5 results on '"Fédaï"'
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2. SALÂHADDÎN-İ EYYÛBÎ ve RÂŞİDÜDDÎN SİNÂN: NİZÂRÎ FEDÂÎLER ve SUİKASTLAR.
- Author
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BASUĞUY, Bedrettin
- Abstract
In the beginning of the 1160s, Iranian dai Râshid al-dîn Sinan became the leader of Nizârî Ismailis in Syria and achieved an independent position against the leaders in Alamut, the center of the Nizârî dawa. Recognized as one of the most influential names in Ismaili history, Râshid al-dîn reorganized the Nizârîs and reinforced their defensive and offensive capabilities. The founder of the Ayyubid dynasty, Salâh al-dîn al-Ayyûbî was one of the targets chosen by Râshid al-dîn, who started his assassination attempts against his enemies by assasins he selected from his fidâ'îs. Although Salâh al-dîn sieged the Misyaf Fortress, which was the residence of Râshid al-dîn, who had attempted two unsuccessful assassinations against him, and overwhelmed Râshîd al-din, he terminated the siege after the mediation initiatives of the Hama ruler and his uncle Shihâb al-dîn Mahmûd b. Takash. Râshid al-dîn Sinân, who had to end the assassination attempts against Salah al-dîn after the siege of Misyaf, was careful not to confront the Sultan. Salah al-dîn ensured for a relationship based on friendship between his successors and the Nizârîs, by including the Nizârî regions under Sinan's control to the peace agreement he signed with the Richard, king of England in 1192. In the present article on the association between Salâh al-dîn al-Ayyûbî and the Nizârî community in Syria, initially the organization of the Nizârî dawa in Syria under the leadership of Râshid al-dîn Sinân was discussed, and then the historical and mythological records about the reasons of assassination attempts to murder Salâh al-dîn and Misyaf siege were assessed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2017
- Full Text
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3. Pourquoi ont-ils tué Zeki ? 'Why did they kill Zeki? the Mecheroutiette newspaper publishes the hidden sides of a politico-financial crime during the Young-Turks’ era' Γιατί σκότωσαν τον Ζεκί ; Η εφημερίδα Mecheroutiette δημοσιεύει τα παρασκήνια ενός πολιτικο-οικονομικού εγκλήματος την εποχή των Νεότουρκων
- Author
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Nicolas Pitsos
- Subjects
lcsh:Language and Literature ,History ,Salonika ,Ζεκί Μπέης ,Empire ottoman ,Osmanlı İmparatorluğu ,Histoire ,Selanik ,πολιτική δολοφονία ,Fédaï ,Salonique ,Солун ,Σέρρες ,Zeki Bey ,Serres ,assassinat politique ,Νεότουρκοι ,Young Turks ,Mecheroutiette/Meşruyet ,Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία ,Младотурската ,Отоманската империја ,political murder ,Ottoman empire ,Genç Türkler ,Serrès ,lcsh:P ,Jeunes-Turcs ,Young Turks revolution (1908-1914) ,révolution jeune-turque (1908-1914) - Abstract
En juin 1911, le journaliste et fonctionnaire à la Dette Publique, Zeki Bey est assassiné. Le procès instruisant cet assassinat est largement couvert par Mecheroutiette, un journal ottoman, publié en français et en turc, à Paris. Son directeur, le général Cherif Pacha est une des figures éminentes de l’opposition au régime des Jeunes-Turcs et chef du Parti Radical Ottoman. Cette affaire criminelle suscite de vifs débats auprès des citoyens ottomans et divise l’opinion publique. D’une part, il y a ceux qui crient au crime prémédité, orchestré par le parti au pouvoir : selon eux, la victime disposait de documents compromettants sur certaines pratiques financières des membres du gouvernement. D’autre part, la partie civile refuse toute théorie de conspiration et de mobiles politiques. L’analyse de cette affaire nous informe de la situation politique dans l’Empire ottoman du début du XXe siècle, tout en révélant des tensions menaçant sa stabilité sociale. Dans cette étude, la ville macédonienne de Serrès émerge comme une pépinière de fédaïs, c’est-à-dire des tueurs à gages au service du Comité Union et Progrès.On June 1911, the journalist and employer in the Public Debt Administration, Zeki Bey, is assassinated. The trial, following this murder is largely covered by an ottoman newspaper, Mecheroutiette, published in Paris, in both French and Turkish. His chief director, the general Cherif Pacha, is one of the most prominent figures of the political opposition to the Young Turks’ regime and leader of the Ottoman Radical Party. This criminal affair arouses lively debates among Ottoman citizens and divides the public opinion. On the one hand, there are claims of a premeditated crime planned by the party in power in order to eliminate any embarrassing voice.According to this version, the victim had at his disposal documents compromising the government’s financial practices. On the other hand, the defense lawyers deny any conspiracy plot or political motivations behind this case. The analysis of this affair informs us about political situation in the early 20th century in the Ottoman Empire and reveals us the tensions undermining its social stability. In this study the Macedonian city of Serres in appears as a training ground for the fedaïs, or hired killers at the service of the Union and Progress Committee.Τον Ιούνιο του 1911, ο δημοσιογράφος και υπάλληλος στην υπηρεσία Δημόσιου Χρέους της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας, Ζεκί Μπέης, δολοφονείται. Η δίκη που ακολουθεί, καλύπτεται εκτενώς από την Mecheroutiette, μια οθωμανική εφημερίδα, που κυκλοφορεί στα γαλλικά και στα τουρκικά στο Παρίσι. Ο διευθυντής της, στρατηγός Cherif Pacha, είναι ένας από τους σημαντικότερους αντικαθεστωτικούς στην κυβέρνηση των Νεότουρκων και ηγέτης του Ριζοσπαστικού Οθωμανικού Κόμματος. Αυτή η εγκληματική υπόθεση προκαλεί έντονες συζητήσεις ανάμεσα στους Οθωμανούς πολίτες και διχάζει την κοινή γνώμη. Από τη μια πλευρά υπάρχουν όσοι μιλούν για προ��ελετημένο έγκλημα, οργανωμένο από το κόμμα στην εξουσία. Σύμφωνα με αυτούς, το θύμα είχε στην κατοχή του έγγραφα που ενοχοποιούσαν μέλη της κυβέρνησης σχετικά με ορισμένες δημοσιονομικές πρακτικές τους. Από την άλλη, η υπεράσπιση, αρνείται οποιαδήποτε συνωμοτική θεωρία ή πολιτικά κίνητρα. Η ανάλυση αυτής της υπόθεσης μας πληροφορεί για την κατάσταση στην οθωμανική αυτοκρατορία στις αρχές του 20ου αιώνα και μας αποκαλύπτει υποβόσκουσες εντάσεις που απειλούν την κοινωνική της σταθερότητα. Σε αυτή τη μελέτη, η μακεδονική πόλη των Σερρών, αναδεικνύεται ως φυτώριο φενταï, πληρωμένων δηλαδή δολοφόνων στην υπηρεσία της Επιτροπής Ενωση και Πρόοδος.
- Published
- 2012
4. Yane Sandanski as a political leader in Macedonia in the era of the Young Turks
- Author
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Mehmet Hacısalihoğlu
- Subjects
Macédoine ,lcsh:Language and Literature ,History ,Salonika ,GEOGRAPHICAL KEYWORDS ,Μοναστήρι ,Μακεδονία ,KEYWORDS HISTORY ,twentieth century ,Monastir ,Σαλονίκη ,Битола ,Selanik ,CUP ,Politics ,Fédaï ,Salonique ,Солун ,Bitola ,Political science ,twentieth century -- early ,Неврокоп ,Istanbul ,IMRO/VRMO ,Македонија ,Nevrokop ,KEYWORDS DISCIPLINE ,San Stefano ,Language and Literature ,Ισταμπούλ ,Истанбул ,General Medicine ,Exarchat ,Macedonia ,Delčev Gotse (1872-1903) ,Makedonya ,Νευροκόπι ,Sandanski Yane (1872-1915) ,Δράμα ,lcsh:P ,Pavlos Mélas (1870-1904) ,İstanbul ,Θεσσαλονίκη ,Young Turks revolution (1908-1914) ,Humanities ,révolution jeune-turque (1908-1914) ,Drama - Abstract
Yane Sandanski a été de son vivant un héros dans la population macédonienne, et après sa mort, une légende dans toute la région et le sujet de nombreux chants populaires dans la région. Cependant, son image est aujourd’hui très controversée dans les historiographies des États balkaniques. Révolutionnaire, politicien et hommes d’affaires, il a été tué par les nationalistes bulgares en 1915. Il est difficile maintenant de formuler un jugement définitif sur son rôle et ses buts politiques. A-t-il trahi les intérêts nationaux bulgares en Macédoine ? Sans aucun doute ! Mais son alliance avec le CUP a protégé sa région de toute oppression de ce côté. Il était assurément pour une autonomie de la Macédoine, mais cela ne signifie pas qu’il considérait les chrétiens slaves de la région comme une nation distincte, une « nation macédonienne ».Yane Sandanski has been a hero among the Macedonian population in his lifetime, and after his death a legend in the region and the subject of many folksongs in the region. However his image is today very controversial in national historiographies in the Balkan states. Revolutionary, politician and businessman in the end, he was killed by the Bulgarian nationalists in 1915. Now it is difficult to give an absolute evaluation of his role and his political aims. Was he a betrayer of the national Bulgarian interests in Macedonia? definitely yes! But his alliance with the CUP protected his region from any oppression from this part. He was sure for an autonomy of Macedonia, but this does not mean that he regarded the Slavic Christians in Macedonia as a separate nation, namely a “Macedonian nation”.Yane Sandanski henüz hayattayken Makedonya halkı arasında kahraman olmuş Makedonyalı bir ihtilalci idi ve ölümünden sonra bölgede bir çok halk türküsüne konu olan bir efsane haline geldi. Bununla birlikte Sandanski günümüzde Balkan ülkelerinin tarih yazımlarında çelişkili bir imaja sahiptir. Önce ihtilalci, sonra politikacı ve daha sonra da işadamı olan Sandanski 1915 yılında Bulgar milliyetçileri tarafından öldürüldü. Sandanski’nin rolü ve siyasi amaçları hakkında kesin bir değerlendirme yapmak günümüzde oldukça zordur. Makedonya’daki Bulgar milliyetçi hedeflerinin düşmanı mıydı ? Kesinlikle evet ! Fakat onun İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti ile ittifakı, etkisi altında bulunan bölgeyi hükümetin her türlü baskısından korudu. Şüphesiz Makedonya’nın özerkliğini savunuyordu, fakat bu Sandanski’nin Makedonya’daki Slav Hıristiyanları ayrı bir ulus, yani bir “Makedonya ulusu” olarak gördüğü anlamına gelmez.
- Published
- 2012
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
5. Martyr(e) Témoin de vie ou témoin de mort ?
- Author
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Courban, Antoine and Courban, Antoine
- Abstract
Le martyr musulman, mort dans le cadre du combat spirituel pour Dieu, va directement au paradis ; il ne meurt pas. La félicité paradisiaque dont il bénéficie n’est pas la vision directe de Dieu qu’il ne peut pas voir. Il est « vu » par Dieu. Dans le martyre chrétien, c’est Dieu qui vient à la rencontre de l’homme. Dans l’islam, c’est l’homme qui va vers Dieu et qui conquiert, dans une sorte de projet prométhéen, la plénitude de sa propre ontologie. C’est donc un acte à caractère politique plus affirmé. Le phénomène du martyr-suicide contemporain n’est pas une spécificité islamique. Il se rencontre dans d’autres cultures religieuses comme chez les Sikhs. Par ailleurs, l’islam n’est pas un tout homogène. C’est dans le monde chiite préférentiellement, marqué par la révolution de Khomeiny où la notion de Malakut (mundus imaginalis) a une importance cruciale, que le martyr-suicide pourrait être compris comme un déicide symbolique fondateur d’un ordre politique. Comme témoin de mort, il rend témoignage pour la volonté de puissance, la libido dominandi, qui lui fait commettre l’auto-meurtre, non de soi, mais de cet Autre qui est en lui et qui l’empêcherait de devenir autonome. Comme témoin de vie, il rend témoignage de la pérennité de l’identité du groupe perçue comme une essence intemporelle. Sa mort est un moment de fondation de cette identité collective source des pires violences., Martyrdom - Bearing Witness to Life or Death ? The Muslim martyr who gives his life to the spiritual cause of God goes straight to paradise – he does not die. The felicity he enjoys there is not a direct vision of God, for God cannot be seen. He however is ‘seen’ by God. In Christian martyrdom, it is God who reaches out to man. In Islam, it is man who reaches out to God and who, in Promethean style, grasps the plenitude of his own ontology. Martyrdom is then for the Muslim a more clearly-voiced political act. The current phenomenon of suicide attacks is not however an Islamic specificity. It also exists in other religious cultures, for example Sikhism. Moreover, Islam is not a perfectly homogenous religion. It is mainly in the Shiite world, where the Khomeini revolution has left its stamp and in which the notion of Malakut (mundus imaginalis) plays a key role, that martyrdom through acts of suicidal violence may be seen as the symbolic Deicide on which a political order is founded. In that it bears witness to death, martyrdom is also an expression of the desire for power, the libido dominandi, which causes the martyr to sacrifice their own life not in their own name but in the name of the Other within them who prevents them from attaining autonomy. In that it bears witness to life, martyrdom also bears witness to the perennity of the identity of the group as atemporal. The martyr’s death is the instance in which this collective identity is founded and is a breeding ground for the most terribly violent acts.
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