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The advent of the Internet and the Information Age was initially hailed as ushering in a new era of transparency and interconnectivity in binding the world closer together. Yet, the Information Age has also brought a proliferation in the phenomenon known as fake news, a trend that is set to continue for the foreseeable future. In this, the potential impact of fake news on international relations should not be underestimated, particularly given the extent to which the phenomenon has been exploited by various entities, from political ideologues and political partisans to government espionage agencies, to skew the media narrative. This article will examine what fake news is and the challenge that it poses to civil society, before moving on to discuss the various types of fake news that have begun to emerge in recent years. Based on this discussion of the threats posed by the fake news phenomenon, this article will conclude by examining how educators, civil society and other stakeholders may respond to the challenges posed by fake news.

“A picture says a thousand words”, as the aphorism goes. This certainly applies to the realm of photography. Yet, do photographs speak for themselves, or does the backdrop of photographs matter in underscoring the deeper underlying issues in wartime? As this manuscript shall examine, iconic photographs taken during conflict can have a deeply powerful symbolic impact in seizing the imagination and attention of the public. In so doing, and depending on the context of the conflict being fought, such iconic imagery of war may impact not only on the decision-making process of that conflict, but also be adopted by other observers in the post-conflict to underscore underlying metaphorical themes in warfare. The authors propose to examine this in the form of five particularly iconic photographs from the Viet Nam War (known in Vietnam as “The American War”).

Donald Trump’s electoral victory was an unexpected outcome in the 2016 US Presidential Election, and one that now places many members of the international community in a state of uncertainty over the future of US foreign and security policy. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the context of the Asia Pacific region, which now faces the prospect of an increasingly assertive, nationalistic China. Given Trump’s repeated statements indicating his willingness to confront China over issues such as unfair trading practices and the status of Taiwan, there are growing regional concerns that US-China relations under the Trump Administration will be characterized by tension and hostility. Such circumstances place middle powers in the Asia Pacific region in a particularly difficult quandary, given their preference for maintaining good relations with both superpowers whilst simultaneously avoiding conflict in the region and safeguarding their national security. The archetype middle powers in the Asia Pacific facing this conundrum are the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Singapore, and this study will examine the policy options that both countries, as middle powers in the Asia Pacific region, may attempt to exercise in seeking to balance their relations within the context of US-China superpower rivalry.

This article examines the downward spiral presented by the security dilemma between China and Japan. The paper follows the logic outlined by Booth and Wheeler. The security dilemma is treated as a potential outcome of the parties' interpretation of and response to each other's strategic posture. The article highlights that China as a strong strategic rationale to expand into the maritime realm. However, this maritime space has already been claimed by Japan, among other states. Thus, China's security-seeking behaviour is interpreted as threatening and hostile by Japan, which, in turn, responds with the security-seeking behaviour of its own to preserve the status quo. The article concludes that China and Japan are engaged in a classical security dilemma, in which the countries negatively associate each other's security. While the situation would be highly, and increasingly, difficult to resolve, the article offers some suggestions in the conclusion to mitigate these dynamics that are highly damaging to Sino-Japanese relations.

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Moscow’s intervention in Ukraine since early 2014 marks a dangerous development in Russian foreign policy that has potentially significant implications for international security. Russia’s actions in Crimea and eastern Ukraine are in direct violation of clearly defined norms of international law. In proclaiming a right to arbitrarily intervene overseas to safeguard the rights of ethnic Russians overseas, Putin’s aggressive new foreign policy sets a dangerous precedent for other countries that may wish to use force to suit their own geostrategic aspirations. Furthermore, given the security fears in Eastern Europe that have arisen from Putin’s involvement in Ukraine, it is also necessary for the Transatlantic Community to adopt a firm response in underlining international opposition to Russia’s actions. Yet, it is necessary to avoid viewing Putin’s Russia as an imminent threat to the security of Eastern Europe that has to be confronted. An analysis of the current situation in Eastern Europe using the theoretical framework of the security dilemma suggests that confronting Russia at this stage may cause an already serious situation to escalate further. Rather, it is necessary for the Transatlantic Community to respond to Russia’s involvement in Ukraine with a mixture of firmness and strategic restraint.

Since its founding, there has been significant debate over the extent to which the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has succeeded in institutionalising reciprocal security cooperation in Southeast Asia. A review of the academic literature on the security dilemma, focussing on security regimes and security communities as sources of order in international politics, helps to frame a yardstick upon which the achievements of ASEAN may be assessed. In this regard, whilst ASEAN has not yet evolved into a security community, it may be argued that the association may be seen as a qualified success in promoting a security regime insofar as the norms of sovereignty are concerned. At the same time, however, the emergence of non-traditional security issues alongside the four new members of ASEAN highlights the need to expand the scope of the existing ASEAN security regime to encompass an expanded agenda for long-term security cooperation in the regime.

Putin's invasion of Ukraine comes amidst Russo-Chinese cooperation in carving out spheres of influence in parts of Eurasia, with Pyongyang as their regional partner. Seoul's hopes of cultivating China and Russia as interlocutors in inter-Korean relations are not tenable for the foreseeable future, posing three challenges for the ROK's diplomatic and security interests. First, China and Russia are likely to sow discord in the US alliance network with the ROK and Japan; second, if the US is preoccupied in assisting Ukraine, Beijing may be tempted to invade Taiwan (Seoul remaining aloof in such a scenario would strain the alliance with the US); third, the ROK's demographic crunch is occurring when North Korea's partnership with China and Russia may provide Pyongyang with advanced armaments that would enable it to narrow the ROK's technological edge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ascension of Kim Jong-un to the leadership of North Korea signifies the emergence of a unique political entity: a Communist regime led by, what is in effect, a hereditary monarchy. With the transition from Kim Il Sung to Kim Jong Il in 1994, and from Kim Jong Il to Kim Jong-un in 2011, the political philosophical outlook of the North Korean state has evolved in response to the leadership's identification of the challenges to its rule of the country. This is reflected in the adoption of Juche by Kim Il Sung, of Songgum as adopted by Kim Jong Il, and of Byungjin as adopted by Kim Jong-un. This paper will examine how these respective political philosophies may be seen as a reflection of the policy priorities of the North Korean state in its efforts to retain power amidst growing isolation and pressure from the international community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasing acrimony in U.S.-China relations poses a challenge for states in the Asia-Pacific region, particularly those that have, whilst benefiting from the U.S. role in underwriting regional security, wish to avoid straining relations with China. In dealing with this challenge, the ROK, Japan and Singapore have blended "minilateralism" alongside hedging strategies. Japan's approach has combined maintenance of its security ties to the United States, whilst simultaneously increasing security cooperation with other powers in the region. The ROK has positioned itself strategically within the U.S. alliance network in the Asia-Pacific, whilst distancing itself from full security cooperation with Japan, in order to reassure China. Singapore faces additional difficulty due to its small size, and has focused on mobilizing its "convening" power to highlight its own relevance to the interests of the international community, whilst simultaneously increasing security cooperation with the UK and Australia as alternative partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose--As an authoritarian country that exercises rigid censorship, North Korea presents significant challenges to data-gathering for research in international relations. This paper aims to outline how source triangulation can help to overcome some of these challenges. Design, Methodology, Approach--This study draws on the author's observations of academic scholarship on North Korea that has been undertaken through the use of source triangulation. This study examines chronological data triangulation, perspectives-based data triangulation, and methodological triangulation as means of analyzing trends in the study of North Korea. Findings--Proper application of source triangulation as an instrument of research can enable scholars to find ways to circumvent some of the challenges in gathering data on North Korea. Although the author emphasizes that source triangulation should not be seen as a panacea, it does provide scholars with possible alternative lines of research inquiry. Practical Implications--other scholars may find this text useful in planning their research strategy in undertaking scholarship on North Korea. Originality, Value--This paper builds on work by other North Korea scholars as well as the author's own experience in applying source triangulation as an instrument of social science research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The assassination attempt on South Korean (ROK) President Chun Doo Hwan during a state visit to Rangoon, Burma (now known as Yangon, Myanmar) in 1983 illustrates the willingness of the North Korean state to engage in state terror not only against its own citizens, but also against the ROK. The authors examine the North Korean state's adoption of covert operations tactics and terrorist activity in an attempt to undermine the ROK, even when its actions have costs in terms of the North's relationship with individual Southeast Asian states. In addition, using newly-released archival material from the British National Archives, the authors examine the 1983 Rangoon Bombing as a case study in North Korean covert operations abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the development of a multicultural society in the Republic of Korea. Topics mentioned include the social conditions of foreigners in the country, the work of the Committee for Foreign Resident Policy, and a comparison with the society and government policy of Singapore regarding multiculturalism.

Since the death of Kim Jong-il in December 2011, it is apparent that his successor, Kim Jong-un, has embarked on a strategy of 'Byongjin/ or parallel development of nuclear weapons whilst simultaneously undertaking economic reform. It is apparent that the new leadership in Pyongyang is seeking an approach to increase agricultural output to ease food shortages and improve the peoples' standards of living, amidst continuing diplomatic isolation. Such circumstances appear set to continue, given the continuing poor relations that Seoul and Washington have with Pyongyang, and the deterioration of Sino-North Korean relations. Set against this backdrop, we argue that there is potential for North Korea to look south, to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), in attempting to develop a new model for economic reform. In particular, we note the success of Vietnam's Doi Moi, in enabling that country to overcome food shortages, raise living standards, stimulate rapid economic growth, and emerge from diplomatic isolation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The death of North Korean leader Kim Jong-il in 2011 presents Russian president Vladimir Putin with an opportunity to regain influence on the Korean peninsula. Over the long term, Russia may reemerge as a great power in the Asia Pacific region in line with Russian geostrategic interests. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has been marginalized on major issues in Northeast Asia. The prospect of a consistent, long-term North Korea policy under Putin places Moscow in a strong position to sustain the process of engagement with North Korea. More significantly, it serves Moscow's demographic, economic, and security interests to be a positive influence in the region in order to regain a diplomatic role in any security initiatives concerning the Korean peninsula. In this article, we argue that if and when the Russian Far East is developed, Moscow would be in a position to offset the regional strategic and economic dominance of the United States and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]