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Bill Helmreich, ethnographer extraordinaire, passed away due to COVID-19 complications. Walking nearly every inch of New York City and writing about his adventures in fieldnote format, he published several books in what he often referred to as “the city nobody knows” series. Bill hoped to galvanize ethnographers to gather systematic snapshots of other cities around the world and create a lasting sociological account of these places. Upon penning his last book, he made plans to steer his attention to Los Angeles. This essay is a reflection on the lessons I learned from Bill, including his “walk and chat” method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Qualitative Inquiry is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

OBJECTIVES: There are limited studies with varying results evaluating the rate of hospitalizations of pediatric patients tested for COVID-19 in the United States. More information in the pediatric COVID-19 literature is needed. The objective of this study was to describe the rates of positive tests, hospitalization, severe disease, and mortality for COVID-19 in children. MATERIAL AND METHODS: We performed a retrospective analysis of data collected from a data warehouse from 184 hospitals across the United States. All cases of pediatric patients who were tested for COVID-19 were analyzed for test positivity, hospitalization, severe disease, and mortality. A separate subgroup analysis for ages < 1 year, 1-4 years, 5-8 years, 9-14 years, and 15-17 years was performed. RESULTS: Of 24,781 patient encounters, we found a test positivity rate of 11.15% (95% CI: 10.76-11.55). There were 142 admissions out of the 2,709 symptomatic patients, 5.24% (95% CI: 4.43-6.15) admission rate. Of those admitted, we found that 54.93% (78/142) were admitted to the PICU, but only 22 of the 142 admissions, 15.49% (95% CI: 9.97-22.51), were determined to have severe COVID-19 disease. One patient died during the study period giving an overall pediatric mortality rate of 0.04% (95% CI: 0.00-0.21). CONCLUSION: In our sample, we found a test positivity rate of 11.15%. We also report a 5.24% hospitalization rate with 15.49% of admitted patients with severe disease. Lastly, we also report a very low mortality rate of 0.04% of all patients who tested positive for COVID-19.

All students pay fees to cover a wide range of services and amenities that are supposed to support student well-being, including healthcare, recreational facilities, student centers, student organizations, and student initiatives (such as campus food pantries). It is often assumed that these fees, which have increased rapidly over the last decade, will fund holistic, high-quality, and appropriate support for students, to which all students will have equitable access. However, this is often not the case. Juggling high academic demands, hectic work schedules, and familial responsibilities; and facing unresponsive and sometimes discriminatory services, low- and moderate-income students are too often unable to fully access what they are paying for.

Public perceptions of college affordability, of college students, and of college experiences are in flux. This reflects both exciting changes in who goes to college and real differences in public, policymakers’, and educational leaders’ understandings of how wealth and social inequality shape people’s college experiences and post-college outcomes. This chapter explores some of the most common assumptions about colleges and (in)equality and then provides an overview of the research on which the book is based.

This chapter describes the history of state higher education funding, its impacts on tuition and fees, and the official academic costs that students expected to pay to attend college. The chapter then examines the hidden financial costs the students paid related to fees, programs and majors, textbooks and supplies, and professional development and networking; and the hidden social, emotional, and relational costs minoritized students faced inside and outside of the classroom. It closes by outlining how students responded to these hidden costs and the consequences for their academic pathways and well-being.

The vast majority of first-year college students at four-year universities are required to opt into the on-campus food and housing systems. This arrangement should ensure that students’ basic needs are affordably met so that they can transition into college life and focus on their academic and social growth. However, in an environment where universities must ensure their own survival, food, and housing have become profit-making opportunities, with students as their consumers. This approach to providing food and housing causes insecurities and inequalities, especially for low-income students, rather than assuring students’ health and well-being.