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In the last decades, the concept of European identity has become increasingly important in various scientific disciplines. In social sciences, several scholars have demonstrated the relationship between participation in international mobility programmes and European identity. Social interactions between people from different countries could indeed create or enhance a sense of belongingness to EU. In addition to direct contacts, ideological factors, as the political orientation, relate to identification and emotional attachment to EU. Some studies have also observed that the European identity seemed to be linked to the individual’s satisfaction with the EU action. The aim of the present research was to investigate the relationships among the participation in international mobility programmes during high school and university (Erasmus programme), European identity, and the satisfaction with EU measures during the COVID-19 pandemic. The data of the present study were collected on a sample of 516 Italian university students (62.8% females; mean age 22.7, SD=1.63) through a self-report survey online. The participation in international mobility programmes was positively related to the European social identity. Moreover, the European identity was positively related to the satisfaction with EU measures against COVID-19 pandemic and negatively related to the right-wing political orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ability of the European community to respond to the multiple crises threatening the European Union and Europe depends in part on citizens' shared European identity giving legitimacy and support to communal action. Men's elite European club football is an example of a cultural practice that is highly Europeanised, reaches diverse audiences and is a known carrier of collective identities. This article examines the emergence of a European public football sphere through the convergence of football coverage across national media spaces, serving as a foundation for European identity constructions. It connects the concept of a European public sphere to the Europeanisation and mediatisation of football and its potential effects on European identity formation. Results indicate a convergence of football coverage around high‐profile and high‐status aspects of European football, creating a strongly aligned, homogenous but exclusive European public football sphere that leaves many parts of Europe on the sidelines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European citizens' attitudes towards defence are a fundamental element of common identity in the EU's aim of becoming a unitary international actor. In Spain, since the early 2000s, the Spanish Ministry of Defence and the Armed Forces have developed a public policy to promote defence culture to influence Spanish society's views, perceptions, opinions, etc., towards defence and military policies. However, this approach is flawed because, despite being defined as part of the Spanish citizens' political culture, these institutions reduce this concept to 'knowledge' or 'awareness of its importance'. Therefore, the understanding of the Spanish defence political culture has been ill-analysed. Hence, a political culture related to defence issues can be best explained within the political culture framework, from which an ideal type, in the Weberian sense, can be established. Thus, based on previous studies, using survey data and both exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis (EFA & CFA), we test five sub-models to explain this political culture. This research is relevant to the study of the defence political culture because it reaffirms the existence of different cultural subtypes and civil–military relations and shows that the cultural gap in the convergence of values must be worked on in a segmented manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In times of 'polycrisis', numerous challenges threaten unity and cohesion on the European continent. European identities can play an important part in navigating these challenges and fostering solidarity. One key to understanding European identities is analysing the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion, as constructions of belonging form an essential component of individual and collective identities. Football fandom, a popular and highly Europeanised cultural phenomenon, has the potential to shape constructions of belonging to Europe. Given the diverse participation in European football, we posit that the identities of football fans are more inclusive than those of non-fans. Our analysis indicates that football fans are more likely to count countries outside of what is commonly associated with Europe as European. This points to a distinct effect of cultural integration through football and underscores the role football plays in fostering a sense of unity and shared identity across the continent. The findings highlight the importance of leveraging cultural avenues to strengthen European cohesion and unity in times of uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, the administrative and competitive structures of men's elite club football in Europe have undergone a profound transformation toward Europeanization. As a result, football fans are increasingly exposed to European influences. These dynamics shape fans' perceptions of and orientations toward Europe and contribute to constructions of collective identities. Because football is a highly mediatized sport, fans' exposure to European influences and their constructions of identity are highly dependent on the representation of Europe in football media. To analyze this, we conducted a quantitative analysis of text-based online news media. Using selected German media outlets, we examined the extent and the patterned variation of media representation of Europe in football news articles. Our results indicate a highly selective media environment focused on a limited set of countries with high sporting relevance and a presence of German national-team players, while other countries rarely enter the media discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An increasing number of scholars have studied the role of identity in shaping states’ foreign policy. In Europe, the existence of diverse national identities renders shared senses of European identity an important foundation for any foreign policy requiring supra-national coordination. Most studies support the view that strengthening senses of European identity promote ‘Europeanist’ foreign policy paradigms that emphasize the importance for Europe to act as an autonomous and independent global player. However, we suggest that the effects of European identification on citizens’ foreign policy preferences remain poorly understood. In this paper, using novel survey data, we statistically assess the linkages between citizens’ sense of European identity and their preferences to align with the United States. We find European identity to be strongly tied to ‘Atlanticist’ foreign policy attitudes and attribute much of this effect to feelings of ideational proximity. Our results provide insights into the future of Europe’s international positioning and showcase the importance of considering the relative proximity in actors’ identities when studying the impact of such identities on foreign policy attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israel's war on Gaza following 7 October 2023 has given birth to several political and social changes in European nations. According to the United Nations Report of the Special Rapporteur, Israel has used this moment to "distort" international humanitarian law principles "in an attempt to legitimize genocidal violence against the Palestinian people." In the European context, this has led to European Muslims and non-Muslims, including organizations, institutions, as well as individual academics, politicians, and activists mobilizing and voicing their condemnation and demand their governments to do more towards peaceful and equitable solutions. However, this has been met with a strong reaction from European governing bodies. This paper situates this reaction within wider discourses on the European Muslim crisis. It begins with a systematic literature review on the so-called European Muslim crisis, followed by case studies on the United Kingdom and Germany on their respective changes to policies impacting Muslims in the post-October 7 contexa Regarding the literature review, this paper illustrates how this concept has three distinct, yet intersecting meanings: the crisis of European identity; the crisis of foundational ideologies of Europe; and an internal Muslim crisis that often leads to radicalization. Through the British and German case studies, this paper illustrates that October 7 has reinforced and strengthened the shift towards values-based citizenship and integration. This paper argues that through branding pro-Palestine protesters and organizations as extremists in the British context, and adding questions related to antisemitism and Israel in the citizenship tests in the German context, the Israel/Palestine issue has now become yet another yardstick to demarcate the European, civilized "us" vs. the Muslim "other." In doing so, October 7 has escalated elements already present within the wider discourses of the European Muslim crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adolescents support Eurosceptic and far‐right movements more and more. Since adolescents' years are a formative period for political orientations, it is important to promote a shared sense of belonging together among Europeans to counteract these tendencies. This could be achieved by fostering a European identity, however, only if its content is civically defined. We examined adolescents' understandings of being European, and how they relate to intolerance, EU support, and other predictors. Our sample included 1206 German adolescents (51% female, Age: M = 14.4, SD = .6, 27% ethnic minority adolescents). European identity was assessed via open answers and five closed questions. We conducted latent class analysis to identify identity classes. Three classes emerged: a living‐based (47%), a culture & value‐based (27%), and an ancestry‐based class (26%). Classes did not differ regarding EU support, but regarding intolerance (highest: ancestry‐based, lowest: culture & value‐based). Our results indicate that German adolescents differed in their understanding of being European and that it is important to consider how youth define Europeanness to understand European identity's effect on their views. Furthermore, our study argues for assessing identity openly to capture nuances of identity content adequately. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Knowledge of symbols, which can be influenced by school ethos, informs identity construction in primary school children. This study aimed to explore Gaelscoil (Irish-medium) and English-medium primary school children's familiarity with Irish and European symbols. Thirty 9–12-year-old children in Ireland participated in this study; 15 from two Irish-medium and 15 from an English-medium primary school. A draw-and-tell data collection design was used and qualitative data was analysed using the constant comparative method. Results indicate children from both school types shared a number of Irish symbols, namely Irish emblems, Irish mythology, sports and material aspects of culture. Irish-medium primary school children had two further Irish symbol categories, the past as a symbol and physical characteristics of Ireland. European symbols shared across children from both school types included signifiers of the European Union (EU), monetary symbols and European countries. The Irish-medium primary school children had two further categories, Europe through an Irish lens and European cuisine, while the English-medium children had one further category, sport. The results suggest that by middle childhood, children in both school types have knowledge about a number of symbols associated with both national and European identities. Implications for future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the influence of the Erasmus+ program on formal education in Romania. Taking a multidisciplinary perspective, the study integrates theories from educational sciences and social sciences, such as experiential learning theory, European identity theory, academic mobility theory and multiculturalism theory. These theoretical frameworks provide a deep understanding of the complex and multidimensional impact of Erasmus+. Methodologically, the paper adopts a documentary analysis and a comparative case study, evaluating the program through a SWOT analysis. This analysis highlights the contributions of Erasmus+ to the internationalization of education and the development of intercultural, linguistic and social competences. At the same time, limitations of the program are addressed, such as dependence on external financing and unequal distribution of benefits. The study's findings underline the role of Erasmus+ in shaping well-informed and aware European citizens with relevant skills for the global labor market. Strategies are also recommended for enhancing the impact of the program in Romania, such as improving access and inclusion, promoting digital skills, supporting sustainability and sustainable development, recognizing qualifications and promoting active European citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European identity among youth remains under-studied despite having the potential to promote inclusive benefits. Through a rapid evidence assessment (REA), this paper addresses two aims. First, it synthesises definitions of European identity among children, adolescents and young adults through thematic analysis, and summarises measurements. Second, it summarises the constructs associated with European identity among youth, providing a broad overview of existing research. Based on thematic analysis, European identity is operationally defined as a complex identity with which youth may choose to identify, uniting people based on a diverse range of factors but acknowledging the diversity of national roots and, in turn, affording benefits due to the sense of belonging it provides. School-based interventions and curricula, knowledge about Europe and the EU, political trust, benefits of the EU, and cross-border experiences, along with enhanced intergroup attitudes and civic engagement, are associated with stronger European identification. Avenues for future research are identified, including the need for a developmentally appropriate measure of European identity, the investigation of its relationship with other constructs, and exploring the potential of curricular interventions to promote the inclusive aspects of European identity on a national scale, particularly among younger pupils. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of intercultural exchange is complex and demands that we keep the basic issues that shape our views of the world in mind. And one of these basic issues is what we mean by "European identity." The ideological concerns over the norms of identity became necessarily entangled in the post-1989 interests and agendas of Europe's various nations. So the great challenge for us as academics as well as for the policymakers in Brussels and Strasburg is to focus on these dialectics. European identity is too varied to be a unitary and homogenous thing; indeed, one of the battles within it is between the advocates of a unitary identity and those who see the whole as a complex that is irreducible to a unified identity. In this article I explore how the theatre, in the aftermath of the Second World War, served as a laboratory for the investigation, analysis, and constuction of dramatic models that became a means of transcultural communication. As attested by the continuing success of the experimental approaches of Brecht, Grotowski, La Mama, and Suzuki, this endeavour reflected the struggle of people from different cultural backgrounds to understand and accept each other. One of the reasons the theatre continues to have the potentiality to promote transcultural integration is that it deals in concrete particulars with universal resonances. As I will demonstrate with examples from my own work in various countries, the production and directing of plays by these and other dramatists shows that it is only in the performance—by transforming the familiar into the unfamiliar, by making the habitual and customary seem strange and unexpected—that the motives, relationships, and events enclosed in the written play are released so as to stimulate the audience to re-examine their own contemporary realities. Transcultural theatre thus creates dramatic experiences that are adequate and responsive to the changing world of migration and mobility in which both practitioners and audiences actually live. As such it offers the kind of transcultural education that promotes communication and understanding and that fosters an open-eyed and open-hearted attitude to the changing realities of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural memory plays a crucial role in the formation and consolidation of European identity. Europe’s common cultural heritage, influenced by classical antiquity, Christianity, the Renaissance, and the Enlightenment, also encompasses the ethical lessons of the two world wars and the totalitarian regimes of the 20th century. This study explores how shared values and traditions contribute to the sense of European belonging and cohesion. Cultural policies and contemporary initiatives that support the intercultural dialogue and strengthen the common cultural memory highlight the importance in the context of a diverse but united Europe. Addressing cultural memory based on European values such as humanism, tolerance, and democracy in the Republic of Moldova is both a challenge and an essential goal in the process of consolidating European cultural identity.

European identity among youth remains under-studied despite having the potential to promote inclusive benefits. Through a rapid evidence assessment (REA), this paper addresses two aims. First, it synthesises definitions of European identity among children, adolescents and young adults through thematic analysis, and summarises measurements. Second, it summarises the constructs associated with European identity among youth, providing a broad overview of existing research. Based on thematic analysis, European identity is operationally defined as a complex identity with which youth may choose to identify, uniting people based on a diverse range of factors but acknowledging the diversity of national roots and, in turn, affording benefits due to the sense of belonging it provides. School-based interventions and curricula, knowledge about Europe and the EU, political trust, benefits of the EU, and cross-border experiences, along with enhanced intergroup attitudes and civic engagement, are associated with stronger European identification. Avenues for future research are identified, including the need for a developmentally appropriate measure of European identity, the investigation of its relationship with other constructs, and exploring the potential of curricular interventions to promote the inclusive aspects of European identity on a national scale, particularly among younger pupils.

Do citizens that live close to the border of another European country feel more European? We suggest that border proximity affects European identity formation, but that the positive effect of border proximity is confined largely to areas where citizens live close to regions with better quality of government and lower levels of corruption. Using our newly collected individual level and post-coded data from the most recent wave of the European Quality of Government survey, covering over 129,000 respondents in all 27 European Union member countries, we show that citizens that live close to the border of another country express a stronger European identity, all things being equal. Yet the effect is driven largely by citizens that live adjacent to regions with relatively higher/lower quality of government compared to their own region. Our study thereby contributes to a closer understanding of where and why citizens become attached to Europe, and if and how benchmarking institutional performance and quality of government affect citizens' willingness to belong to, and identify with, Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of growing nationalisms and Euroscepticism, this paper develops the original concept of 'Everyday Europeanhood' on a theoretical level, building on related concepts, such as Skey and Antonsich's 'Everyday Nationhood', Billig's 'Banal Nationalism', Anderson's 'Imagined Communities' and Beck's 'Cosmopolitan Vision'. It applies the concept to the European Universities Initiative (EUI), seen as a tool to promote European identity, based on a common sense of belonging conveyed through everyday practice, among students and staff in European University Alliances. It is argued that, in the light of previous top-down European initiatives designed to symbolically reinforce a sense of shared European identity, the EUI seems more in phase with bottom-up 'everyday' processes of identity development. Taking the European University Alliance 'FORTHEM' as an example, core features, aspects, actions and outputs achieved so far within this alliance are categorised in the light of four dimensions of 'Everyday Europeanhood': 'Talking Europe', 'Choosing Europe', 'Performing Europe' and 'Consuming Europe'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature argues that successive generations have become progressively more attached to the EU, due to having experienced increasing levels of integration during their impressionable adolescent years. This generational view of EU attachment assumes that after birth cohorts have outgrown their impressionable years, they do not become more attached to the EU, regardless of period-based changes. However, newer theories of European integration emphasise period-based influences that shape EU attachment across all age cohorts, rather than solely impacting adolescents during their formative years. We use an age period cohort model with repeated cross-sectional Eurobarometer data from 1991 to 2023, showing that all EU-citizens have on average become more attached to the EU over time, rather than later-born birth cohorts being more attached to the EU based on their generational membership. Contrary to what the literature assumes, this indicates that no ‘generations of Europeans’ exist, but that EU-attachment increases for all cohorts over time. Contrary to long-standing assumptions in the literature, this indicates that efforts to increase emotional attachment to the EU can proceed faster than generational change occurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the relationship between study abroad through the Erasmus Programme, European identity, and the role of English as a Lingua Franca in identification processes with Europe. It focuses on three groups of European higher-education students (N = 155) from different nationalities (N = 26) that participated in a sojourn abroad in three European contexts which are thought to represent Northern (Oulu, Finland); Eastern (Bucharest, Romania); and Southern (Lleida, Catalonia) Europe. The study follows a PRE–POST design, corresponding to the beginning and end of the participants’ experience abroad and it analyses quantitative data collected through questionnaires. The results of the study indicate that contrary to what is claimed by the European Commission, studying abroad through the Erasmus programme does not have a substantial impact on the development of an alleged European identity. These results contrast with those on the value that the participants allocated to the English language, which is perceived as a means that unifies European youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of whether there is increasing social integration among EU citizens in Europe as a spill ‑over effect of the ongoing process of system integration, as expected by utilitarian perspectives on integration, has been discussed in many contri‑ butions so far. In particular, the question of how the economic strength and develop‑ ment of macro ‑units affects European social integration has gained new momentum after the 2004 enlargement, when economically weaker ECE countries became part of the EU. In this contribution, I focus on the impact of regional economic strength and development on European social integration. I analyse the relationship between the economic situation and development of NUTS‑1 regions and individual European identity using Eurobarometer data for the years 2004, 2010 and 2015. Using descrip‑ tive and multivariate quantitative approaches, I show that regional economic strength is weakly correlated with European identity, although not significant in multivariate models. However, citizens who believe that the EU is an economic advantage are more likely to identify as Europeans and are more prevalent in regions with higher economic growth. I conclude that convincing citizens of the economic benefits of EU membership could result in increased European social integration in the long run.

Objectives The aim of the article is to discuss the innovative work of Professor Antonio Magliulo, History of European Economic Thought, to indicate thematic areas for further discussion and polemics areas for continuation of his research. Another goal is to highlight several issues and research threads that appear on the pages of the publication, including the question and concept of the birth of Europe. Material and methods Basic research material of the article is the publication of Professor Antonio Magliulo, History of European Economic Thought. The methods used in the article include the analysis of the text itself and its substantive structure, grouping and pointing out several leading questions of the work's narrative, such as European values in the history of economic thought or the concept of the birth of Europe. Results The results of the work were summarised in the conclusions, where the basic guiding ideas have been indicated once again, i.e. European values in the history of economic thought, the concepts of the birth of Europe and the issues of its social and cultural identity perceived in the historical development of European economic thought. The conclusions also identify a number of thematic strands and issues for further discussion and potential polemical areas. Conclusions The main idea of Professor Antoni Magliulo's History of European Economic Thought is going around the issues of European values, which are fundamental for European identity and the resulting concepts in the history of European economic thought.

How do citizens understand political authority within multi-level systems? We use original survey data from six European Union member states to assess the roles of political identity and interest in shaping citizen attitudes towards political authority in the European Union. We find that citizens with a greater interest in politics are more likely to express views on the authority of the European Union. These individuals are less likely to be uninformed. Interest does not necessarily mean that individuals hold correct perceptions. A substantive number of voters are misinformed about the power of Brussels. We find that citizens with an exclusively national identity are more likely to hold misperceptions than those who think of themselves as both members of their nation and as Europeans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legitimisation of European institutions tends to be a primary issue of debate in European identity politics. Following the expansion of the EU competencies and the growth of Eurosceptic forces, the attention gained by the democratic accountability of the European institutions should encourage reflections on the role assigned to the European political parties. Although it is impossible to equate the functioning of European democracy with national experiences, party politics remains an essential component of any democratic regime. This study is the first attempt to observe the engagement of European political organisations in promoting a collective European identity. To schematise the analysis, three ideal types are presented to illustrate different models of European identitarian attachment. The critical discourse analysis (CDA) and discourse-historical approach (DHA) from the manifestos of the European Christian-conservative, Socialist and Liberal parties have identified the activism of the parties in promoting divergent European identities, highlighting the intermediate role that European political parties could play in linking the European institutions with citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is without a doubt that the European continent has a rich history which consists also in a significant number of conflicts between the diverse national, regional and ethnic groups currently inhabiting its territories. The historical events which shaped the modern-day European continent create a unique blend shared across its nations. Clearly, the significant influence of the European Union in the region plays a role in shaping the perceptions of community and identity in such a multicultural environment as the European continent. Multiculturalism and collaboration are the directions in which the Union is leading the European identity. In this regard, it is important to carve out the characteristics which make one to perceive themselves as European first, rather than associating with their nationality. Education as the means to multiculturalism can have a central role in creating such identities and fostering the sentiment of appartenance to an international European community. As the most important means of influencing the educational sphere in the European Union and beyond, the Erasmus+ Program, through its mobilities, has most probably an important role in forming and fostering perceptions amongst participants. We are aiming through this article to review the ideas which characterize what it means to be European, which are the elements defining the European identity and what is the role the Erasmus+ Program in creating and fostering such identity

The article discusses the state of the European Union after 2015, when overlapping crises led to new challenges for the EU, which entailed new political dynamics. As the migration and asylum policy of the Union developed at varying rates and depths, the whole policy became non-symmetrical and hard to coordinate, hence weak in the event of a crisis. This vulnerability was demonstrated during the peak of the 2015 refugee crisis that shook Europe and its security and led to immigration politics and an array of problems. This article is a conceptual paper that addresses a number of issues coming to light after the height of the crisis, including the external border policy, the European identity, concerns about the limitations of the liberal state, the politicisation and securitisation of migration, the framing of immigrants, and the phenomenon of reversing the securitisation of migration, which primarily affected Central and Eastern Europe. The article seeks to answer several questions that highlight the irony of using liberal norms for exclusionary purposes, and the degree to which identity politics and policymaking may progressively transcend and reshape the limitations of the liberal states in Europe.

Abstract The European Union (EU) faces challenges that affect its persistence, including the revival of national populism in many EU member states. Studies have shown that individuals with immigration histories identify less strongly with Europe than individuals without immigration histories. Therefore, fostering a strong identification with Europe is more relevant than ever. This paper will explore the possible historical roots of different levels of identification and examine if differing access to learning opportunities can explain the difference. Drawing on data from the German sample of the International Civic and Citizenship Study 2016, this paper aims to determine the relevance of individual variables and learning opportunities for the development of students’ identification with Europe. Multilevel analyses at individual and classroom level were conducted introducing different independent variables. Results show that having no immigration history from outside the EU, being Christian or atheist, and learning about Europe at school are predictors of a stronger level of identification with Europe. The effect of having an immigration history from outside the EU loses significance when socio-economic status classroom composition is entered into the model. We conclude that differences in identification are not due to different access to learning opportunities, but likely due to personal characteristics.

Migration is one of the most important problems of modern society and is considered not only as a simple mechanical movement of people, but as a complex social process that affects many aspects of public life. Today, migration has acquired a global level, since the nature of migration processes, namely its scale, is the main feature of globalization. Migration processes have an impact on all spheres of public life of countries and regions, as a result of which they leave an imprint in the political, socio-economic and cultural-psychological spheres. As a result, modern countries face a range of consequences, both positive and negative. The study of the impact of migration on the life and development of society in the aggregate of its negative and positive consequences is relevant both at the global level and at the level of individual regions of our country.The object of the research is migration processes of the modern world in the context of globalization. The subject of the research is the consequences of migration processes in European countries and the Russian state. The purpose of the research is to analyze a new migration situation in the world and identify its trends.

The aim of this paper is to consider the relationship between sport and identity formation by examining testimonies of 24 British women who attended the Solheim Cup golf tournament in 2019 to support a transnational team made up of professional European women players. Relatively little is known about the effects of transnational sports teams on identity formation, not least because such teams are themselves rare. The Solheim Cup, contested by teams of female professional golfers representing the United States and Europe, is one such example. The data set consists of interviews with women who attended the competition that took place in a period of political uncertainty between the UK electorate voting to leave the European Union and Brexit actually taking place. The paper analyses the women's views in relation to national identity, European identity and cosmopolitanism. Although it emerges that most of the women felt more European in the context of a competition involving a team representing Europe and were opposed to the United Kingdom leaving the European Union, they could also be described as cosmopolitan as a result of their educational level, social class and experience of living in or regularly visiting foreign countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes the concept of spatial imaginaries to explore how the post-Brexit negotiations shifted meanings of 'Europe' for Polish migrants residing in Scotland. A flourishing subfield of 'Brexit geographies' has explored the meaning and consequences of Brexit (as an event, process and affect) for wide-ranging communities on the move and in place. Yet, the question of how 'Europe', and in particular 'EUrope', is being re-imagined and re-constituted by EU migrants residing in uncertain political spaces remains understudied. In this article, we address this lacuna through analysis of biographical narrative interviews and spatial mapping exercises. In doing so, we conduct a multi-scalar analysis of Polish migrants' discursive and visual representations of EUrope, defined both as a geographical and institutional space. The study is spatially and temporally situated at a particular time and place in the Brexit timeline – the summer of 2019 in rural and urban Scotland. At this time, Brexit negotiations were ongoing, there was widespread uncertainty about the consequences for migrants in the United Kingdom, and, in Scotland particularly, much resistance to leaving the European Union. The article argues that while Brexit might have not affected European identity among Polish migrants in Scotland, it has prompted them to reconsider their place in Europe and to reimagine both the geographical and conceptual parameters of EUrope. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An overarching, supraordinate identity (e.g., European identity) can enhance intergroup relations if individuals recategorize ingroup and outgroup members into one, unified group. Yet, in conflict‐affected societies, ethno‐national identities may promote negative intergroup attitudes and behaviours. The effects of European and ethno‐national identities in combination have yet to be explored in childhood. If they can be integrated, the inclusivity of a supraordinate European identity may be felt despite the divisiveness of ethno‐national identities in post‐accord societies. This research assesses supraordinate identity integration in relation to quality intergroup contact and cross‐group friendships among the post‐accord generation in Croatia, Kosovo and Republic of North Macedonia (RNM). These sites have relatively recent conflicts, but varying relationships to the EU. Data were collected from 382 children aged 7–11, split evenly by minority and majority status (Croatia n = 90; Kosovo n = 107; RNM n = 185). Children across all three sites had integrated ethno‐national/European identities. Levels of identity integration varied by site, but not group status. Identity integration was positively and significantly associated with quality of outgroup contact and number of cross‐group friends, and this relationship varied by site. Integrated supraordinate identities have promising implications for intergroup relations and the future of peacebuilding in Europe. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is meant as a commentary on less obvious developments of Western and Eastern Christian spirituality. It can hardly be denied that religions have their connections with this world: history, geography, culture, and accordingly develop in symbiosis with their environment. The reverse of that is the influence which religious beliefs exert on cultural endeavours, a most spectacular example of which is the art of painting. In this vein, the author examines the political and cultural context of the partition into the Catholic and the Orthodox Christianity, together with the differences between Western and Eastern spirituality, to search then for the correspondences between the political and cultural formation and the modes of artistic expression. Finally, some possible connections are established between the politically and historically-shaped spiritual traits of the Catholic and Orthodox Church, and the rules which inspired Western religious painting and the writing of icons, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Modern Science is the property of Alcide De Gasperi University of Euroregional Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Anyone who has studied and heard about Ismail Kadare, his figure stood out not only in literature but also in the national field with a single goal, to see the albanians on a straight and prosperous path. Living almost half a century, among the communist crap that was the biggest hell in the history of the albanian people, his generosity triumphed when his personality was defined for a Europe where albanians would be able to create extraordinary sympathy, against it, which would fill their souls with peace and in the character of his people expand the borders of European identity. Not for nothing, criticism today hasdifferent notions about Kadare's personality, as a writer of great global proportions, and the other that through his figure he raised the albanian nation to an important world pedestal. Based on the fact that Kadare lived between two opposite poles from a fearful and dictatorial communist savagery, towards another European pole that was inviting him into its bosom, as an individual of an Albania that was giving its last breath, but whose mind and the conscience of a writer were moments of pride, because she was honoring the greatest man of albanian letters, that is necessary albanians through Kadare could build a European identity, in a country where the dictatorial barbarism installed in Albania had already been cemented and was killing the conscience of many writers, that Kadare was also going through this rave. His figure reached even greater fame, when in the 90s, the communist system fell, and he became part of the famous European elite that he had dreamed of for years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although research has questioned the stability of identities, we know little about identity change. I examine a political event as a driver of identity change, namely the Brexit vote. I contend that the act of voting, choosing between two options, boosts the European and British identity underlying the vote choice. I test whether the increased identification with Europe or Britain comes with a reduction in the other identity. Using British Election Study panel data in a two-way fixed-effects design, I show that voting to remain increases identification with Europe but voting to leave does not increase British identification for Leavers. However, voting has no impact on how Remainers identify with Britain or Leavers identify with Europe. The results contribute to the growing literature on the link between politics and identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the state of the European Union after 2015, when overlapping crises led to new challenges for the EU, which entailed new political dynamics. As the migration and asylum policy of the Union developed at varying rates and depths, the whole policy became non-symmetrical and hard to coordinate, hence weak in the event of a crisis. This vulnerability was demonstrated during the peak of the 2015 refugee crisis that shook Europe and its security and led to immigration politics and an array of problems. This article is a conceptual paper that addresses a number of issues coming to light after the height of the crisis, including the external border policy, the European identity, concerns about the limitations of the liberal state, the politicisation and securitisation of migration, the framing of immigrants, and the phenomenon of reversing the securitisation of migration, which primarily affected Central and Eastern Europe. The article seeks to answer several questions that highlight the irony of using liberal norms for exclusionary purposes, and the degree to which identity politics and policymaking may progressively transcend and reshape the limitations of the liberal states in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the implementation of the principle of "rule of law" in the context of challenges of democracy under the conditions of martial law in Ukraine. The main force majeure decisions of state authorities are outlined within quantitative and chronological limits in the context of ensuring the coherence and continuity of the fulfillment assumed by them obligations, and with unconditional observance of the principle of the rule of law. The efforts of the native legislator to provide a formal definition of the definition of «rule of law» in comparison with its international counterpart, which is enshrined in the soft law documents of the Venice Commission, are separately analyzed. The authors found out that despite the impressive percentage of implementation of the government's Plan of measures to implement the Association Agreement, in Ukraine, under the conditions of martial law, constitutional rights and human freedoms are temporarily restricted, including: the right to inviolability of housing, to freedom of movement, to freedom of thought and speech, to free expression of one's views and beliefs, rights and legitimate interests of legal entities, etc. At the same time, despite the real existence of the listed restrictions, the latter in no way refer to the limitation of absolute (natural) human rights and freedoms. In the conclusions to the article, it is justified and confirmed that the principle of the rule of law continues to apply even to those rights and freedoms that are limited. In order to obtain reliable scientific results and introduce new information to the theory fund, this study used a set of scientific principles and approaches based on general scientific, worldview and special legal methods of cognition, in particular, it refers to such methods as: systemic, hermeneutic, historical - legal, functional and comparative. The empirical basis of the research was made up of national and international legal acts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of culture in the process of Europeanization and supporting the formation of a European identity and a cohesive society has been emphasized by the European institutions since the 2000s. Today, the cultural policies of the EU aim to use culture as a source of soft power to enhance the degree of awareness of the European identity. The New European agenda for culture, the Creative Europe program, through the projects it assists, contributes to strengthening the European identity, providing support for the cultural and creative sectors in line with the priorities of the European Commission for a greener, more digital and more resilient Europe, for European democracy and the promotion of the European way of life. The objective of the European integration of the Republic of Moldova implies the support and implementation of the European cultural policies as a crucial element of strengthening social cohesion for the development of the sense of belonging to the European identity.

The paper focuses on various dimensions of European identity in Polish and Serbian travel writings about Asia in the period from the 1850s to the 1920s, examining several case studies that show how travellers often identified themselves as Europeans, but sometimes discussed various aspects of European identity and had many issues with this self-description. The analysis is based on a large corpus of Polish and Serbian travelogues, but works by Gustaw Olechowski, Karol Lanckoroński, Pavel Petrović, Jerzy Bandrowski, Milan Jovanović, Eugeniusz Romer, Jadwiga Marcinowska and Jelena Dimitrijević are scrutinised in detail. The following issues are discussed: assuming European identity, European identity and planetary consciousness, overcoming Orientalism, the periphery complex, reversed Orientalism and Occidentalism, patriotism, and identification with Asians.

The House of European History in Brussels, Belgium, is a pan-European identity-making institution, created by the European Union. It has sparked an array of scholarship that speaks to the power of the museum, its ability to create a master narrative for the European people, and the varying omissions and choices made in telling Europe’s history. While European Parliament President Hans-Gert Pöttering receives credit for originating the museum, little scholarship speaks to his ideas regarding European Union integration, community, and its identity – even though, elite leader ideas are recognized in nationalism studies as instrumental in the making of an identity. This article fills this gap and shows how Pöttering’s ideas influenced the broad and generalized narrative the House of European History espouses today.