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Extreme heat contributes to 8000-12 000 excess U.S. deaths per year. Partly due to increasing summer temperatures and a renewed focus on environmental justice, local governments started new initiatives to manage and adapt to extreme heat. For example, Miami-Dade County, Florida, United States, appointed Jane Gilbert as the world's first Chief Heat Officer. This manuscript summarizes Miami-Dade County's preliminary efforts to build local evidence, engage the community, and rapidly respond to extreme heat. The manuscript's goal is to expedite the translation of existing tools into mainstream extreme heat, health, and equity planning. The study generated local evidence to identify the places and periods of time with elevated heat-related illness using a statistical vulnerability and time series analysis, respectively. The places with the highest severe heat-related illness rates had hotter land surface temperatures and/or higher proportions of people who were outdoor workers, Indigenous, living in poverty or mobile homes, and households with children. "Everyday" summer conditions instead of rare heatwaves increase the risk of a heat-related death. The Chief Heat Officer convened workshops that engaged 298 unique community members on six cross-sectoral heat topics. Key recommendations included increasing multisectoral heat monitoring and risk communication, building more affordable housing, preserving and expanding greenspace, and creating heat resilience hubs. The activities culminated in a Heat Action Plan, which was completed in less than two years from the receipt of project funding. SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT: Extreme heat is a contributing factor to more U.S. deaths per year than any other weather hazard. This manuscript summarizes the world's first Chief Heat Officer's efforts to build local heat and health evidence. The places with the highest heat-related illness rates had hotter surface temperatures and/or higher proportions of people who were outdoor workers, Indigenous, and living in poverty or mobile homes. On hot and humid days, 7.8% (603 deaths) of the summer deaths per year were associated with the concurrent and preceding day's heat exposures. In response, Miami-Dade County is targeting heat interventions, lowering heat advisory thresholds, and considering new heat safety laws. KEYWORDS: Adaptation; Health; Heat islands; Societal impacts; Vulnerability, 1. Introduction Over 2002-20, an increasing proportion of jurisdictions considered extreme heat in their planning activities (Bernard and McGeehin 2004; Meerow and Keith 2021). In Miami-Dade County, Florida, United States [...]

September 22, 2022 Thank you so much for that lovely introduction, Dean Carey, and for your exemplary leadership. I also want to recognize my dear friend and mentor Professor Carol [...]

TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION 154 II. ENVIRONMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS LAW 159 A. The Legal Status of Environmental Human Rights Norms 160 B. The Content of Environmental Human Rights Law [...], For many years, the environmental justice movement in the United States and the evolution of international human rights law concerning the environment have pursued parallel but separate paths, only occasionally noting that they share common concerns. This Article seeks to build a stronger bridge between them, in three ways. First, it presents the most detailed restatement of environmental human rights law yet published. International human rights bodies have developed a robust environmental jurisprudence setting out concrete obligations on States, including procedural obligations to provide public access to environmental information, decision-making, and remedies, substantive obligations to adopt and enforce effective environmental regulations, and obligations to prevent environmental discrimination. Second, the Article provides the first systematic evaluation of the United States in light of that jurisprudence. The United States has elements of a strong environmental framework, but it also has a number of shortcomings and one gigantic gap: the failure to effectively address the disproportionate environmental burdens placed on African Americans and other racialized minorities. The US government has paid lip service to environmental justice in principle, but it has failed to reform its laws, or use the ones it has effectively, to address environmental discrimination in practice. Third, the Article explains that, even though US courts are not open to environmental human rights claims, international human rights bodies are. Advocates could more frequently ask regional human rights commissions, human rights treaty bodies, and UN special rapporteurs to examine US failures to meet international obligations, especially obligations to prevent and redress environmental discrimination and to respect the land rights of Indigenous peoples. Although the decisions and reports of these bodies are not legally binding, they can still complement and support domestic efforts to achieve environmental justice. In short, the quest for environmental justice is also a quest to bring the United States into compliance with environmental human rights law. Recognizing the connections between them can help in the struggle for both.

INTRODUCTION (1) In the Fall of 2017, something was brewing in the tropical Atlantic Ocean. Fed by warm waters and humid air, what began as an African easterly wave quickly [...]

Introduction 1188 I. Green Growth 1192 II. Protest Politics 1197 III. Easing In 1206 A. Declarations and Targets 1207 B. Data Collection 1212 C. Mandates 1222 D. Beyond Local Law [...], Scholars often characterize local action to mitigate climate change as a puzzle. No locality's greenhouse gas emissions (GHGs) are sufficiently large to materially affect climate change; cities that reduce their emissions will therefore bear the costs of doing so, while deriving few climate benefits. This Article analyzes why New York City has taken on the task of reducing GHGs, and the evolution of its policies in the first two decades of the 21st century. This Article argues that the city's initial climate measures imposed few costs on private actors and were largely linked to the traditional local government objective of promoting economic growth. In contrast, the city's move in 2019 to impose legally binding requirements on local building owners to decarbonize their buildings portend material costs and cannot easily be explained in economic terms. These building mandates arose from the work of committed policymakers inside city government and the city council, and the grassroots activism of community groups motivated to oppose President Trump and his stance on climate change. With a new, more real estate-friendly mayor in office and a difficult economic climate in the city, there is uncertainty about whether the city will enforce the building mandates. However, federal and New York State actions since the city passed its building mandates in 2019, such as the federal Inflation Reduction Act and state-led electricity decarbonization, may reduce the costs to building owners of lowering building emissions, and therefore increase the political and economic viability of New York City's building mandates. In sum, the history of New York City's decarbonization efforts emphasizes the potential for local action to address climate change and the difficult political economy of such action.

Introduction 1247 I. Equity in Local Climate Action Planning 1249 A. What is Climate Action Planning? 1250 B. "Equity-Infused Climate Action Planning" Reflects Local Governments' Varying Terminology 1251 C. Equity-Infused [...], Over the last half decade, local climate action plans have regularly come to incorporate considerations of racial and socioeconomic equity, recognizing the ways in which low-income communities and communities of color experience earlier and worse consequences from global warming, and these communities are also at risk of being harmed by policies meant to address climate change. Until now, however, the discourse on equity in climate action planning has largely pertained to policy; it acknowledges the disproportionate harm that certain communities experience as a result of climate change and policies to address climate change, and suggests policy tools that can address these disparities. Missing is a discussion of why local governments are compelled or strongly encouraged by law to develop climate plans that aim to address racial and socioeconomic inequity alongside rising GHG emissions. This Article seeks to fill in the missing legal context for why equitable climate action planning is strongly encouraged by three aspects of federal law: the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and recent federal law developments like the Inflation Reduction Act and Justice40. While none of these mandate that local governments consider equity in their climate action planning, they do provide a compelling legal argument for local climate policy that is equitable and racially just. The Article explores all three areas of federal law and suggests ways in which they might interplay with equitable local climate action planning. In addition to delineating new applications for these areas of federal law, the research seeks to provide a legal rationale for local climate policy that is just and equitable that can support local government efforts when their climate action plans face political, fiscal, legal, and other forms of challenge.

INTRODUCTION There is now little doubt that limiting the worst impacts of climate change will require "rapid, far-reaching and unprecedented changes in all aspects of society." (1) In particular, it [...], The consequences of climate change are far-reaching and ripple throughout various aspects of society; one such consequence is the urgent need for overhaul of systems across the energy production, transportation, and industrial manufacturing industries. Unfortunately, such system improvements run contrary to the interests of powerful, influential capital sectors, thus, needed reform will likely require a mass social movement amongst the working class. This Note seeks highlight the ways in which the mainstream environmental movement has positioned itself as separate from, and potentially antagonistic to, an industrial working class whose livelihood is tied to the production of consumer goods. However, the environmental justice movement has begun the critical work toward reform. This Note suggests that in order to successfully collaborate toward a more sustainable future, the environmental and labor movements need to deal not only with the economic effects associated with transition but also with the tangible health and environmental effects of unsafe labor practices and industrial pollution. The Author argues that this will require statutory protections because the current scheme is lacking; while the Occupational Safety and Health Act and federal environmental laws establish safety and pollution standards, the enforcement efforts are almost absent. This Note proposes an Industrial Workers Safety Act which would include a private right of action to sue for enforcement of safety standards, a procedural right to agency review of safety and environment violations, whistleblower protections, and a statutory definition of harm for purposes of federal environmental law.

Inequities in social determinants of health experienced by Black residents of the United States may be responsible for their increased risk of premature mortality. A recent analysis (1) of data [...]

Forests are the locus of conflict in Canada, where the rights and interests of Indigenous peoples can collide with those of the province (Crown) and the forest industry. Efforts to achieve 'forest justice'--or sufficient forest rights to meet the selfgovernance goals of Indigenous peoples, and in ways that ensure collective resilience--have typically been driven by the principle of reconciliation. In this paper, these 'forest justice' efforts were examined through a tripartite justice theory, involving recognition, representation, and redistribution pathways. This paper documents that recognition involves Crown efforts to recognize Indigenous peoples' forest rights, including ownership, and access and use rights; representation includes improved participation in forest governance; and redistribution covers the allocation of timber harvesting rights and forest lands to Indigenous peoples. This study documents that the bulk of 'forest justice' activity is focused on the redistribution of timber harvesting licences, the volume of which has doubled over the last two decades. These three paths to justice must all be pursued together to deliver 'forest justice', and to move towards 'reconciliation in the woods'. Recommendations are offered to support forest justice in practice. Key words: Indigenous peoples, forestry, forest justice, recognition, representation, redistribution, justice Les forets constituent une source de conflit au Canada, oU les droits et les interets des peuples autochtones peuvent entrer en conflit avec ceux de la province (la Couronne) et de l'industrie forestiere. Les efforts pour parvenir a une << justice forestiere >>--ou a des droits forestiers suffisants pour repondre aux objectifs d'autogouvernance des peuples autochtones, et de maniere a assurer la resilience collective--ont generalement ete motives par le principe de reconciliation. Dans cet article, ces efforts de << justice forestiere >> sont examines a travers une theorie de justice tripartite, impliquant : les voies de la reconnaissance, de la representation et de la redistribution. Cette etude etablit que la reconnaissance implique que la Couronne s'efforce de reconnaitre les droits forestiers des peuples autochtones, y compris les droits de propriete, d'acces et d'utilisation; la representation inclut une meilleure participation a la gouvernance forestiere; et la redistribution couvre l'attribution de droits d'exploitation du bois et de terres forestieres aux peuples autochtones. Cette etude montre que l'essentiel des mesures de << justice forestiere >> est axe sur la redistribution des licences d'exploitation du bois, dont le volume a double au cours des deux dernieres decennies. Ces trois voies vers la justice doivent etre poursuivies ensemble afin de realiser la << justice forestiere >> et d'avancer vers la << reconciliation des forets >>. Des recommandations sont proposees pour soutenir la justice forestiere dans la pratique. [Traduit par la Redaction] Mots-cles: peuples autochtones, foresterie, justice forestiere, reconnaissance, representation, redistribution, justice, Introduction Across the world, Indigenous peoples continue their struggle for 'forest justice'--or sufficient forest rights to meet the self-governance goals of Indigenous peoples, and in ways that ensure collective resilience. [...]

TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION A. Idle Wells in California B. Environmental and Health Risks of Idle Wells I. Analysis of California's Idle Well Program A. Current Laws and Regulations of [...], Throughout the state of California, oil operators will continue to abandon thousands of their oil wells within the coming years. (1) With the growing threats of climate change, local, state and federal policymakers are looking away from fossil fuels and towards supporting renewable energy generation. In April 2021, California Governor Gavin Newson directed the California Air Resources Board (CARB) to begin evaluating paths to phasing out fossil fuel extraction in the state by 2045. (2) The economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic has also increased the risk of operators filing for bankruptcy and thus orphaning their wells. When an oil well stops operating, becoming idle, there are still many environmental and health related hazards remaining at the site. Uncapped idle wells are known to emit toxic and flammable gases, such as methane, a potent greenhouse gas. (3) In addition, wells that are left unplugged can contaminate surrounding soil and water supplies. (4) In California, the process of plugging and decommissioning a well is the operator&apos;s responsibility. (5) However, operators have little incentive to plug and decommission their wells because maintaining their idle wells is generally cheaper. (6) Properly plugging and decommissioning an onshore well can cost between $40,000 and $152,000. (7) By maintaining their idle wells instead of decommissioning and plugging their wells, operators also preserve the option value of their wells in case oil prices increase. (8) Additionally, if an oil company becomes insolvent or deserts its wells, making them orphaned wells, that cost of decommissioning and plugging the well is borne by the State. (9) The State currently lacks sufficient funds to plug and abandon all orphaned wells. (10) Due to that lack of funding, many orphan wells are left unplugged, harming the surrounding communities and contributing to climate change (.11) Last year, the California Geologic Energy Management Division (CalGEM) tightened its regulations around idle well management "to create far more stringent testing requirements that better protect public safety and the environment from the potential threats posed by idle wells." (12) This comment will analyze CalGEM&apos;s updated regulations and current laws for idle well management. Specifically, the comment will use an environmental justice theoretical framework to assess whether the updated regulations meet CalGEM&apos;s goal of "better protecting] public safety ... from the potential threats posed by idle wells," particularly for low-income communities and communities of color in California. The comment will go on to suggest potential areas where CalGEM can strengthen its regulations to better protect communities near idle wells, particularly by: (1) increasing idle well fees, (2) increasing the indemnity bond amount, (3) adding cumulative impacts to CCR section 1772.4 considerations, and (4) allowing for public comment on critical prioritization decisions. While there are certain strengths to the updated regulations and current laws regarding idle well management, they still fall short of appropriately protecting the health and safety of communities throughout California.

Cost-Benefit Analysis in Risk Regulation Kaldor Hicks based cost-benefit analysis (CBA) is a methodology employed in regulatory policy to assess whether a regulatory decision is efficient--i.e., increases aggregate social welfare. [...]

I Introduction The precautionary principle is a legal and policy principle that guides managers and decision-makers in responding to uncertainty. Articulated in various ways depending on the statute or instrument [...], The precautionary principle is one of the central principles to have emerged from the 1992 international Earth Summit and subsequently to have been integrated into Australian law. It is a principle that responds to the uncertainty attending serious environmental threats by justifying measures to prevent threat materialisation. This article explores the contemporary relevance of the precautionary principle three decades on, at a time when Australia&apos;s ecology and biological diversity is subject to multiple compounding and cumulative threats, including the serious and irreversible consequences of climate change. Following the decisions in three recent cases -Leadbeater&apos;s, Masked Owl and Tree Geebung--I make three contentions in relation to the principle. First, if particular &apos;conditions precedent&apos; to the application of the principle are met, then the principle must be applied; the need to apply and act on the principle cannot be trumped by other considerations. Second, application is capable of demonstration. Third, precautionary approaches can and should take into account the state of the environment. These contentions underscore the precautionary principle&apos;s importance in the context of activity that threatens to exacerbate the baseline threat of climate change to the species and places that form part of Australia&apos;s complex ecological systems.

INTRODUCTION With its narrow progression along mountain ridgelines, slow descents into forested valleys, and meandering turns through sprawling fields, the Appalachian Trail ("the Trail") provides a glimpse into some of [...], In 2015, Duke Energy and Dominion Energy joined forces to begin work on a massive natural gas pipeline extending through Appalachia. The proposed path of the Atlantic Coast Pipeline, as the project was named, ran through several low-income, minority communities and also traversed a section of the Appalachian Trail located in George Washington National Forest. The U.S. Forest Service granted the energy companies a permit to build the pipeline across this national forest and the Appalachian Trail, but before work could begin, a group of environmental stakeholders filed an action challenging the Forest Service&apos;s authority to issue the permit. The Supreme Court adjudicated that challenge in U.S. Forest Service v. Cowpasture River Preservation Ass&apos;n. The dispositive issue in the case was whether the Appalachian Trail is actually "land." If so, then under established federal law, the Forest Service would lack the authority to grant the permit; if not, then the grant of the permit would be valid. To make its decision on the subject, the Court turned to private easement law principles and, in doing so, concluded that the permit grant must be upheld because the Appalachian Trail is not land. As the Court explained, "[a] trail is a trail, and land is land"--the two are distinct from one another. Or are they? This Recent Development answers that question in the negative, positing that the Cowpasture Court reached an erroneous conclusion by incorrectly invoking the private law of easements to decide the case. And although Duke and Dominion eventually abandoned the Atlantic Coast Pipeline project, the legal precedent set by the Court&apos;s decision remains. This precedent will result in increased future harms to the environment and low-income, minority communities and, in that way, ultimately constitutes lost ground for environmental advocates in the fight against environmental injustice.

INTRODUCTION I. DECARBONIZATION'S PARTICIPATORY GAP A. Decarbonization's Transformative Potential B. Community Opposition, "NIMBYism," and NEPA Reform II. NEPA'S POTENTIAL AS A TOOL FOR COMMUNITY EMPOWERMENT A. NEPA's Structural Misfit B. [...], This Article addresses a potential tension between two ambitions for the transition to clean energy: reducing regulatory red-tape to quickly build out renewable energy, and leveraging that build-out to empower low-income communities and communities of color. Each ambition carries a different view of communities&apos; role in decarbonization. To those focused on rapid build-out of renewable energy infrastructure, communities are a potential threat who could slow or derail renewable energy projects through opposition during the regulatory process. To those focused on leveraging the transition to clean energy to advance racial and economic justice, communities are necessary partners in the key decisions of the transition--including the development of renewable energy projects. The Biden Administration has committed to both ambitions, but there is a gap regarding what role communities will play in policies designed to implement decarbonization. This Article articulates this "participatory gap" in decarbonization policy and proposes changes to the regulations implementing the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA) that start bridging these ambitions. The Article offers proposals that would leverage NEPA&apos;s unique structure to empower communities in decarbonization. Specifically, it argues that NEPA&apos;s regulations should be reformed to require meaningful community engagement and enforce that commitment through a revitalized executive enforcement structure. Contrary to views that more community engagement will slow decarbonization, this Article argues that these reforms would support the rapid transition to renewable energy while also empowering communities and elevating justice as a central value in environmental policy.

Mermaids are plural and complex beings with significant implications, as human-animal-hybrids, for a critique of androcentrism and the Anthropocene. Yet theorizations of the mermaid within monster studies rarely critically engage Black mermaid texts. This article defines a particular recurring narrative within Afrofuturism's imaginings of aquatic hybrid people: what I call Crossing Merfolk, the proposal that those lost during the Middle Passage and/ or their offspring transformed to survive in the sea. Foregrounding mermaid studies, Black feminist critical humanisms, and feminist, anticolonial, and environmental justice ecocriticisms in an analysis of Nalo Hopkinson's The New Moon's Arms and Rivers Solomon's The Deep, I argue that Crossing Merfolk narratives disrupt the Human and its power over subordinated humans and the Earth. By locating the origin of mermaids in African cosmologies and the launch of racial chattel slavery, crossing merfolk interrogate the violent conditions of modernity and the Anthropocene and propose otherhuman ways of being., From Syrian goddesses to Disney princesses, mermaids are mutable figures capable of carrying a multitude of meanings. In Scaled for Success: The Internationalization of the Mermaid, Philip Hayward argues that [...]

I INTRODUCTION The ramifications of climate change are reverberating across the globe, along with increased pressure to mitigate the causes of climate change and adapt to its consequences. In this [...], There is growing recognition of the intersection between human rights and climate change. This is reflected in an increase in climate litigation overseas that seeks to use human rights arguments. While climate litigation overseas has been observed as taking a &apos;rights turn &apos;, this same trend has not been followed in Australia. This article examines how and why human rights-based climate litigation in Australia has differed from the overseas context. Through a survey of overseas human rights-based climate litigation based on three types of causes of action: international and regional treaties; constitutional rights; and human rights enshrined in statute, this article demonstrates that these causes of action are limited in availability and scope in the Australian context. To respond to these limitations, this article offers two possibilities for human rights-based climate litigation in Australia: using human rights as a tool for statutory interpretation; and using human rights to understand breaches of other laws, such as planning or environmental laws.

Table of Contents Introduction I. The Chaco Landscape: Place and People II. Fracking Technology, Regulation, and History A. United States Fracking Boom B. (Under) Regulation 1. National Environmental Protection Act [...], Fracking must be regulated from a tribal perspective and ultimately phased out by renewable energy sources in order to prevent environmental contamination and threats to health and safety. Like many other components of extractive industry, fracking disproportionately harms indigenous communities due to the socioeconomic status of indigenous communities, their unique relationship to the land (and specifically to water), and other harmful effects of colonization and racialization. This Comment explores the proposed and ongoing fracking near Chaco Canyon and discusses the environmental justice issues this raises for indigenous communities in New Mexico. This discussion is timely, as the Bureau of Land Management and the Bureau of Indian Affairs recently released the long-awaited Farmington Mancos-Gallup Draft Resource Management Plan Amendment and Environmental Impact Statement, which amends the original Environmental Impact Statement for the Chaco Canyon area. This Comment highlights the unregulated nature of fracking (specifically the uncertainty of spills, cleanup and remediation), its exemption from several environmental statutes, and the threats it poses to groundwater and general water quality. The pervasiveness of these issues suggests that the most direct solution lies in cultural sovereignty and decolonial approaches to land management.

Table of Contents Introduction I. The Occupation II. Climate Impacts in Palestine A. Aquifers and Water Quality B. Agriculture C. Exacerbation of Political Conflict III. Existing Authorities IV. Current Climate [...], Two of the most commonly discussed responses to climate change are mitigation and adaptation. It is necessary that the world continues to mitigate greenhouse gases in the atmosphere to prevent the most severe effects of climate change, but it is just as important that adaptation measures are implemented to prepare for the unmitigable effects. With the ongoing Israeli occupation--now reaching its fifty-third year--Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) are prohibited from accessing resources and pursuing necessary measures to repair their existing infrastructure or prepare for the environmental effects of climate change. As such, this Comment sheds light on the Palestinian voice, struggle, and experience while examining climate impacts under occupation by analyzing the environmental, political, legal, and humanitarian impacts of climate change on Palestinians in the OPT.

Exclusionary housing policies concentrate housing inequities, disproportionately exposing Black communities to environmental pollutants, and isolating them from essential health resources (Dimick et al. 2013 (See CR9)). For this study, a literature review was conducted to explore how environmental racism has contaminated Black lives and to understand the policy failures that have perpetuated these inequities. Using case study methodology, this paper highlights three specific events to illustrate the contamination of Black lives: toxic wells in Dickinson County, Tennessee; coke plants in North Birmingham, Alabama; and the water crisis in Flint, Michigan. The central policy failures in these cases were delayed response, misinformation, weak enforcement of regulations, and inadequate solutions provided by environmental health officials. Future research should focus on the intersection of environmental hazards, community trust, and the effectiveness of prevention strategies in Black communities. Environmental health officials should focus on transparency, accountability, and equal protection for all lives., Author(s): Sheree Henderson [sup.1] , Rebecca Wells [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.213876.9, 0000 0004 1936 738X, College of Public Health, Department of Health Promotion and Behavior, University of Georgia, , [...]

Background: Several studies have evaluated whether the distribution of natural environments differs between marginalized and privileged neighborhoods. However, most studies restricted their analyses to a single or handful of cities and used different natural environment measures. Objectives: We evaluated whether natural environments are inequitably distributed based on socioeconomic status (SES) and race/ethnicity in the contiguous United States. Methods: We obtained SES and race/ethnicity data (2015-2019) for all U.S. Census tracts. For each tract, we calculated the Normalized Different Vegetation Index (NDVI) for 2020, NatureScore (a proprietary measure of the quantity and quality of natural elements) for 2019, park cover for 2020, and blue space for 1984-2018. We used generalized additive models with adjustment for potential confounders and spatial autocorrelation to evaluate associations of SES and race/ethnicity with NDVI, NatureScore, park cover, and odds of containing blue space in all tracts (n = 71,532) and in urban tracts (n = 45,338). To compare effect estimates, we standardized NDVI, NatureScore, and park cover so that beta coefficients presented a percentage increase or decrease of the standard deviation (SD). Results: Tracts with higher SES had higher NDVI, NatureScore, park cover, and odds of containing blue space. For example, urban tracts in the highest median household income quintile had higher NDVI [44.8% of the SD (95% CI: 42.8, 46.8)] and park cover [16.2% of the SD (95% CI: 13.5, 19.0)] compared with urban tracts in the lowest median household income quintile. Across all tracts, a lower percentage of non- Hispanic White individuals and a higher percentage of Hispanic individuals were associated with lower NDVI and NatureScore. In urban tracts, we observed weak positive associations between percentage non-Hispanic Black and NDVI, NatureScore, and park cover; we did not find any clear associations for percentage Hispanics. Discussion: Multiple facets of the natural environment are inequitably distributed in the contiguous United States. https://doi.org/10.1289/EHP11164, Introduction Of all high- and middle-income countries, the United States has among the highest income-related disparities in self-reported health and health care measures. (1) Health disparities have been attributed to [...]