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Diante do crescimento e da consolidacao do campo de pesquisas sobre historia das cidades no Brasil, no âmbito da Arquitetura e do Urbanismo, o presente trabalho propoe uma reflexao sobre as possibilidades teoricas e metodologicas para o aprofundamento critico desses estudos. Compreendemos a cidade como um espaco produzido material e simbolicamente pelo conjunto da sociedade urbana, a partir de uma complexa e plural rede de saberes. Por essa razao, consideramos a necessidade de contemplar nessas investigacoes, alem dos aspectos morfologicos e tecnicos priorizados pelo saber academico, as subjetividades e contradicoes que envolvem as praticas e os saberes populares dos multiplos sujeitos urbanos, que criam e transformam cotidianamente o espaco urbano. O comprometimento com a pluralidade de praticas, saberes e sujeitos tem como perspectiva o alargamento do nosso entendimento sobre as cidades brasileiras e a ampliacao das possibilidades para o seu presente e o seu futuro.Palavras-chave: cidade, historia, praticas cotidianas, saberes populares.Linha de Investigacao: 1. Cidade e projeto.Topico: Historia urbana e historia do urbanismo. ABSTRACTConsidering the growth and consolidation of the research field on the history of cities in Brazil, in scope of Architecture and Urbanism, this paper proposes a reflection on the theoretical and methodological possibilities for the critical deepening of these studies. We understand the city as a space produced materially and symbolically by the entire urban society, from a complex and plural network of knowledge. For this reason, we consider the need to contemplate in these investigations, in addition to the morphological and the technical aspects prioritized by academic knowledge, the subjectivities and contradictions that involve the practices and popular knowledge of the multiple urban subjects, who create and transform the urban space in their everyday lifes. The commitment to the plurality of practices, knowledge and subjects aims to broaden our understanding about Brazilian cities and expand the possibilities for their present and their future.Keywords: city, history, everyday life practices, popular knowledge.Research line: 1. City and project.Topic: Urban History and History of Urbanism.

Mainstream conceptualizations of ‘ethical consumption’ equate the notion with conscious, individual, market-mediated choices motivated by ethical or political aims that transcend ordinary concerns. Drawing on recent sociology and anthropology of consumption literature on the links between ordinary ethics and ethical consumption, this article discusses some of the limitations of this conceptualization. Using data from 32 focus groups conducted in Chile and Brazil, we propose a conceptualization of ethical consumption that does not centre on individual, market-mediated choices but understands it at the level of practical outcomes, which we refer to as different forms of ‘ethical living’. To do that, we argue, we need to depart from the deontological understanding of ethics that underpins mainstream approaches to ethical consumption and adopt a more consequentialist view focusing on ethical outcomes. We develop these points through describing one particular ordinary moral regime that seemed to be predominant in participants’ accounts of ethics and consumption in both Chile and Brazil: one that links consumption and ethics through care. We show that the moral regime of care leads to ‘ethical outcomes’, such as energy saving or limiting overconsumption, yet contrary to the mainstream view of ethical consumption emphasizing politicized choice expressed through markets, these result from following ordinary ethics, often through routines of practices.

For Peter the Great, beards and the traditional “Russian” clothing marked the hated old times (N. Ustryalov, S. Solovyov, L. Hughes, etc.). However, this statement has never been proved by references to any sources which could reveal the tsar’s own opinion or that of his associates on the problem in question. The author undertakes the first attempt to establish the position of Peter the Great and his associates on the need for “Europeanization” of the appearance of Russian subjects. The article analyzes the story of the introduction of beard shaving and the adoption of “European” clothing in different versions of The History of the Swedish War. The collected data enable the author to suppose that the ideological justification of the introduction of beard shaving and “European” clothing in Peter the Great’s Russia was based upon the opposition between the traditional Russian appearance associated with the appearance of “pagan peoples” and the appearance of European subjects viewed as a Christian one. This ideologeme is supposed to have been formed within the cultural and political elite at the end of the 17th century, probably, under the influence of the treaty Politika by Juraj Križanić., Борода и «русское» платье для Петра I являлись своеобразным знаменем ненавистной старины (Н. Г. Устрялов, С. М. Соловьев, Л. Хьюз и др.). Однако эти рассуждения не подкреплялись ссылками на конкретные источники, в которых обнаруживался бы взгляд самого царя или его сподвижников на эту проблему. В статье впервые предпринята попытка выявить позицию Петра I и его приближенных относительно необходимости европеизировать внешний облик российских подданных. В основу положен анализ рассказа о введении брадобрития и «европейского» платья в различных редакциях «Гистории Свейской войны». Полученные данные позволяют сделать предположение, что идеологическое обоснование введения брадобрития и «немецкого» костюма в петровской России строилось на противопоставлении традиционного российского облика, отождествляемого с обликом «бусурманских народов», и облика подданных «европейских государств», который позиционировался как «христианский». Предположительно эта идеологема сформировалось в кругах культурной и политической элиты еще в конце XVII в., возможно, под влиянием идей, высказанных Ю. Крижаничем в трактате «Политика».

For Peter the Great, beards and the traditional “Russian” clothing marked the hated old times (N. Ustryalov, S. Solovyov, L. Hughes, etc.). However, this statement has never been proved by references to any sources which could reveal the tsar’s own opinion or that of his associates on the problem in question. The author undertakes the first attempt to establish the position of Peter the Great and his associates on the need for “Europeanization” of the appearance of Russian subjects. The article analyzes the story of the introduction of beard shaving and the adoption of “European” clothing in different versions of The History of the Swedish War. The collected data enable the author to suppose that the ideological justification of the introduction of beard shaving and “European” clothing in Peter the Great’s Russia was based upon the opposition between the traditional Russian appearance associated with the appearance of “pagan peoples” and the appearance of European subjects viewed as a Christian one. This ideologeme is supposed to have been formed within the cultural and political elite at the end of the 17th century, probably, under the influence of the treaty Politika by Juraj Križanić., Борода и «русское» платье для Петра I являлись своеобразным знаменем ненавистной старины (Н. Г. Устрялов, С. М. Соловьев, Л. Хьюз и др.). Однако эти рассуждения не подкреплялись ссылками на конкретные источники, в которых обнаруживался бы взгляд самого царя или его сподвижников на эту проблему. В статье впервые предпринята попытка выявить позицию Петра I и его приближенных относительно необходимости европеизировать внешний облик российских подданных. В основу положен анализ рассказа о введении брадобрития и «европейского» платья в различных редакциях «Гистории Свейской войны». Полученные данные позволяют сделать предположение, что идеологическое обоснование введения брадобрития и «немецкого» костюма в петровской России строилось на противопоставлении традиционного российского облика, отождествляемого с обликом «бусурманских народов», и облика подданных «европейских государств», который позиционировался как «христианский». Предположительно эта идеологема сформировалось в кругах культурной и политической элиты еще в конце XVII в., возможно, под влиянием идей, высказанных Ю. Крижаничем в трактате «Политика».

Tez (Yüksek Lisans) -- İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2014, Thesis (M.Sc.) -- İstanbul Technical University, Institute of Science and Technology, 2014, Mekanı soyut bir kavram ya da nesnel bir içeren olarak ele alan yaklaşımlar, mekanı yaşamdan ve özne ile olan ilişkisinden koparmaktadır. Mekana bu anlayışla yaklaşılması, mekanın özneden ve içinde geçen yaşamdan bağımsız bir varlık olarak ele alınmasına neden olur. Yaşanan mekan kavramı, mekanı özneyle ve gündelik yaşam pratikleriyle birlikte var olan ve bu yaşamla birlikte yeniden üretilen bir kavrayışı belirtir. Mekan, geometrik ilişkileri önceden planlanan ve soyut bir uzamda tasarlanan, bitmiş ve statik bir obje olarak değil; içinde geçen ve içinde bulunduğu yaşamla düzenlenen, yaşamın belirsiz ve sürekli akışı içinde ilişkileri, sınırları ve kurgusu sürekli yeniden tanımlanan dinamik bir valıktır. Mekanı bağlamıyla ve ilişkileriyle bütün olarak tartışan kuramcılar, mekanda geçen yaşama ve kullanıcıların mekanla olan ilişkisine vurgu yapmak için, mekan sözcüğü yerine yer, deneyimlenen mekan, yaşanan mekan gibi ifadeler kullanmışlardır. Öznenin mekana yerleşerek mekanı inşa edilmiş bir kabuk ya da insanı çevreleyen bir nesne olmaktan farklılaştıran, barınılan ve yaşanılan bir yere dönüşmesine elveren yere dair özellikleri araştırmışlardır. Mekanın fiziksel özellikleri, kullanım şekilleri, kullanıcının mekan deneyimi gibi farklı araştırma alanları, mekanı yer yapan nitelikler olarak ele alınmıştır. Bu çalışmada ise yaşanan mekanın, mimaride yaşamı kurgulama arası olan mimari programın ve gündelik yaşam pratiklerinin belirleyiciliğinde üretilme biçimleri araştırılmıştır. Araştırmada mimari programın fiziksel mekanı nasıl gerçekleştirdiği ve mimaride neleri kurguladğı araştırılarak, farklı program yaklaşımlarının mekan kurgusundaki rolleri araştırılmıştır. Araştırmanın ikinci bölümünde ise program ile kurgulanmış ve inşa edilmiş olan mekanda gündelik yaşamın kurulma biçimleri ele alınmıştır. Mimari programın kurguladığı ve gerçekleştirdiği mekanda gündelik yaşamın kendine nasıl bir düzen kurarak mekanı yeniden biçimlendirdiği araştırılmıştır. Mekanı kurgulayan mimari program, mekandaki yaşama dair öngörüler oluşturarak mekanı fiziksel gerçekliğine kavuşturur. Ancak yaşanan mekan, bu aşamadan sonra gerçekleşmeye başlar. Mekan, kullanıcıları ve içinde geçen yaşamla birlikte yaşamaya ve yaşamla kurduğu ilişkilerle dönüşmeye başlar. Gündelik yaşamın dönüştürdüğü mekan, mimari programın öngördüğü kurguyla örtüşüp ayrışabilir. Yaşam, mekan için öngörülen mekanı sürekli bozup yeniden yaratma eğilimindedir., The approaches that describe the space as an abstract container in outer space,divide life and space into separate parts and break off its relationship with subject. These approaches to the space with this understanding,cause it to be an independent presence from the subject and the life that occurs in it. This study plans to investigate the lived space comprising of the superimposition of everyday life practices and architectural program,that is not generally discussed by the otherapproaches which address space as an abstract notion. Lived space is a place which is comprehended through the subjective perception and personal experience; and make the users live, feel, interact, remember and imagine with its all potential. It couldn’t be understood through the dimensions and abstract geometric relationship but itcould be through the users experience and their subjective perception. The theoreticians who discussed the space with its all dimensions and relations, have used phrases such as place, experienced space, lived space instead of the word space in order to make emphasis on the life that occurs in space.They have investigated the relationship arising from the settlement of the subject in a space. This fact cause to differentiate space from a constructed shell or an object that surrounds the humans and make it a hospitable and livable space. With the help of their inquiries, lots of different research theme such as physical characteristics of space, usage patterns, the experience of the users have been taken as the qualities that generate the space. In this study, lived space is taken as a superimposition of everyday life practices and architectural program which allows editing the life practices happening in the space. The concept of lived space will not explained by the abstract description of space, it needs to be taken with the all contexts of space that contains the life in it. The relationship between space and action, space and time and space and body are the properties that convert space to lived space. Having a life in it, converts the space to a place associated with everyday life practices. Space offers action possibilities to the subject. Subject move in the space with the relationship created between objects and its actions.It could be said that the main feature of the place is the action possibilities that determine everyday life. The time of a lived space has been associated with concept of lived time which is emerging as a critique of the absolute time. Lived time is a subjective time concept in which future and past time intertwine each other in contradiction to objective time perception based on the constant time flow. Time is defined as a component of a lived space. Phenomenological approaches, that proposed subjective experience and body as a method of understanding space, have been discussed as a critique of rational thought that took space separately in order to analyze it. It is seen that space is turned into a lived space after its relationship with the body. Space is not a free object that can be seen independent from the subject. Its existence could not be comprehended just through the mind. Subjective experiences are necessary to understand space. Subject could not be independent and separate from space while it exists in it. Subject is an existence that settle in a place and experience it with its body.Therefore the body can be determined as a component of the lived space. The components of lived space are put forward through the notion of place that contains everyday life and actions, time and body. The components of architectural program were investigated on through the selected architectural projects. The changes caused by different components of architectural program and its effects on the spatial fiction were examined. The fiction of action, time and body in architectural program were discussed through the analyses of selected architectural projects. The relationships between the components of program and selected projects were gathered and given in a mapping. The program map is not a rigid classification method in which sample projects are associated with just one component of architectural program. It is a flexible relationship network that shows the intersection points of projects and components and also it assists to comprehend what type of connection are established between them. Thus it helps to explore different relationships in architectural programs. The mapping with examining the intersections and making the comparisons between them, helps to read the changes on the spatial fiction which is caused by the different elements of architecture program. The program map shows the relations of the sample projects with the components of architectural program; action, time and body. The purpose of this mapping is not to classify projects according to the way of their spatial fictions. Revealing the relationships between program components and sample projects helps to investigate the role of the program components on spatial fiction. Therefore instead of a rigid classification method, in which each projects have been categorized under a single program component, a flexible reading method, which allow each projects to be associated with different program components, has been tried to discovered. Each studied project can be correlated with many program components. Therefore, the established relationship between projects and program components are opened to interpretation. In addition to the main program component that determines the project’s spatial fiction, the other correlations between the project and other components are also exemplified. With analyzing the map, the impact of changing components on the spatial fiction is planned to be discovered. Throughout the examination of sample projects, architectural program is shown as a design tool that can edit the space and regulate the life in it. It is useful to look at this relationship from a different point of view. It helps to understand the impact of everyday life practices on the lived space. It gives some information about how to re-produce the space with just life practices which is normally constructed by architectural program and how the users turns it to lived space by re-producing it. The experience of my own home space study and the reading of Terminal movie are given as an example to understand how to convert a built space to a lived space. On these studies, re-settling into a constructed building and different types of re-settlement forms are examined. In the experience of my own home space, re-production of space through my body and its movement is explained with the representations of my house experiences. In the film reading, it is seen that space is re-produced with the differentiation of spatial fiction through action and time. In these studies, re-production of space by the practice of everyday life is provided through the action, time and body components. Actions of everyday life would have re-produce space by converting the time and the relationship of the body with space. In the both study, the case of re-producing a space with the practice of everyday life and transformation of a programmed space to a lived space can be examined. Everyday life practices re-establish the space with the three components of architectural program; action, time, body. These two examples show that considering a space according to the architectural program, reduce its multi-layered nature based on the spatial experiences. Space is place that generates life possibilities in it and creates life. On the other hand it is constantly evolving by life. Space is not a static and unchanging structure. It could be easily transformed and re-established with the experiences of subject. Therefore the architectural program, although in some cases targeted in that way, could not design a finished and pre-defined life. Designed and programmed space is generally transformed into lived space, with the fiction of architectural program and variability of everyday life practices. Lived space is a product of these two production practices. It could be said that one of these two forms of production is architect’s fiction and the other is the subject’s fiction.The components of architectural program which are used by architect as an editing tool for the spatial fiction, is also an unconscious fiction format for the subject. These two production processes of everyday life and architectural program are successive and overlapping processes. Fiction that depends on the architectural program, transformed by the everyday life practices and overlapped on the fiction. Lived space is a multi-layered organism in which the continuity of life goes on with all the productions and overlapping situation., Yüksek Lisans, M.Sc.

Борода и «русское» платье для Петра I являлись своеобразным знаменем ненавистной старины (Н. Г. Устрялов, С. М. Соловьев, Л. Хьюз и др.). Однако эти рассуждения не подкреплялись ссылками на конкретные источники, в которых обнаруживался бы взгляд самого царя или его сподвижников на эту проблему. В статье впервые предпринята попытка выявить позицию Петра I и его приближенных относительно необходимости европеизировать внешний облик российских подданных. В основу положен анализ рассказа о введении брадобрития и «европейского» платья в различных редакциях «Гистории Свейской войны». Полученные данные позволяют сделать предположение, что идеологическое обоснование введения брадобрития и «немецкого» костюма в петровской России строилось на противопоставлении традиционного российского облика, отождествляемого с обликом «бусурманских народов», и облика подданных «европейских государств», который позиционировался как «христианский». Предположительно эта идеологема сформировалось в кругах культурной и политической элиты еще в конце XVII в., возможно, под влиянием идей, высказанных Ю. Крижаничем в трактате «Политика». For Peter the Great, beards and the traditional “Russian” clothing marked the hated old times (N. Ustryalov, S. Solovyov, L. Hughes, etc.). However, this statement has never been proved by references to any sources which could reveal the tsar’s own opinion or that of his associates on the problem in question. The author undertakes the first attempt to establish the position of Peter the Great and his associates on the need for “Europeanization” of the appearance of Russian subjects. The article analyzes the story of the introduction of beard shaving and the adoption of “European” clothing in different versions of The History of the Swedish War. The collected data enable the author to suppose that the ideological justification of the introduction of beard shaving and “European” clothing in Peter the Great’s Russia was based upon the opposition between the traditional Russian appearance associated with the appearance of “pagan peoples” and the appearance of European subjects viewed as a Christian one. This ideologeme is supposed to have been formed within the cultural and political elite at the end of the 17th century, probably, under the influence of the treaty Politika by Juraj Križanić.

This chapter aims to examine teenagers' practices in public space, the modes of appropriation that stigmatise certain types of places and worry parents and adults, particularly in the evening and at night. It is based for the most part on a study conducted for the French Union of Holiday Centres (UFCV) on 'teenagers' times and spaces of sociability' and on a more detailed survey conducted in the outskirt area of Besanc ̧on, in Eastern France. Our study highlights the importance of a spatial and temporal approach to youth, at the level of living areas, so as to allow for the co-construction, locally and with the youth, their parents and residents, of projects and policies adapted to their needs. The chapter emphasises the necessity of transcending preconceived ideas about teenagers, to acknowledge and respect their temporalities, in order to be able to conceive a city and public spaces that are more accessible and welcoming, places where they can express themselves and places where they can hide: ordered times and places but also places and times for freedom and adventure. More generally, these populations, whose behaviour is increasingly mobile, fragmented and unstable - caricatures of a hypermodern society - call into question the urban fabric, the duality and diversity of urban times and spaces. Between the 'poly-temporal city' and the 'a' la carte city', the boundaries are increasingly blurred., La communication propose d'aborder les pratiques des adolescents dans l'espace public, les modes d'appropriations qui stigmatisent certains espaces et inquiètent les parents et adultes notamment sur les périodes de soirée et la nuit. Elle s'appuie principalement sur une recherche menée pour l'Union Française des centres de vacances (UFCV) sur " les temps et espaces de sociabilité des adolescents " et sur une recherche plus fine dans la périphérie de l'agglomération de Besançon dans l'Est de la France. La communication met en évidence l'importance d'une approche spatio-temporelle de la jeunesse à l'échelle des bassins de vie pour co-construire localement avec eux, leurs parents et les habitants des projets et des politiques adaptés à leurs besoins. Elle insiste sur la nécessité de dépasser les idées reçues sur les adolescents, de connaître et respecter leurs temporalités pour imaginer une ville et des espaces publics plus accessibles et hospitaliers, des endroits où s'exposer et d'autres pour se cacher, des lieux et temps pleins organisés mais aussi des lieux et des temps de liberté et d'aventure. Plus largement, ces populations aux comportements de plus en plus mobiles, fragmentées et instables -caricatures de la société hypermoderne- questionnent la fabrique urbaine, la mixité et la diversité des temps et espaces urbains. Entre la " ville à plusieurs temps " et la " ville à la carte ", les frontières sont de plus en plus floues.

En este artículo presento una descripción de las prácticas cotidianas de personas adultas jóvenes de edades entre los 18 y los 28 años que viven en la plaza Zarco, en la Ciudad de México. Sin contar con las adecuaciones y equipamiento necesarios para realizar sus necesidades básicas pero sí con los recursos físicos, organizacionales y cognitivos para ello, los jóvenes y las jóvenes se valen de estrategias y tácticas para salir al paso con sus necesidades biológicas, recreativas, sociales y afectivas. Logran articularse en el espacio público y con el grupo en el que se encuentran para suplir casa y familia, instituciones donde cubrían estas necesidades. No intento pues dar cuenta de la apropiación del "espacio público" como tal, sino de la apropiación circunstancial de quienes habitan esta plaza. Apresento neste artigo uma descrição das praticas quotidianas dos jovens adultos em idades entre 18 a 28 anos que vivem na praça Zarco, Cidade do México. Sem contar com equipamentos adequados para realizar suas necessidades básicas, mas sim com os recursos físicos, organizacionais e cognitivos para eles, os jovens e as jovens se valem de estratégias e táticas para atender suas necessidades biológicas, recreativas, sociais e afetivas. Conseguem se articular no espaço público com o grupo em que se encontram para suprir casa e família, instituições aonde cobriam estas necessidades. Não tento porém dar conta da apropriação do "espaço público" como tal, e sim da apropriação circunstancial de quem habita esta praça. This paper presents a brief description of everyday life practices of street young adults between 18 to 28 years old who live in Plaza Zarco in Mexico City. Without the necessary equipment or adjustment for their needs but with physical, organizational and cognitive resources this young people build tactics and strategies to go through solving their basic, biological, social and affective needs. They manage to articulate in the public space and with the group in which they are to replace house and family, institutions where they covered these needs. It is not tried to give account of public space appropriation, but of the "circumstantial appropriation" of those who inhabits Plaza Zarco.