping, in the various temporalities of the revolution, the chance for a true liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on a conference on the experience of war and violence in 19th-century Germany and France, held in Paris, France, from March 21-22, 2013. Topics of discussion included the Napoleonic Wars, the Revolutions of 1848-1849, and the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. A keynote address was given by historian Horst Carl.

The article discusses reaction to the 1848 uprising in France within the Russian empire. It examines the reign of French king Louis Philippe, the banning of political banquets that led to the revolution, and the economic conditions of France at the time of the revolution. The article discusses the threat of a similar uprising in Russia. It also discusses what Russian diplomat Nikolai Kiselev witnessed in France and his reports to Russian emperor Nicholas I. According to the article, Kiselev warned that even the slightest bit of unrest or boredom among the citizens and helped along by newspapers could foment revolution.

Surprisingly, waves of political regime contention in Europe have slowed down through history but have achieved more success in triggering advances toward democracy, as a comparison of the revolutions of 1848 and 1917-1919 shows. Major organizational developments account for these inverse trends. Before political mass organizations arose, ordinary people decided whether to emulate foreign challenges to established autocrats. Short on information, citizens relied heavily on inferential shortcuts and acted rashly, with little success. After the rise of mass organizations, common people took cues from their representative leaders, who had more information and greater processing capacity. Before emulating an external precedent and challenging their ruler, leaders waited for propitious circumstances. Therefore, twentieth century regime contention diffused more slowly yet with greater success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the February Revolution in 1848, working-class women as well as men attempted to hold the government to its promise of the right to work, through street demonstrations, individual and collective demands for work, and participation in the national workshops that had been established in an attempt to address the problem of unemployment in the capital. In the process, these activists articulated what scholars have labelled as a democratic socialist vision of republicanism. In June of 1848, women participated in the insurrection that sought to defend the vision of a social republic. While the republicanism of working-class men and bourgeois women such as George Sand has been examined, studies of working-class women in the first half of the nineteenth century have to this point focused on the romantic socialist influences that shaped their activities, in particular the Saint-Simonian movement. Drawing primarily on individual letters, police interrogations and newspaper reports, a vision of republicanism emerges that includes the ability for women to sustain their families through waged as well as household labour. This concept of republican virtue based itself not in suffrage but in women's capacity to act as both producers and consumers under just and equitable conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the theory of the liberal democratic state advanced by 19th century French historian Louis Blanc. The author focuses upon Blanc's emphasis on the social power of the democratic state, Blanc's challenges to classical republicanism and the relationship between republicanism and liberalism, the relationship between the state and civil society, and democratic participation in government. The article also discusses the influence that Blanc's philosophical dialogue with English philosopher John Stuart Mill had on Blaine's philosophy. The article also examines the significance of the 1848 French Revolution upon Blanc and for French republicanism and Blanc's book "The Organization of Labor."

This article offers a metahistorical examination of the concept of history through readings of contemporary and subsequent accounts of the 1848 Revolution in France. The year 1848 has persistently thrown the category of history into question – not historical events, but the very notion of history itself. I would argue, however, that the Revolution’s historical significance lies, paradoxically, in the very possibility that it was not a historical event, or, more precisely, in the ambiguity of its historical status. Through readings of contemporary accounts of the February 1848 events in Paris and theoretical texts by Kant, Michelet, Marx and Derrida, this article argues that the possibility of historical meaning is conceptually rooted in the finitude of human mortality. This finitude – and its attendant meanings – are, however, troubled by the notion of ghosts and the troubling materiality of corpses, both of which played important psychological roles in reactions to the 1848 Revolution in Paris. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the historiography of the French Revolution as examined by counterrevolutionary and traditionalist Catholics as well as liberal Catholics during the February Revolution in 1848. Topics include the efforts of liberal Catholic ideology to accommodate a post-revolutionary society; an analysis of Catholics' interpretations of the French Revolution by historians including Charles Forbes René de Montalembert, Charles Lenormant, and Louis de Carné; and the conservative interpretation of the French revolutions.

Despite the fact that public opinion in France in the years before the February Revolution (1848) was inclined toward liberation of the subjugated nations in Eastern Europe and Italy, the French government did not participate in their struggle. The position of French government was that the preservation of integrity of the Ottoman Empire was in the best interest of France. Mathieu Limperani and A. Fabre, French consuls in Belgrade, advised Serbian government to stay loyal to the Turkish government, thereby strictly enforcing the French foreign policy. They closely observed the situation in Hungary in relation to the Serbian movement in South Hungary since they thought that liberation of Serbia from the Ottoman Empire was only in the interest of Russia. In their opinion, the Serbian movement was a threat to integrity of Turkey at the same time creating the possibility for spreading the Russian influence. They strongly believed that Hungarian officials would also find that reconciliation with Serbs would be the best guarantee against the spread of Russian Panslavism. Diplomatic representatives of France in Belgrade connected with certain leaders of Serbian and Hungarian movements while making every effort to persuade French government that such reconciliation is necessary. Diplomatic activity of the French government in the Balkans involved not only French consuls but also one member of the Polish emigration, namely the Count Louis Bystrzonowski. Diplomatic correspondence and reports of French consuls in Belgrade and Count Bystrzonowski considerably include their opinions and impressions on the Serbian movement of 1848 and its most prominent participants: Patriarch Josif Rajačić, Duke Stefan Šupljikac and the Serbian army commander, Djordje Stratimirović. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a review article on books about the participation of the United States in the French Revolution. Decline of the Federalists with the victory of the Democratic-Republicans in the election of 1800; Experience of the United States of a backlash against foreign-born radicals; Effect of the existence of a shared political discourse on the ability of the British and Irish radicals to influence the American public.

This article attempts to establish the connection between the development of capitalism, the transformation of production, and the revolutionary events of the 1848 in France. The general crises of the French economy was actually a sequence of three interrelated crises. Its first phase began in 1845, with the loss of the potato crop to the same fungus that was pushing Ireland to the brink of mass starvation. This ended with an abundant harvest in 1847; grain became cheap and bread rioting stopped. The financial phase of the general crisis came about when the gold reserves of Banque de France fell from 201 million francs in June 1846 to 47 million francs in June 1847. It was judged to be over when the Banque lowered its lending rate in December 1847. Ernest Labrousse and his colleagues noted that it extended into 1848, but it was the economic historian T. J. Markovitch who later identified the final phase, a crisis of production. All France suffered. Its impact was most serious in Paris, where the global value of all commerce dropped from nearly a billion and a half in francs in 1847 to just over a half a billion in the following year. Profits in the construction industry were down by 66% and employment dropped 64%.

Investigates the social identity of participants in the February Revolution of 1848 in France, based on records collected by the provisional government's Commission on Compensation. Occupational status and economic standing of the February insurgents; Comparison of the February insurgents with those implicated in the other great French insurrections of the nineteenth century.

Offers a look at the modular collective action and the rise of the social movement in France and explains why the French Revolution was not enough. The traditional repertoire; The modular repertoire; The emerging new repertoire; From ritual to boycott in America; From petitioning to demonstrating in England; Barricades and insurrections in France; Movements and cycles of protest; States and modular collective action; Conclusions.

Discusses the application of a notion of a historical Sonderweg (special way) to the case of France in relation to the 1848 Revolution. Narratives on the end of the revolution in France; Alteration of French nationalism; Political system of France in the post-revolution; Legacy of the Revolution.

Traces the history of the workshop movement in France since 1848. Role of Parisian ateliers in defusing revolutionary potential among the workers; Existence of a common pattern among provincial workshops; Differences between provincial and urban workshops; Different types of provincial workshops; Role in the collapse of the dominance of the notables over the working class and emergence of working class consciousness.