Search

This paper explores how Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) technologies obscure the traditional boundaries associated with the military realm. As the first examination of the conditions underlying the assimilation of 4IR technologies in Israel's armed forces, this paper makes several contributions. It expands the knowledge on the military assimilation of 4IR technologies and describes the interaction between military doctrine and technology using current evidence. It also enriches the evolving discussion on the strategic effect of emerging technologies. Finally, it demonstrates how emerging technologies involve neither straightforward spinoff or spin-on processes but a reciprocal transfer of know-how between the military and civilian sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As East-West Asia relations expand and diversify, cross-regional non-state relations develop as well. Surprisingly though, this development has so far been largely overlooked. Attempting to fill this void, this article focuses on the involvement of Japan's and South Korea's civil societies in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. More specifically, it argues that the intensification of cross-regional connections between East Asia and the Middle East generates involvement of the civil society in this conflict, whose specific shape is influenced by the attributes of each state. To test this supposition, the article comparatively examines the civilian protests in Japan and South Korea against Israel and their impact. The article's contribution is fourfold: it examines the important yet inadequately studied growing civil society participation in East-West Asia relations; it indicates the relatively new interaction between state and non-state actors in East Asia concerning the Middle East; it explores for the first time protest movements against Israel in East Asia; and it enriches existing knowledge about civil society participation in South Korea's and Japan's foreign relations with an intriguing yet so far overlooked case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 2010s, there have been mounting calls in China to intensify its role in the Middle East. But seeing the region as highly turbulent, Beijing seems to restrain its political involvement there. So what role does China actually strive for in the Middle East? To answer this question, the article first presents China’s discourse on its future role in the region; next, it analyzes China’s involvement in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and the Syrian civil war, focusing on three diplomatic initiatives it has made concerning these issues. The argument here is that China strives to be part of major processes in the Middle East and attempts to advance its values and interests there, but in a unique pattern of big-power involvement in the region, it tries to achieve this without intensive investment of political, economic, and military resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As most studies on Middle East–East Asian relations focus on the interregional dimension, the manner in which relations between East Asian powers influence, and are influenced by, their policies in the Middle East are largely overlooked. Attempting to add another layer to the study of Sino-Japanese relations, this article explores whether Sino-Japanese rivalry extends to the Middle East. This undertaking requires a conceptual distinction between measures related to Sino-Japanese competition in the Middle East and measures which are related to their rivalry. Building on a minimal definition of interstate rivalry, the article argues that neither the effort to secure energy supply nor their economic or political competition there is shaped by their rivalry. The only field that can be associated with that rivalry is Japan's quasi-military activity in the Middle East, which may enhance its security policy's revision. That, in turn, causes much concern and criticism in Beijing, thus assigning the region a certain role in their relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the involvement of China in the crises in Libya and Syria, the two countries that are part in the Chinese diplomatic region of Western Asia and North Africa. It states the membership of China in United Nations (UN) Security Council involving its implementation of Resolution 1970 banning the supply of weapons to the Qaddafi forces Libyan groups. It also emphasizes the willingness of China to deviate from a neutral policy in promoting regional and international interests.

This article attempts to lay out a conceptual framework for evaluating the actual military value of China's newly developed weaponry. Its basic assumption is that technological military progress is not sufficient to increase military strength. Therefore an alternative approach is adopted that studies the adaptability of the new technologies to the country's strategic situation. To this end, the study assumes that the value of a weapon system is measured by its suitability to the country's military, economic and technological conditions. The country's ability to meet these requirements depends to a large extent on the procurement process. Exploring China's recent military procurement approach, the study finds that under the prevailing conditions, China's military procurement process could reduce the actual military value of the newly developed weaponry. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article reports that a number of conditions exist that can possibly moderate the tension in Chinese-American relations as the new U.S. administration assumes office. It notes that the evaluation of the principal factors, including the limits of U.S. power in international relations, the tension with Russia, and the global financial crisis, can help analyze the developments in Sino-American relations. It outlines possible frameworks of action for Israel as it works with China and the U.S.