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After being founded in 1963, the Fédération Sportive des Handicapés Physiques de France (FSHPF) began a timid move towards regional structuring, with the creation of a Comité Régional Lyonnais-Forez-Dauphiné-Savoie (CR-LFDS) – alongside that of Ⓘle-de-France – in 1965. From 1968 onwards, the strengthening of links with the French State Department for Youth and Sport helped to accentuate this movement. The FSHPF, renamed the FFSHP in 1968, finally obtained a delegation of powers from this department on 20 June 1972. This article looks at the conditions and reasons for this accelerated recognition by the State. It puts forward the hypothesis that it was paradoxically the result of the crisis that led to the split into two federal organisations in early 1972 (the FFSHP and the FFOHP, created on the initiative of the president of the CR-LFDS). This hypothesis is explored by crossing the archives of the Department of State for Youth and Sport and those of the two rival federations (as well as testimonies collected from the leaders of the time). These archives shed light on the tensions generated in the early 1970s by the organisation of international sporting events and the desire to control the development of a growing sport for the physically disabled. In 1971–1972, the crisis that erupted around the organisation of the "World Winter Games" helped the FFSHP gain the status of a delegated federation, a prerequisite for its entry into the French National Olympic and Sports Committee (CNOSF) in 1973 and the secondment of technical advisors by the State (1976). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do presidents freely issue unilateral directives to evade an obstructionist Congress, or are they constrained by their legislative opponents? Though conventional wisdom purports evasion, scholars actually find consistent evidence of presidential restraint. However, this literature almost exclusively focuses on executive orders, rather than the myriad of other unilateral directives at the president's disposal, and thus offers an incomplete picture of how effective Congress is at constraining unilateral policymaking. Accordingly, I develop a theory of how presidents adjudicate between different types of directives based on trade-offs related to their traceability, presidential incentives, and Congress's ability to retaliate based on available information. I argue that presidents rely on more traceable unilateral directives, specifically executive orders, and published memoranda, when facing ideologically aligned congresses that are less likely to retaliate. However, they use less traceable directives, like unpublished memoranda, to evade legislative opponents, but at the expense of credit claiming opportunities. Using an original dataset of executive orders, published memoranda, and unpublished memoranda issued between 1981 and 2020, I find empirical support for the theory. Overall, this study demonstrates how presidents can overcome legislative checks by controlling the traceability of their unilateral activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the occurrence of the Covid-19 pandemic, the laws made by the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR) as a legislative body, ideally, should not cease to reflect society's needs pursuant to the realisation of the representation principle. In analysing the fulfilment of such an ideal conception with the reality of its implementation, this paper aims to discuss the trends and discourses regarding the laws made by DPR, as a balancing power to the presidential body, during the pandemic as a new state of emergency. The authors would like to scrutinise the trend of laws passed by the DPR in various sectors, both quantitatively by evaluating the number of outcomes and qualitatively by observing the issues raised during the law-making process. Finally, this paper finds that the DPR still falls short of expectations on ensuring the actualisation of a democratic law-making process amidst the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2023, Bulgaria saw the first regular, politically accountable, Cabinet after two years of caretaker cabinets following early elections in April. The election saw Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (Grazhdani za evropeysko razvitie na Bulgaria, GERB) emerge as the plurality winner but without a clear majority, and a coalition government between GERB and We Continue the Change–Democratic Bulgaria (PP‐DB) materialized. Seen as an artificially cobbled‐together creation, the Cabinet faced increasing opposition and two failed no‐confidence votes. A constitutional amendment in late 2023 limited the president's power to appoint caretaker cabinets. Bulgaria remained divided on its stance toward Russia and nationalism, and political apathy rose, casting doubt on future stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colonial rule in Sudan altered kingship and ended the kingdom among the Azande and neighboring groups. Yet the ruling clan, the Avongara, and the lineage of the precolonial Azande kings and chiefs continued. A century elapsed before a new institution, the Azande Kingdom, could be reborn with a new monarch at its head. This article draws on ethnographic research and interviews in Yambio, South Sudan, to show that the twenty-first-century Azande Kingdom, established in 2022, is a reinvented monarchy rather than a replica of its nineteenth-century predecessors. It concludes that the institution was formed through the amalgamation of four precolonial kingdoms in an invention that aimed to invoke the unification and traditions of the Azande within the confines of the modern nation-state of South Sudan. Unlike its predecessors, the Azande Kingdom is a modern creation modeled on modern governments with their ministers and departments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to find out the subjects of the formation and implementation of the state policy in the field of health care of Ukraine, the article analyzes the individual opinions of scientists who researched in their publications certain issues of the activity of public authorities in the field of health care. A substantive analysis of current legal acts, in particular, provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine, Laws of Ukraine: «Basics of the legislation of Ukraine on health care» was carried out; «On local self-government in Ukraine»; «About the public health system»; «About the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine»; «On local state administrations», Decrees of the President of Ukraine and resolutions of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine and other legal acts that determine the powers of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, the President of Ukraine, the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, the Ministry of Health of Ukraine, central executive bodies, local state administrations, as well as the activities of local selfgovernment bodies, executive bodies of village, settlement, and city councils, which, within the limits of their powers provided by law, implement state policy in the field of health care. Attention is drawn to certain disagreements in the wording of Art. 15 of the Law of Ukraine «Basics of the Legislation of Ukraine on Health Care», which states that the implementation of state policy in the field of health care is ensured by the central body of executive power, that is, the Ministry of Health of Ukraine, while the Regulation on the Ministry of Health of Ukraine, determines that the ministry not only implements state policy in the field of health care, but also ensures its formation. On this basis, the author suggests bringing the Regulations on the Ministry of Health of Ukraine into compliance with the law, or amending the law. The author comes to the conclusion that the subjects of state policy formation in the field of health care of Ukraine are the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, the President of Ukraine, the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, and the Ministry of Health of Ukraine. The Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, the Ministry of Health of Ukraine (its structural subdivisions), other central bodies of executive power, local state administrations, as well as local self-government bodies, executive bodies of village, settlement, and city councils implement state policy in the field of health care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the problematic aspects of the procedural legal personality of the State Service of Ukraine for geodesy, cartography and cadastre as a central body of executive power, which at the same time performs the function of state control over the use and protection of land of all categories and forms of ownership (with the exception of cases of decision-making by local councils on implementation of the function of state control by the executive committees of such councils), and is empowered to transfer state-owned land for agricultural purposes into the ownership or use of individuals and legal entities, and into the communal ownership of territorial communities. Judicial practice shows the existence of two diametrically opposed approaches to the defined procedural legal personality of the State Geocadastre, in particular, in cases following a prosecutor's lawsuit filed on the basis of Art. 24 of the Law «On the Prosecutor's Office» when representing the interests of the state in court in the event that the protection of the legitimate interests of the state is not carried out or is improperly carried out by the subject of power, to whose competence the relevant powers are assigned. The first approach boils down to the recognition of the State Geocadastre as a plaintiff in any cases related to the violation of land legislation; the second - consists in the fact that the State Geocadastre is a plaintiff only in clearly defined cases, and therefore in the absence of a body that should protect the violated interests of the state, the proper plaintiff is the prosecutor. Depending on which approach is used in a specific court case, the extent of procedural legal personality of the State Geocadastre will be different, given the determined procedural status of the State G eocadastre in a specific court case. In the article, the authors, based on the legislation, define their vision of the rules for the involvement of the State Geocadastre in the consideration of land disputes, which allows to determine uniform rules for determining the scope of procedural legal personality of the State Geocadastre in courts in accordance with the provisions of the legislation of Ukraine. In addition, the authors formulate proposals for improving the legislation in this part. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the analysis of public administration in the field of national minorities rights protection. The author analyzes the system of authorities aimed at protecting the national minorities interests and nationalities in Ukraine. The Committee on Nationalities under the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine was the first ukrainian central state body of the executive power, entrusted with the functions of ensuring ethno-national policy and protecting the national minorities interests. It is emphasized that the structure of public authorities protecting the rights of national minorities was not limited exclusively to the activities of the specialized central executive body. The positions of Advisor to President on ethno-national problems of Crimea and Advisor to President on the affairs of the Ukrainian diaspora were introduced. At the regional (oblast) level, the Republican Committee for Nationalities and Deported Citizens of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea operates, as well as the relevant subdivisions at the local level-nationalities and migration departments of regional state administrations. The situation changed with the switch of the state policy vector from pro-Russian to pro-European. This was not least due to the recommendations of the OSCE and the need to converge with the acquis communautaire of the European Union. National minorities rights protection has been in focus since the independence of Ukraine. Establishing and functioning of the relevant Ministry (Committee) on National Minorities is a direct confirmation of this thesis. This issue was always in focus of the Ukrainian governments besides the period of the rule of the pro-Russian government (2010-2014), when most of the state institutions for the protection of national minorities were liquidated. This fact determined the revolutionary events of the Euromaidan (2014) to some extent. As of today, Ukraine fulfills its obligations regarding the protection of the national minorities rights. The current central authority (State Service of Ukraine for Ethnic Policy and Freedom of Conscience, DESS) was formed in accordance with the recommendations of the OSCE and taking into account the experience of the EU member-states. Its status is lower in the executive power hierarchy. However, its scope of competence and its actual activity best serves the interests of the national minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the provisions of the Basic Law of our state, life and health, honor and dignity, inviolability and security of a person are the highest social value. In order to ensure the guaranteed right to health care, the state, in the form of authorized bodies, takes the necessary organizational and legal measures and methods aimed at preserving human health. The human right to health covers a wide range of health-related phenomena and practices. Standardization, licensing and accreditation as means of ensuring the human right to health care directly belong to this spectrum of social relations. Taking into account the fact that the health care of citizens is based on a number of principles enshrined in the Constitution and laws of Ukraine, the article emphasizes that standardization, licensing and accreditation, which are the guarantee of life and health care, occupy a specific weight in health care citizens. Through the prism of legislative regulation and the analysis of subordinate regulatory legal acts, the author of the article examines the impact of regulatory legal acts on the regulation of relations in the field of standardization, licensing, and accreditation. The author focuses on the activities of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, the Ministry of Health of Ukraine, the State Service of Ukraine for Medicinal Products and Drug Control, as well as other public administration entities that play a leading role in licensing, standardization and accreditation of business entities, as well as other participants in relations in the field of health care. In general, the article draws attention to the important role of public law entities in regulating relations in the field of standardization, licensing, and accreditation, as well as draws attention to the legal mechanism of compulsory licensing. It is concluded that the modern system of public administration in the researched sphere of public relations is carried out primarily by authorized state bodies. It is emphasized that the subject of further research should be the issue of determining the system of public and private law entities involved in the process of regulating relations in the sphere of health care of Ukraine, the disclosure of the legal mechanism of compulsory licensing in order to ensure the health of the population, the defense of the state, environmental safety and other public interests, as well as the activities of public entities during the martial law regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates presidents' foreign and defence policy activism under Portugal's premier-presidential system from 1982 to 2021. First, the article discusses the extant literature on intra-executive conflicts in semi-presidential systems. Then, it provides an overview of Portugal's experience with semi-presidentialism since 1976 and the powers of the Portuguese president. The third section describes all significant foreign and defence policy presidential interventions from 1982 to 2021 that resulted in disputes with the prime minister. This section estimates presidents' and prime ministers' ex-ante preferences over the issues at stake. We verify which preference is closest to the ex-post content of the policy implemented – if it is the president's, it counts as a presidential win. We identify the formal and informal means by which presidents acted. Informal means are essentially going public tactics. In addition, we inductively pin down the necessary and sufficient conditions under which presidents intervene and succeed. The article's main findings are two: first, the president's second term, absence of a strictly unified executive and a majority cabinet are separately necessary but jointly sufficient for presidential interventions to occur; second, formal powers are a necessary but insufficient condition for presidential victory. Finally, we speculate on the policy, institutional, and electoral consequences of presidential activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recognition of the transient dominant instability mode is of great significance for rapidly and accurately formulating transient emergency decisions in power systems. In response to the challenge of accurately distinguishing between angle instability and voltage instability, which are coupled in actual power grids, this paper explores the mapping relationship between simulation data and the stable state of the system, as well as the dominant instability mode. The method enables real‐time identification of the dominant instability mode, which bypasses complex physical mechanisms. Firstly, spatio‐temporal feature mining is conducted, where convolutional neural networks are employed to learn crucial local features of transient curves, and bidirectional gated recurrent unit s utilized to learn transient features over time sequences. Next, a multihead attention mechanism is introduced to enhance sensitivity to important time steps in the sequence data. Finally, the transit search optimization algorithm optimizes the global model parameters, further increasing the accuracy of the model. Using the IEEE 10‐machine and 39‐node system as an example for simulation, the results validate that the proposed method exhibits significant advantages in terms of accuracy and applicability compared with other machine learning methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disasters often require large-scale evacuations, and damage key infrastructure (e.g., power, transportation). With growing electric vehicle (EV) adoption and electrification of transportation, governments and utilities may face significant power challenges during disasters, especially during the evacuation stage. Low state-of-charge, sporadic charging infrastructure, or power outages could significantly hamper safe and effective evacuations. Yet, EVs also offer possible resilience benefits to emergency response by more easily charging electronics or sending power back to the grid through vehicle-to-grid (V2G) technology. This paper focuses on the opportunities, benefits, and drawbacks of EVs in disasters and evacuations through a systematic review of current literature, reports, and sources. Overall, this review discovered EVs show promise as modes of transportation and mobile energy supply units. However, crucial challenges such as charging infrastructure locations, upfront cost of resilience technologies, and user behavior necessitate more dedicated research to overcome shortcomings and guide more realistic implementation of benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In late 2021, President Biden relied on the Procurement Act to sign an Executive Order effectively requiring every employee of any private company that contracts with the federal government to be fully vaccinated for COVID-19. While the mandate was ultimately rescinded less than two years later, it produced four inconsistent federal circuit court opinions that together expose the problems with existing judicial frameworks for analyzing executive authority under the Procurement Act. This Note explores the growth of the federal procurement industry, the evolution of executive orders under the Procurement Act, and the existing jurisprudence for executive power under the Act. The dominant judicial test, the Kahn framework, contains no inherent limiting principle to the President's authority and is outdated given the ever-increasing size of the federal procurement industry and the evolving nature of executive orders under the Act. Meanwhile, the circuits enjoining the contractor vaccine mandate reached the correct outcome given the text and legislative history of the statute, but erred in applying the major questions doctrine to a presidential delegation. This Note proposes that courts should first inquire into what extent an order imposes affirmative obligations on contractor employees beyond what is necessary for performance on the government contract. This inquiry will recenter Procurement Act jurisprudence back to the text and legislative history of the statute, offer a limiting principle to the Kahn framework, and avoid the interpretive pitfalls of applying the major questions doctrine to a presidential delegation. Furthermore, it will help to clarify public and private accountability by placing limits on the executive's role in altering private employment relationships through government contracts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the media coverage of the Maldives parliamentary elections and its implications for India. It highlights the shift in Maldives President Mohamed Muizzu's policies towards China, leading to strained relations with India. The Indian mainstream media expressed concern over the growing Chinese influence in the region and the potential challenges for India-Maldives relations. The coverage emphasized the strategic importance of the Maldives to India and the impact of the election results on regional dynamics. [Extracted from the article]

Emergency powers are widely, and justly, criticized as threats to the rule of law. In the United States, forty-three declared emergencies give the executive vast authority to exercise power unencumbered by standard legal and procedural requirements. A long tradition of executive use of emergency powers to erode civil liberties amplifies fears of executive overreach. Yet this, we argue, is only part of the picture. We examine how emergency powers can be used for good. We argue that under certain limited conditions, political actors can legitimately invoke emergency powers to transform public policy. In addition to widely accepted requirements of crisis severity, transparency, and time limits, we argue that broad consensus and a reformulated non-discrimination requirement are essential to the proper use of emergency powers for societal transformation. We analyze recent high-profile exercises of emergency powers by the U.S. executive to fund a wall on the southern border and to forgive billions in student debt, as well as the European Union's (EU) extraordinarily frequent and broad use of emergency powers in the last three years in response to COVID-19 and Russia's Ukraine invasion. We conclude that the U.S. measures fail under our normative framework, while the EU measures offer a promising template for the transformative use of emergency powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Machiavelli's chapters on the Decemvirate (D 1.35, 1.40-45) advance an internal critique of the juridical discourse of sovereignty. I first contextualize these chapters in relation to several of Machiavelli's potential sources, including Livy's Ab urbe condita, Dionysius of Halicarnassus's Roman Antiquities, and the antiquarian writings of Andrea Fiocchi and Giulio Pomponio Leto. I then analyze Machiavelli's claim that the decemvirs held "absolute authority" (autorità assoluta)—an authority that was unconstrained by either laws or countervailing magistrates. I proceed to argue that Machiavelli's account of the decemvirs' election contains a web of allusions to the lex regia, the "royal law" by which the Roman people were thought to have conveyed their sovereign power to an emperor. By modeling the decemvirs' election on the lex regia, Machiavelli reveals the political limitations of the doctrine of popular sovereignty; moreover, he illustrates that even free and fair elections can easily give rise to tyranny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presidents occupy a unique role as both the head of the executive branch and a de facto party leader. They nationalize politics and polarize lawmaking. Members of Congress know this, and they leverage the president's symbolic power to heighten political conflict. I argue that lawmakers, particularly those in the nonpresidential party, invoke the president to nationalize legislative debate and polarize constituent opinion. Using the text of House and Senate floor speeches between 1973 and 2016 and a within‐member panel design, I find that legislators reference the president more frequently in the out‐party and increasingly so as a district's media environment becomes more nationalized. Presidential references are also moderated by constituency partisanship. I support the behavioral implications with a vignette experiment: when a Republican Senator invokes President Biden in a policy speech, Republican respondents increase approval of that Senator and oppose political compromise. This research highlights the institutional consequences of nationalization and negative partisanship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Federal administrative agencies are one of the primary policymaking venues in the United States. One of the core features of U.S. administrative practice is the notice-and-comment process in which agencies solicit, collect, and respond to comments from the public before issuing new regulations. In this paper, we develop a model of commenting based on three motivations—litigation preservation; agency persuasion; and expression—and analyze public comments to determine how features of the political environment, and specifically the president in power, affect the pool of commenters. We focus on the 2017 presidential transition, when there was both a change in Presidents and the party in control of the White House. We find that there were greater differences in the pool of commenters between administrations than within administrations and that interest groups tended to participate more when they were more closely associated with the party in power. Our findings support the view that many commenters use the public comment process for persuasive purposes, and not only to preserve litigation opportunities or for purely expressive reasons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Changes in formal powers of political actors like presidents are expected to impact their behavior. This study examines speeches that presidents can utilize for a variety of purposes ranging from topical reflections to new political initiatives and criticism of the government and political parties. In semi-presidential regimes, presidents are often constitutionally weaker than governments, but their popularity opens the possibility of using the public platform for swaying the minds of citizens or politicians. We analyze the tone and content of Finnish presidents' New Year's messages and parliamentary speeches from 1932 to 2023. To contribute to the long-standing literature on regime effects, we gauge the impact of Finland's comprehensive constitutional reform that stripped off most powers of the presidency that was formerly considered among the strongest in Europe. The results show that presidential activity changed already in the mid-1990s when the reform was still underway, and presidents appointed since then speak systematically less about domestic policy and emphasize national unity and citizens, indicating that constitutionally weaker presidents recognize their jurisdictional limits and lean more on their role as directly elected heads of state operating above political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American democracy is in crisis. The emergence of affective polarization and populism has contributed to a divided America in which both sides perceive every election as an existential threat to their ways of life, values, and democracy itself. Central features of liberal democracy, including the right to vote, the system of checks and balances, and presidential transitions of power, appear to be collectively under threat in ways they have not been since the Civil War. Scholars diverge on both the sources of and responses to the crisis. For some, the problem is too much democracy, and the solution is less. For others, the problem is too little democracy, and the solution is more. This review offers a synthesis of the contrasting accounts of American democracy in crisis and advances a third alternative of better democracy as a key to escaping the crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Populist, illiberal, or outright autocratic movements threaten democracies worldwide, particularly when such extreme political forces gain control of executive power. For public administration illiberal backsliders in government pose a dilemma. Trained on instrumental values and expected to implement neutrally the political choices of their elected superiors, bureaucrats lack orientation of how to act in situations when obeying their own government may mean becoming an accomplice to democratic regression. Against this background, this article maps the dubious demands of backsliders in government as well as the potential reactions of bureaucrats to them. Public administration thinking is subsequently examined with a view to showing how administrative resistance to democratic backsliding could be normatively justified. Finally, the article provides practical recommendations to enhance the resilience of democratic public administration in the face of illiberal challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Enhancing both the policy literature and institutional literature, this article uses instrumental case studies to showcase how the Supreme Court views presidential authority regarding to immigration policy. Immigration policy stems from concurrent authority between the legislature and the executive while bridging domestic and foreign affairs. I contend that the Court's position on the extent of executive authority is congruent with the "Two Presidencies Thesis" by recognizing executive authority with regard to immigration policy that involves diplomatic engagement or national security, while limiting the president on policies that do not have a direct impact on foreign policy. The first category is exemplified by immigration restrictions while the second is illustrated with the issue of deportation. On the issue of border security, the president's power appears to vary. I also argue that limitations on presidential power have resulted from procedural and administrative limitations on the more "domestic" immigration issues, which also provides evidence against the emergence of a unitary executive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the authors' experience of being involved as technical experts in Southampton City Council's interrogation of the private rented sector, the paper considers the potential and the limitations of local government scrutiny inquires as a mechanism for assisting in the achievement of social justice. Scrutiny Inquiries are a relatively new democratic initiative introduced to provide a counterbalance to the greater concentration of powers in the council executive brought about by the Local Government Act 2000. The paper contributes to the literature on local government scrutiny, which is currently driven by public administration scholarship, by developing a holistic socio-legal analysis that seeks to embed a single case study within the wider complex legal, political and social environment. Although Scrutiny Inquiries empower back-bench local councillors and, to a lesser extent, promote community engagement in local government decision making, the paper identifies how austerity localism and reforms to the broader accountability environment have exposed gaps in the system of oversight of local government performance. Nonetheless we found there was political potential in the scrutiny inquiry process because it mobilised landlords and tenants in the city and provided a template for local action on private renting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the classic powers of the president and heads of state is the power of amnesty. The limits and use of this authority differ from country to country. While the general amnesty eliminates all the consequences of conviction, the special amnesty is only a matter for the execution regime. In the Turkish constitutional system, the President has the authority to commute or remit the sentences imposed on persons, on grounds of chronic illness, disability or old age. When evaluated in the context of its definitions, it can be stated that the President’s power of amnesty included in the 1924, 1961 and 1982 constitutions is special amnesty. The special amnesty power of the President has a multidisciplinary nature that is within the scope of political science, public administration, constitutional law, administrative law, penal law and forensic medicine. The intense execution of the amnesty process for those convicted of terrorist crimes during the President Ahmet Necdet Sezer period drew the attention of the public to this area. The President’s special amnesty practices attract the attention of the public in cases where this process is run for people who are well known by the public. However, probably due to the multidisciplinary nature mentioned above, the subject remained in an area of relatively little academic interest. In the study, firstly, the theoretical foundations and infrastructure of the special amnesty granted to the President are discussed. Afterwards, the constitutional basis of the issue, the shape, nature and limits of the President’s power of pardon were examined in the light of the special amnesty decrees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Minorities are particularly vulnerable during times of emergency, particularly those that challenge the state. However, it is not understood how minorities can be targeted through emergency decrees despite the government agreeing they had nothing to do with the reasons for declaring the state of emergency. The Turkish emergency in 2016 highlights this little-understood tendency where the government constructed an emergency around a threat from coup plotters, but then much of the subsequent extraordinary legislation targeted the Kurdish minority. We argue that this was possible because the Turkish government engaged in modular emergency rule. Modular emergency rule combines modes of ordinary rule with emergency powers, thus blurring the boundaries between the two. Emergency measures were laid on top of already existing policies that sought to restrict Kurdish politics in public life. In this way, modular emergency rule became more than just a transient form of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates and critiques the view that Lockean prerogative power is or should be incorporated, legally or extralegally, into the American constitutional system. Some scholars argue that extraconstitutional prerogative represents a safer alternative to a broad legal reading of presidential power, as it creates fewer precedents. Others suggest that the Framers "constitutionalized prerogative." Both of these views have difficulties because ultimately, prerogative can create more dangerous precedents than legal uses of presidential power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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It is indicated that the proper functioning of local executive power, the creation of an optimal system of local executive power bodies should ensure effective influence on the development of each region, especially the cross-border region. It is generally accepted that local bodies of executive power implement the functions of the state, which are close to the population. In Ukraine, a new people-centered model of activity of public administration subjects is being formed. The article examines the process of formation of administrative authorities and management in Subcarpathian Rus (Transcarpathia) during the first half of the 20s of the 20th century. It was established that the process of forming the structure of state administration in Subcarpathia began already at the beginning of 1919, and in the summer of the same year, several projects of the organization of government in the region were already developed in Prague. On the basis of the General Statute, the model of relations within the local government between the Directory, the administrator and the military leadership during 1919-1920 was analyzed. The formation of abstract departments at the Civil Administration, which was headed by an administrator, is briefly described. The importance of the changes introduced by the government decree No. 356/1920 «On amending the General Statute of Subcarpathian Rus» was revealed, according to which the functions and powers were radically redistributed in favor of the bodies that represented the central government in the region. The theory of the creation of two branches of administrative management in relation to the competence of the Civil Administration of Subcarpathian Rus is presented: autonomous institutions and institutions of the state. The description of the gubernatorial council as an advisory body under the governor is provided. It was noted that the new General Statute, in terms of the norms governing the activities of the vice-governor and the gubernatorial council, went beyond the Constitution of the Czechoslovak Republic. It is proved that the administrative reorganization in Czechoslovakia in 1925 and especially in 1927 only distanced Subcarpathian Rus from real autonomy, since the process of further centralization and unification of power and administration took place throughout the territory of the republic. Appropriate conclusions have been drawn regarding the retention and gradual incorporation (integration) of the region into the all-Czechoslovak legal system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of economic and legal support for the activity of an enterprise that is a resident of Diya City. Based on the analysis, it was concluded that in the conditions of the digital economy there can be economic systems in which there are intra-system organizational economic legal relations and intra-economic legal relations. In intra-system organizational economic relations, their participants are legally equal, therefore management in the form of coordination within the system will be implemented on the basis of economic dominance, which ensures mutually beneficial interaction between the participants of this system. A resident of Diya City, created in the form of a company with limited or additional liability on the basis of an economic contract, can transfer the powers of the executive body to another legal entity. It is expedient to define the requirements for such a legal entity as fully as possible in the Diya City resident statute. The contract for the performance of the powers of the executive body of the resident of Diya City must contain the following essential conditions: subject, price, term of the contract, financial and economic indicators that must be achieved by the resident of Diya City as a result of management, deadlines for their achievement, conditions for control and reporting, grounds for early termination of the contract. Before concluding an agreement on the transfer of powers to the executive body of the resident of Diya City to comply with the legal economic order on the basis of the previous agreement, it is advisable for the parties to organize mutual checks: audit, compliance, due diligence, etc. On the basis of an economic outsourcing contract, including an IT outsourcing contract, a resident of Diya City can involve professional, highly specialized companies in his own economic system. Such a feature of outsourcing as the duration of the relationship between the parties in this relationship will be optional, as it may arise for the implementation of a certain project. Digitization allows the enterprise to move from such organizational forms as management, regulation, control mainly to coordination, because with digitalization, the enterprise creates digital structural units and digital management bodies, and digital (virtual) workplaces become the basis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text of the article analyzes approaches to the definitions of the concepts of "justice" and "police". Through the generalization of different views on the specified concepts, it is proposed to establish the criterion by which their demarcation can be carried out. In the opinion of the author, since police and judicial activities overlap in the implementation of the law enforcement function of the state, it is here that the specified criterion should be sought. In particular, it is noted in the work that justice is the sphere of direct implementation of the law enforcement function of the state, the content of which is the resolution of conflicts of legal and illegal interests, denial of the committed offense and approval of the law in legal relations. Instead, the police is assigned to carry out only operative and forceful enforcement of the law enforcement function, that is, it is only an auxiliary activity in the law enforcement sphere (for example, prevention, detection and recording of certain types of offenses, search and detention of violators, providing protection from them to individuals and legal entities, ensuring the execution of court orders decisions and sentences, detention of convicts and other types of coercion). The limits of such auxiliary activity in different states and even in one state at different times may be different, but this does not change the fact that justice and the police play different roles in the performance of law enforcement functions: the first is the main one, the second is auxiliary. In addition, the article points to the fact that justice is connected exclusively with only one law-enforcement function of the state, and the police is mainly involved in the administrative function. Therefore, the criterion for distinguishing between justice and the police, and according to their concepts, it is necessary to determine what fundamentally distinguishes the specified state structures, makes them different by their nature in the system of state power; such a criterion is the nature of the functions of the state to which these phenomena are adapted. The author notes that the police is a special institution of the state, called together with other structures of the executive power to implement the legal order ideally defined by the legislative power in the norms, actually establishing and maintaining this order in society, preventing its violations and stopping them. At the same time, the specificity of the police in relation to other bodies of the executive power is that it acts as a "force" component of the executive power, has the necessary means and skills to use coercion, including forceful physical and armed coercion in order to maintain proper law and order Instead, the judiciary is called upon to ensure, within the scope of the law enforcement function, the authoritative resolution of conflicts between legal and illegal interests, denying offenses and in this way affirming legality and restoring the violated legal order. The sphere of justice includes legal activities related to the establishment of legal facts, the investigation of the facts of offenses, the resolution of legal disputes, as well as the determination and realization of the responsibility of violators of the law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When does the delegation of legislative powers to the executive endanger policy compliance? The European Union (EU) Lisbon Treaty introduced quasi-legislative tertiary legislation – delegated acts – which empowers the European Commission to amend secondary legislation. Formally, member states control delegated acts only ex post via a veto power in the Council, while they have both ex ante amendment powers and ex post veto over the alternative Commission legislation: implementing acts. However, as member states determine the choice of legislative instrument, we argue that they would consent to the Commission adopting delegated acts only on non-controversial issues. Such selection should result in their lower compliance with implementing than with delegated acts. Our analyses of member states' transposition delays and infringement cases related to EU tertiary directives support this argument. The results suggest that the delegation of legislative powers to the executive does not increase non-compliance when the legislators have the means to moderate it ex ante. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the structure of under-frequency load shedding (UFLS) relays in the interconnected power system (IPS) of Ukraine. The equivalent power system model to study the UFLS operation is developed, and UFLS configuration scenarios considering the requirements of ENTSO-E, are configured. The frequency stability for different scenarios of UFLS settings considering planned and emergency active power imbalances are studied. The plots illustrating the frequency change in the power system under these conditions are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2004, Indonesia has held 5-yearly national elections for the positions of president and vice president. This has been a promising step forward in a maturing democracy. However, a restriction was imposed that nomination of presidential candidates can only be made made by political parties with parliamentary representation above some minimum level—the "minimum threshold". That threshold is relatively high, meaning that since 2009, there has only ever been two candidates for president in the elections, each backed by coalitions led by the dominant establishment parties. This paper discusses the workings of the minimum threshold and argues that it undermines democratic principles, having the effect of preserving and strengthening the power of the strongest political parties at the expense of new or emerging voices. We also propose an alternative approach that delivers the desired broader democratic voice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Purpose: Excessive borrowing significantly contributes to pushing businesses towards default and their transition into zombie enterprises. Despite government efforts to implement deleveraging policies and guide bank credit flows, it's essential to delve into the internal dynamics that steer the borrowing behavior of these zombie enterprises at a micro level. To gain a comprehensive understanding of the issue, this study focuses on examining the incentives that drive corporate executives of zombie enterprises to consistently engage in large-scale borrowing from banks. Design/methodology/approach: In this study, panel data analysis is utilized, incorporating firm-, industry- and year-fixed effects. Drawing from data pertaining to listed companies in China spanning from 2007 to 2020, we employ a one-by-one identification method to pinpoint zombie enterprises. Ultimately, a total of 2,533 samples of zombie enterprises were obtained. Findings: The results indicate that as bank loans to zombie enterprises increase, executive monetary compensation decreases, while on-the-job consumption by executives increases, and they are less likely to be forced into rotation. Mechanism testing reveals that corporate performance partially mediates the relationship between bank loans and executive monetary compensation, but this mediation is ineffective for on-the-job consumption and job rotation. Further investigation suggests that the property rights nature of central enterprises and modified audit opinions can exacerbate the adverse impact of bank loans on the monetary compensation of zombie corporate executives, without significantly affecting on-the-job consumption or job rotation. Conversely, executive power does not enhance the positive effects of bank loans on monetary compensation or on-the-job consumption, but it diminishes the negative impact of bank loans on the forced rotation of zombie executives. Research limitations/implications: These results indicate that while bank loans may have a negative impact on corporate value, they function as safeguards for the positions and interests of executives. As a result, bank loans serve as incentives for executives of zombie enterprises. Originality/value: This study holds theoretical significance as it explores the motivations behind non-performing loans in high-borrowing enterprises, sheds light on corporate governance challenges encountered by zombie enterprises and provides policy insights aimed at addressing the underlying causes of persistent non-performing loans in high-borrowing enterprises, including zombie enterprises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Authoritarian populists offer a vision of state. This ideologically fixed imaginary provides an electoral-authoritarian template for how to shape states once in power. Yet not all those called populists are populist. Some are elitist plebeians. They construct themselves as 'the moral elite' above which fights for 'the people' below against 'the corrupt'. I argue that elitist plebeianism contains a distinct vision of government as elected guardianship. Like populists, elitist plebeians advocate extending executive power. Yet they envisage this not as the realization of the people's will, but as the projection of accountability downwards. To them, divisions of power are acceptable as divisions of guardian labour. Rival opinions are not illegitimate, just irrelevant, but opposition is intolerable. Therefore, studies of populist authoritarianism should be revisited. Elitist plebeian visions of state may have been misread as authoritarian populist ones. I examine President Magufuli (Tanzania) as an exemplar and identify other potential elitist plebeians worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note explores variation in how political parties and presidents in Latin America responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. Relying on the Chapel Hill Expert Survey-Latin America (CHES-LA), we argue that preferences regarding the trade-off between virus containment and maintaining an open economy were shaped by the ideological positions of presidents and parties, particularly for more programmatic ones. This is largely consistent with findings in other world regions. Yet, beyond ideological orientation, populism, also had an important – though heterogeneous – effect on response preferences, with non-populists, particularly highly programmatic ones, more consistently supporting virus containment. In addition, both incumbents and more populist presidents and parties favoured further concentration of executive power to address the pandemic. These findings provide evidence of the importance of understanding how ideology, populism and programmatic linkages interact in Latin America's party systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: The aim of this study is to review the specific features of the Constitution of the United States of America, in view of the historical circumstances of its creation, and its topicality. The author stresses that the US Constitution and its interpretation have changed in the light of changing economic, political and social circumstances. Methodology: The author of the study has used the historical and comparative method in writing the paper. It has been considered how and to what extent this constitution has been and is being taken into account today outside the United States, particularly in European countries. Findings: The authors, the 'Founding Fathers' of the Constitution of the United States of America agreed that the Constitution should provide the legal basis i.e. the garantee of the separation and balance of powers. The principle of separation of powers implies the creation of three separate institutions of equal importance in the exercise of power. The checks and balances enshrined in the Constitution ensure balanced exercise of power. In addition to widespread presidential power, the preeminent role of the Supreme Court is according to ou view the most distinctive feature of the constitutional system of the United States of America. Value: In Hungary, this study provides a complex introduction to the Constitution of the United States of America. This includes the sources of the Constitution, the original text of the Constitution and its Amendments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Belügyi Szemle / Academic Journal of Internal Affairs is the property of Ministry of Interior of Hungary and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Drawing on approximately 4000 face‐to‐face interviews with lower house members from seventeen Latin American countries, this article demonstrates how partisan considerations shape legislators' preferences for power‐sharing institutions. Distributive models argue that reforming parties derive preferences based on potential advantages in power allocation, yet the role of individual legislators remains underexplored. The evidence reveals that legislators favor institutional arrangements that maximize their party's influence. Representatives from larger parties prefer electoral rules that reduce the number of parties in the House, while incumbent lawmakers support a stronger executive. Notably, party positions often shift following changes in electoral fortunes: Parties become more favorable of proportional representation after losing seats and advocate for reinforced congressional authority upon leaving office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article in Kiru Magazine focuses on the modification of the designation of the professional practice of dentists in Peru, changing from "AEO" to "AMEEO". It highlights the autonomy of the dentist in their practice, the importance of ethical communication with the patient, and the legal regulation of the profession in the country. The Congress unanimously approved this modification, excluding the participation of other health professionals in the medical act. Despite the approval of Congress, the Executive Power observed the regulation, which implies an additional review. [Extracted from the article]

This article comments on Case T-600/21 to highlight the serious shortcomings in direct actions before EU courts against allegations of fundamental rights violations by Frontex. It contributes to existing scholarship on legal accountability failings with regard to operational activities by Frontex for two reasons. First, the contribution argues that Frontex's operational competences in the area of return are clearly circumscribed, not only by the Regulation on the European Border and Coast Guard and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU, but also by crucial substantive and procedural safeguards contained in the Return Directive. Secondly, the article proposes a number of changes to current remedies against executive action of Frontex, in particular with regard to evidentiary requirements and the qualification of the EU conduct amenable to review. It argues that Article 47 of Charter, as interpreted by the Court of Justice itself, puts that same court under a clear and unequivocal obligation to adapt its own procedures accordingly in order to protect the very core of the right to effective judicial protection, namely access to courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have long been concerned that a popularly elected presidency may destabilize competitive party systems. We develop and test a new theory holding that the impact is more immediate and severe than previously assumed. Coexisting legislative and presidential coalitions first and foremost impede the evolution of predictable party interactions at the executive level, which is the domain of the cabinet. This quality has become accessible for comparative research thanks to the concept of party system closure. Using a new dataset for all European democracies since 1848, we show that presidential elections undermine party system closure in two ways: (1) by confounding patterns of government formation (notably under powerful presidencies) and (2) by disturbing electoral/legislative politics, which in turn affect executive politics. The former, direct effect emerges as dominant from a series of panel analyses and case illustrations. These findings have important implications for current problems of constitutional design and institutional reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How much should we fear that a president will break the law to pursue power—then use their office to avoid legal accountability? Political scientists studying the presidency have often overlooked the risk of what we here call a criminal president. Donald Trump's presidency spotlighted that risk and has begun to shift the field's focus toward not just presidential power but presidential constraints. We believe this shift should continue. In this review, we aim to set an agenda that makes the danger of a criminal president central to understanding the presidency more broadly. Situating the criminal presidency within wider questions about legal and constitutional constraints on presidential power, we emphasize the unique risks to democracy that a president unbound by law can pose. We call for a greater focus on the legal rules governing the executive branch—especially unitary executive ideas—and the policies needed to hold criminal presidents accountable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legislatures are having their moment. From the independent state legislature theory, to the major questions doctrine, to the potential scrapping of the Chevron doctrine, to efforts to constrain popular initiatives, legislative power today seems to be, or at least seeks to be, ascendant. At the state level, one example of the expansion of legislative power is the reinvigoration of legislative veto mechanisms. Legislative vetoes allow legislative branch actors to nullify duly authorized executive branch actions without enacting new laws. Forty years ago, the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in INS v. Chadha invalidated the federal legislative veto as an unconstitutional end-run around the lawmaking requirements of Article I of the U.S. Constitution. But this decision had no binding effect on state legislative veto mechanisms. Today, legislative vetoes persist in many states, and efforts to enhance these mechanisms have surfaced specifically in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. During the COVID-19 pandemic, state legislatures sought heightened legislative veto authority on matters of public health. The pandemic presented public health authorities throughout the country with unprecedented challenges. But little did public health officials anticipate that one challenge would come in the form of legislative pushback against the deployment of public health expertise, as state legislators in many states objected to mask mandates, vaccination campaigns, and other public health measures undertaken by state agencies. Legislatures in several states either stripped public health agencies of some of their discretionary powers or imposed additional hurdles on the exercise of these powers. Many other states have contemplated similar retrenchments. In inviting closer examination of state legislative veto mechanisms, this Article argues that these mechanisms suffer from several anti-democratic defects. Specifically, these mechanisms erode the legitimacy of legislative power, inhibit transparency in governance, prevent formation of customized administrative policies, and threaten to skew the balance of the separation of powers beyond traditional constitutional parameters. Legislation during the COVID-19 pandemic provides a dramatic example of these democratic flaws inherent to the legislative veto, but state legislative vetoes could also hobble other public policy areas. It thus is time for additional attention to the place of the legislative veto in state government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]