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The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission released guidance at the beginning of this summer that addressed mandatory workplace vaccinations, vaccine incentives, and confidentiality requirements for vaccination information (see Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, What You Should Know About Covid‐19 and the ADA, the Rehabilitation Act, and Other EEO Laws (May 28, 2021)). Most notably, the guidance, which updated the EEOC's end‐of‐the‐year guidance from 2020, sanctions mandatory employer vaccine policies — with limited exceptions for employees who cannot receive the vaccine because of disability or religious reasons. Equally of note, the guidance maintains that employers may lawfully offer vaccine incentives without running afoul of the Americans with Disabilities Act or the Genetic Information Non‐discrimination Act.

The current research addresses gender trouble (acts that question the naturalness of a binary gender system) in two parts of the recruitment situation: applicant attraction and evaluation. Experiment 1 (N = 1,147) investigated how different Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO) statements in an organization description influenced organizational evaluations. The EEO statements emphasized gender as binary (women and men), gender as diverse (multi-gender), or gender as irrelevant (de-gender; compared with no EEO statement). Gender minority participants experienced decreased identity threat in response to the multi-gendered and the de-gendered EEO statements, which increased organizational attractivity. There was no significant effect of EEO statement for gender majority participants. Multi-gendered and de-gendered EEO statements increased perceived gender diversity within the organization. Experiment 2 (N = 214) investigated how applicants with a normative or non-normative gender expression were evaluated by HR-specialists. Applicants with a non-normative gender expression were rated as more suitable for the position and recommended a higher starting salary than applicants with a normative gender expression. Women with a non-normative gender expression were rated as more likely to be employed than men with a non-normative gender expression, while women applicants regardless of gender expression were rated as the most likely to acquire the position. This research indicates that gender minorities can be explicitly included in EEO statements without negative impact on gender majority groups and with a positive impact on gender minority groups. Furthermore, a non-normative gender expression was not found to be a cause for biased evaluations in an initial recruitment situation.

Background: Equal employment opportunity guidelines and concepts are important for increasing equity in the workplace. Given the large number of undergraduate students currently in or entering the workforce, it is critical to convey these concepts in a manner that increases student understanding of appropriate organizational behavior. Objective: We present and discuss an exercise and corresponding in-class discussion aimed at conveying equal employment opportunity concepts to undergraduate students. Method: An exercise was developed using vignettes based on cases that demonstrate key equal opportunity concepts. Student understanding of equal employment opportunity was assessed pre- and post-exercise. Results: Overall, the post-exercise measures suggested greater student understanding of equal employment opportunity concepts in comparison to their pre-exercise understanding. Conclusion: The exercise described herein is an impactful and effective means of engaging students in content related to equal employment opportunity. Teaching Implications: Instructors can use this active exercise in their courses to aid students in their understanding of equal employment opportunity concepts. As a result, students’ knowledge of equal employment opportunity may encourage them to combat and prevent occurrences of discrimination in the workplace.

As the Covid-19 pandemic takes its disproportionate toll on African Americans, the historical perspective in this working paper provides insight into the socioeconomic conditions under which President-elect Joe Biden’s campaign promise to “build back better” might actually begin to deliver the equal employment opportunity that was promised by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Far from becoming the Great Society that President Lyndon Johnson promised, the United States has devolved into a greedy society in which economic inequality has run rampant, leaving most African Americans behind. In this installment of our “Fifty Years After” project, we sketch a long-term historical perspective on the Black employment experience from the last decades of the nineteenth century into the 1970s. We follow the transition from the cotton economy of the post-slavery South to the migration that accelerated during World War I as large numbers of Blacks sought employment in mass-production industries in Northern cities such as Detroit, Pittsburgh, and Chicago. For the interwar decades, we focus in particular on the Black employment experience in the Detroit automobile industry. During World War II, especially under pressure from President Roosevelt’s Fair Employment Practices Committee, Blacks experienced tangible upward employment mobility, only to see much of it disappear with demobilization. In the 1960s and into the 1970s, however, supported by the Civil Rights Act and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, Blacks made significant advances in employment opportunity, especially by moving up the blue-collar occupational hierarchy into semiskilled and skilled unionized jobs. These employment gains for Blacks occurred within a specific historical context that included a) strong demand for blue-collar and clerical labor in the U.S. mass-production industries, which still dominated in global competition; b) the unquestioned employment norm within major U.S. business corporations of a career with one company, supported at the blue-collar level by mass-production unions that had become accepted institutions in the U.S. business system; c) the upward intergenerational mobility of white households from blue-collar employment requiring no more than a high-school education to white-collar employment requiring a higher education, creating space for Blacks to fill the blue-collar void; and d) a relative absence of an influx of immigrants as labor-market competition to Black employment. As we will document in the remaining papers in this series, from the 1980s these conditions changed dramatically, resulting in erosion of the blue-collar gains that Blacks had achieved in the 1960s and 1970s as the Great Society promise of equal employment opportunity for all Americans disappeared.

The National Organization for Women (NOW) was the largest explicitly feminist organization of the post-World War II women's movement, and remains active into the twenty-first century. NOW was founded in June 1966, at the third annual meeting of the President's Commission on the Status of Women (PCSW); at this meeting in Washington DC, delegates refused to pass a resolution mandating the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) to hear cases related to on-the-job sex discrimination cases. Commissioners Aileen Hernandez and Richard Graham had been pushing the EEOC to hear cases of sex discrimination, but were outnumbered by three other commissioners who denied sex discrimination as a violation of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. Sonia Pressman Fuentes, an EEOC attorney, suggested that women needed an organization to speak on behalf of women as the NAACP and other organizations had done for African Americans; she also coined the name “National Organization for Women.” Pauli Murray, law professor at Yale and PCSW delegate, joined Hernandez, Graham, Fuentes, and others in denouncing the EEOC's decision. When journalist Betty Friedan called a meeting in her hotel room, between 15 and 20 women and men joined her and began the planning stages for what would become the National Organization for Women. Since Friedan was not formally involved with the PCSW, she was appointed the spokesperson. When the group met in October 1966 to create bylaws and a statement of purpose, Friedan was elected president of NOW. Keywords: women's history; women's studies; civil rights; equality; feminism; gender; lesbianism; sex; women

Recently, government employees encountered issues of service performance because of the rising citizen’s demand to get a better service quality. The concern of the researchers to relate employee service performance with equal employment opportunities and the practices of human resource management still limited. Using social exchange theory, recemt study aims to examine the relationship between equal employment opportunity and employee service performance in the public sector. This research also investigates the mediating role of human resource management practices between the equal employment opportunity and employee service performance. This study was conducted among public servants in Tanjungpinang. A total of 258 public servants responded to the survey. The data were analyzed using structured equation modeling. The findings showed a positive relationship between equal employment opportunity and service performance. Besides, this study also claimed that human resource management practices mediate the connection between equal employment opportunity and service performance. The research implications and future research area need further elaboration. Keywords: Social Exchange Theory, Equal Employment Opportunity, Human Resource Management Practices, Service Performance. Abstrak Saat ini, aparatur pemerintah menghadapi permasalahan kinerja pelayanan karena meningkatnya permintaan warga terhadap pelayanan yang berkualitas. Namun, masih sedikit dari para peneliti yang memberikan perhatian terhadap kinerja pelayanan dan keterkaitannya dengan kesempatan kerja yang setara dan praktik manajemen sumber daya manusia. Studi ini menganalisis hubungan antara kesempatan kerja yang setara dan kinerja pelayanan para pegawai di sektor publik dengan menggunakan teori pertukaran sosial. Studi ini juga menguji peranan praktik manajemen sumber daya manusia dalam memediasi pengaruh kesempatan kerja yang setara terhadap kinerja pelayanan. Survei dilakukan terhadap Aparatur Sipil Negara di Pemerintah Kota Tanjungpinang. Sebanyak 258 pegawai memberikan respon terhadap penelitian ini. Data dianalisis dengan menggunakan model persamaan struktural. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan hubungan positif antara kesempatan kerja yang setara dan kinerja pelayanan. Selain itu, studi ini juga menemukan bahwa praktik manajemen sumber daya manusia memediasi hubungan antara kesempatan kerja yang setara dan kinerja pelayanan. Selanjutnya, bagaimana implikasi studi ini dan area riset di masa depan akan dielaborasi lebih lanjut. Kata Kunci: Teori Pertukaran Sosial, Kesempatan Kerja yang Setara, Praktik Manajemen Sumber Daya Manusia, Kinerja Pelayanan

The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) was established in 1965 to implement Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which made it illegal to discriminate against an individual in employment on the basis of race, color, religion, sex or national origin. Coming into the 1960s, the employment opportunity that privileged the white male was much more than a job. By the 1960s, growing numbers of white men had employment that gave them steadily rising real earnings, often with decades of tenure at one organization. The “career-with-one-company” (CWOC) that had become the employment norm by the beginning of the 1960s included health insurance and a defined-benefit pension, both funded by the employee’s business corporation or government agency. CWOC is what, in the decades immediately after World War II, turned much of white America into a growing and thriving middle class. This was a white middle class made up of, at the lower end, blue-collar workers with no more than a high-school education. Union representation in collective bargaining enforced the unions’ first-hired, last fired “seniority” principle while securing wage increases in step with productivity growth, with “cost-of-living allowances” that adjusted wages for inflation usually built into the contracts. Aided by government subsidies such as the federal GI Bill and tuition-free higher education at state “land grant” colleges, the male offspring of the white blue-collar worker had ample opportunity to transition to higher incomes, superior benefits, and even more employment security as a white-collar worker. In the 1950s, the white male who had recently ascended to the upper echelons of the middle class became known as “the organization man.” In the immediate aftermath of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, African Americans with no more than a high-school education gained access to CWOC employment at the blue-collar level. Owing to strong demand for production workers in the 1960s and 1970s and affirmative-action support under the EEOC, Blacks were making inroads into white-male privilege by gaining substantial access to well-paid and secure operative and craft occupations; big steps up from the common-laborer jobs into which they had previously been segregated. In the first Working Paper of this series https://www.ineteconomics.org/research/research-papers/how-the-disappearance-of-unionized-jobs-obliterated-an-emergent-black-middle-class, we outlined how the decline of unionized jobs from the beginning of the 1980s decimated an emergent African American blue-collar middle class. Over the decades it became clear, however, that, while African Americans were hit earlier and harder than whites, they were not the only ones to fall out of the middle class. Increasingly, white blue-collar workers with no more than a high-school education also lost their middle-class status as the ideology that companies should be run to “maximize shareholder value” put a permanent end to the CWOC norm. Over subsequent decades and up to the present, growing numbers of American workers with only a high-school education, regardless of race, have experienced stagnating incomes, downward socioeconomic mobility, and even, at certain times, declining life expectancy. In this, the second working paper of our Fifty Years After book manuscript, we provide a statistical overview of the changes in employment and earnings of Blacks since the mid-1960s. If Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, along with other anti-discrimination laws from that period, and the formation of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission promised progress toward racial equality in employment and general well-being, the current situation shows a very troubling picture. Across all dimensions of economic well-being that are dependent on access to decent paying, secure jobs, Blacks fare worse than whites. We present the most recent available data on the occupations (for 2019) and the industries (for 2018) in which the different Black, white, Hispanic, and Asian members of the U.S. labor force are employed. Then, using the decennial censuses, we examine the distributions of Blacks across aggregate categories of occupations from 1960 to 2010 to see the changing pattern of jobs held by Blacks, in broad terms, from the time of the Civil Rights Act to the present. We then look at the differences in Black and white unemployment and wage rates, with and without accounting for differences in education. The racial gap in wages, after accounting for education level, has widened. Stable jobs that enable employees to share in productivity gains and hence increase their real earnings over time facilitate the accumulation of wealth. In its various forms, wealth influences the current and future well-being of families and their children by enabling investments in education and training, providing savings to offset unforeseen circumstances, and funding retirement. Although manifest progress has been made by a portion of better-educated Blacks, the overall picture for wealth accumulation by Blacks in comparison with whites is grim. A race-based wealth gap should be no surprise, as access of African Americans to stable, well-paid jobs has always been much less than for whites. Yet, the size of wealth disparities is extremely large and has worsened over the last fifty years. Currently the median family wealth for whites is ten times that of Blacks. We examine the wealth gap within separate categories, including housing equity, housing stability measured by delinquency on mortgages and foreclosure, retirement savings and liquid savings, corporate shareholding, and student-loan debt. We also look at health insurance coverage because it functions, in part, like savings that can be called upon to deal with unanticipated events. And lack of health insurance can wipe out one’s accumulated wealth should one require hospitalization and/or expensive drugs. In every one of these components of wealth, Blacks trail whites by large and increasing amounts. Each of these indicators reflects the persistent and even growing Black-white disparities in earnings, employment security, and career patterns over time. Which leaves us with the question that the “Fifty Years After” project seeks to answer: What happened to equal employment opportunity? For a quest for economic equality to become a reality, the pay and stability of employment for Blacks must be improved far more than for whites. But in view of the downward mobility of white workers, even a substantial closing of the Black-white income gap will not solve the problems of poverty and injustice in the United States. Contrary to the situation in the 1960s, in the presence of the impoverished and vulnerable American working class of the 2020s, “equal employment opportunity” will not yield the upward socioeconomic mobility for Blacks that was possible in the 1960s and 1970s. The Covid-19 crisis is having an especially devastating impact on people of color, but workers of every race and ethnicity are feeling immense pain. Even when the public-health crisis has abated, the gargantuan political task for the years and decades ahead will be the restoration of employment opportunity that will enable all Americans to live healthy, secure, and happy lives.

This paper explores policewomen’s perceptions of Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO) initiatives including breastfeeding rooms, part-time and flexible work arrangements, and gender quotas. Drawing on interviews with 18 Australian policewomen, our analysis reveals that while policewomen recognize that good initiatives and policies exist, when workers attempt to access them, they are often met with resistance and resentment. Policewomen express concerns about quotas, fearing that they might translate to a loss of respect and credibility for women workers. Our research aims to create a more nuanced understanding of how EEO policies are practiced within policing and considers possibilities for future policies.

PurposeThe Indian context is marked with weak anti-discrimination laws and patchy implementation of protection of civil rights of women at workplaces. The purpose of this paper is to unearth the rationales of the adoption of gender diversity management policies and practices in India, in the absence of laws and regulations.Design/methodology/approachInspiration is drawn from previous studies on diversity management in other national contexts, and a survey methodology was adopted. The lead researcher administered the questionnaires personally to all respondents to ensure that the understanding of the questions is uniform across respondents as gender diversity management is a relatively new concept in India.FindingsSize of the organisation (number of full-time employees), the influence of external organisations and perceived enhanced organisational flexibility were found to explain the adoption of gender diversity management policies and practices in the Indian IT/ITeS industry. Findings also indicate that Indian subsidiaries of foreign multinationals tend to adopt more gender diversity management policies and practices as compared to Indian-owned organisations.Research implicationsThis study provides evidence that organisations do not always enact structures or behaviours in the pursuit of normative rationality and also consider the economic value of them, establishing an organisational agency in adopting legitimated norms or practices. The study also shows that gender diversity management policies and practices are not only dependent on the enactment of laws but also are adopted because of the economic benefit perceived.Originality/valueDiversity management policies and practices have been mostly studied in national contexts with anti-discrimination laws or affirmative action programs and have been claimed to be a successor of equal employment opportunity (EEO) policies. In the absence of stringent laws to reduce or eliminate discrimination against women employees in Indian workplaces, this study contributes to the literature by determining whether the business case for gender diversity drives the adoption of gender diversity management in the Indian context.

Women at the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD) are charging the institute9s outgoing scientific director with 10 years of sex discrimination. They say geneticist Constantine Stratakis oversaw a disproportionate decrease in the number of women leading experiment-running labs at the institute, and that he dismantled research on gynecological disease affecting adult women at the institute9s Bethesda, Maryland, campus. Between 2013 and 2019, at least eight female professionals at NICHD filed equal employment opportunity complaints charging Stratakis with sex discrimination, age discrimination, or both. Stratakis denies all the claims, saying he elevated institute women into leadership positions and actively recruited women including three new gynecologists focused on disease in children and teens. In June, he is set to take a new job as executive director of the Research Institute of the McGill University Health Centre.

The study examines what the correlates are between age discrimination charges and employer characteristics using the longitudinal sample of 4000 establishments representing a random sample of establishments in the US. The study uses data on charges and establishments obtained through the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission who enforces the Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA). Using the panel data approach, the results suggest that the strongest predictor of ADEA charges, is past ADEA charges against the employer. Other characteristics such as a smaller span of control (number of employees per manager), to some extent a greater proportion of minority employees, being a headquarters establishment, or being a federal contractor, are associated with more charges. The implications of these findings are discussed.

BACKGROUND Individuals with hearing loss experience unique barriers to employment frequently documented in the areas of communication and education. The purpose of this article is to contribute to extend this inquiry to the uniqueness of workplace discrimination involving persons with hearing loss. OBJECTIVE This study investigated differences in allegations of workplace discrimination filed by persons with hearing loss ("Hearing") compared to those filed by persons with other physical or neurological disabilities (General Disability, or "GENDIS") before and after the enactment of the 2008 Americans with Disabilities Act Amendments Act (2008 Amendments). METHODS Using secondary data collected from the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) Integrated Mission System, we employ simple measures of proportion and odds ratios to describe differences between allegations derived from GENDIS and Hearing loss populations. These are population statistics, and not samples, of all allegations of discrimination reported to the EEOC through 2016. The comparisons involve Characteristics of the Charging Parties, Issues or discriminatory behaviors alleged, and closure statuses or Merit Rate of the EEOC's investigations - both before and after the 2008 Amendments. RESULTS Following the 2008 Amendments, Charging Parties changed dramatically on age and gender status. Reasonable Accommodation, Hiring, Harassment, and employment Terms and Conditions showed unique features between groups and/or time periods. The "veracity" (confirmed truthfulness or merit) of the EEOC allegation (or Merit) rate also changed following the Amendments: higher for GENDIS; lower for Hearing. CONCLUSIONS Possible rationale for these findings are offered, and new research questions are raised. Finally, implications for the cross-disability movement are presented.