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Copyright of French Journal of British Studies / Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique is the property of Centre de Recherches et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Scholarly and testimonial evidence from Armenian, English, French, German, and Turkish sources document the gendered ways by which the Ottoman Empire utilized mandatory military service — conscription — as a tool to carry out genocide during the First World War. Recruitment and deployment policies empowered Ottoman conscripts to commit crimes while simultaneously authorizing the capture and destruction of Armenian men and boys. Given the obfuscations that arose amid the war’s normalized carnage, it is crucial to note that the intent to destroy and the method of capture that Ottoman perpetrators used existed prior to the demise of their targets. Due to the empire’s gendered necropolitical exploitation of Armenians, combined with the precedent of the draft as a way to raise armed forces, assemble forced labourers, and punish men deemed insubordinate to imperial leaders, the era’s mass loss of life continues to offer some observers a way to erroneously excuse and deny this case of genocide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ibn Kamāl Pāshā (d. 940/1534) played a key role in defending key doctrinal positions in his capacity as Ottoman Shaykh al-Islām, the most famous of which is undoubtedly his refutation of Mullā Qābiḍ (d. 933/1527). Qābiḍ (tr. Kabız), whose credentials are as unknown as Ibn Kamāl's are known, is said to have propagated the superiority of Jesus over Muhammad, an obscure notion rarely found in the intellectual history of Islam. His ideas were eventually brought to the attention of scholarly circles, leading to him being tried before the Imperial Council by Caliph Suleymān I (d. 973/1566). Noting the inability of some scholars to defend the orthodox position regarding the superiority of Muhammad, Suleymān I called upon Ibn Kamāl to provide a robust defence on behalf of the Empire. Although unable to respond to Ibn Kamāl's reasoning, Qābiḍ nevertheless maintained his position and thus sealed his fate for good. Only a handful of studies have been carried out on Qābiḍ. This article intends to contribute to the discussion he and his trial have sparked by translating a key epistle written by Ibn Kamāl after the trial and entitled: Risāla fī ʾAfḍaliyyat Muḥammad. Knowing that the details of the controversy between him and Mullā Qābiḍ escape us, this treatise by Ibn Kamāl gives an insight into his thinking on prophetology and his implementation of scriptural, canonical and exegetical sources. It also provides a convenient overview of the exchange he probably had with Qābiḍ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

L’étude, basée sur un corpus des récits de voyages en Turquie d’Europe, écrits par des auteurs connus des années 1830-1840 (Blanqui, Boué et Lamartine) essaie de saisir les caractéristiques principales et les procédés utilisés par ces auteurs afin de réécrire une altérité lointaine. Notre but est de démontrer comment le ton du discours sur l’Autre est dépendant de l’équitation personnelle du voyageur.

This article posits that the Ottoman international system was built on three pillars: power projection, interconnectedness, and autonomy of frontier polities. While its military power projection dwarfed its great power rivals, cultural and organizational capacities of the Ottoman Empire extended its influence to areas out of its military reach. Occupying a central position in trade, pilgrimage, and diplomacy during the early modern period, the Ottoman Empire fostered connections throughout the wider Afro-Eurasian world. The flexible and almost independent status of the peripheral polities not only increased the survival capacity of the empire but also played a central role in the functioning of the Ottoman international system. Rather than presenting either a material or ideational perspective, the present study adopts a via-media approach, integrating both perspectives to elucidate the Ottoman international system, which persisted for nearly three centuries from the early 16th century to the late 18th century. Analyzing such a broad historical phenomenon, this article aims to enrich and contribute to the increasingly popularized historical and non-Western IR subfields. Additionally, it holds potential to deepen our comprehension of heterogeneous international systems and their modus operandi. Le système international ottoman : Projection de puissance, interconnexion et autonomie des territoires frontaliers [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Eurasian Studies (17220750) is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article concerns the development of archaeology and museology, in the Ottoman Empire, Turkey, and Greece, through the life and career of Théodore Macridy. Macridy participated in knowledge transfer in more than one discipline and more than one country. Through his links with Western academic circles in archaeology and museology, he made a significant contribution to their development in the Ottoman Empire, Turkey, and Greece. Living between the Ottoman and Greek epistemic communities as an Ottoman citizen of Greek origin, he excavated numerous sites of the Ottoman Empire, worked at the Ottoman Imperial Museum, and contributed to the foundation of the Benaki Museum in Athens at the end of his career. This makes him a good example of an Ottoman Greek scholar whose liminal identity led to his relative neglect in both Greek and Turkish archaeology and museology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cedid Atlas Tercümesi (« Translation of a New Atlas »), printed in Constantinople in 1803, was the first world atlas printed in Muslim lands, with maps based on those in William Faden’s General Atlas. In this article I examine the ways in which the cartouches in the Cedid Atlas were modified from Faden’s to fit their new cultural context. Specifically, in the maps of the western Mediterranean, Europe, France, Turkey, and Greece the artists created elaborate cartouches modeled on those on Faden’s maps, but with an important difference : all of the human figures were removed. The cartouches are thus an interesting example of Islamic aniconism, or opposition to the depiction of human forms. Usually Islamic aniconism was confined to religious art and architecture, while representations of humans and animals were very common in secular art, and the extension of this principle to secular art here is somewhat surprising. The paper is not only revealing in terms of the circulation and modification of cartouches in different cultural contexts, but also raises interesting questions about Islamic aniconism in a secular context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the close relationship between geographical and marine mapping and networks of knowledge exchanges in the seventeenth century Ottoman Empire. Geographical mapping in this period shaped how mapmakers, intellectuals, and ruling elites conceived space, territory, and political power. Although this development impacted the Ottoman world, the Ottoman map makers and their works have not yet fully been integrated into these discussions. This article will offer a historical analysis of select maps and geographical works from the seventeenth century. In doing so, it will delineate the changing patterns of production, consumption, and circulation process of these maps. Resulting analysis will also shed tentative lights into the global intellectual and professional networks in which Ottoman map makers were operating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En 1830, à l'aube de la colonisation du Maghreb, ni le fait, ni l'idée de la frontière n'étaient nouveaux dans la région. Contrairement à la colonisation de l'Afrique sub-saharienne ou au tracé des frontières du Moyen-Orient par les anglo-français, les Français, lors de leur colonisation de la partie côtière nord du Maghreb central, à savoir l'Algérie ottomane (1830) et la Tunisie ottomane (1881), se sont emparés de l'héritage que leur avaient laissé ces États. La fixation et la consolidation de la frontière étaient en grande partie le résultat des politiques coloniales et de protectorat. Cependant, l'existence de la frontière remonte à l'époque de la conquête ottomane, c'est-à-dire au XVIe siècle. Les Ottomans ont mis fin à la fragmentation politique de la région, qui a conduit au tracé des frontières entre les trois pays du Maghreb occidental, le Maroc, l'Algérie et la Tunisie. Au cours des XVIe et XIXe siècles, la triple division géopolitique de la région a été crée, qui existe encore de nos jours. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, a growing literature has claimed that there is a strong and consistent association between the presence of historic missionary societies outside Europe and positive long-term socio-economic outcomes. Yet, most of these studies fail to specify whether this finding is the result of missionary investment in human capital or of local actors stepping up their educational efforts in reaction to missionary activities. This article uses the example of Protestant missionary activity in Ottoman Turkey to separate these two mechanisms. The Ottoman state and the Armenian population responded to missionary incursions by modernizing and expanding their educational efforts. However, after the foundation of the Republic and of modern Turkey, most of the missionary schools were closed and the Armenian population was dramatically reduced. Using the blockage of direct effects, this study confirms the role that indirect effects or emulation has played in Ottoman Turkey. Results show that places with historically heightened competition between missionary schools and native educational institutions are more likely to have a higher income, as measured by night-time light density. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Méditerrannée is the property of Edisud and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Méditerrannée is the property of Edisud and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue Historique (0035-3264) is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of XVIIe Siècle is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of XVIIe Siècle is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study revisits the question of the early modern Ottoman madrasa curriculum, which, ever since the famous Studia Islamica article of Nenad Filipovic and the late Shahab Ahmed in 2004, has come to be recognized as the "sultan's syllabus," implying a strict imposition of a centrally-designed course of study. By utilizing a host of endowment lists, book registers, and autobiographical writings of high- to low-ranking Ottoman scholars from the sixteenth century that escaped Ahmed's and Filipovic's attention, I aim to redress an argument that was based on a misinterpretation of a single document but has been extensively cited and recycled since its first articulation almost two decades ago. All of these sources, some of which have never or only partially received scholarly attention, shed more accurate light, not only on the scope of learning, teaching, and canon formation in the early modern Ottoman world of scholarship but also on the mediating role the Ottoman court played by supplying copies of books wherever and whenever needed. Résumé: Cette étude revient sur la question du programme d'études des madrasas ottomanes du début de l'ère moderne qui, depuis le célèbre article de Nenad Filipovic et de feu Shahab Ahmed dans Studia Islamica en 2004, a été reconnu comme le « programme du sultan », ce qui implique l'imposition stricte d'un programme d'études conçu de manière centralisée. En utilisant un grand nombre de listes de dotations, de registres de livres et d'écrits autobiographiques d'érudits ottomans du XVIe siècle, de haut en bas de l'échelle, qui ont échappé à l'attention d'Ahmed et de Filipovic, je vise à redresser un argument qui était fondé sur une mauvaise interprétation d'un seul document, mais qui a été abondamment cité et recyclé depuis sa première articulation il y a presque vingt ans. Toutes ces sources, dont certaines n'ont jamais ou que partiellement reçu l'attention des chercheurs, jettent une lumière plus précise, non seulement sur la portée de l'apprentissage, de l'enseignement et de la formation des canons dans le monde ottoman de l'érudition au début de l'époque moderne, mais aussi sur le rôle de médiateur joué par la cour ottomane en fournissant des copies de livres partout et à tout moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the notion of “constitution” and approaches it as the extension of a long process of “positivization” of law, at work since the Classical Age of Islam. The establishment of a secular justice, the development of kānūn, the will to endow the State with a constitution: all these points attest to the irreducibility of pre-modern and modern normativity to the idea of a transcendent divine Legislator, at the origin of all law and the organization of all political structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Méditerrannée is the property of Edisud and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Méditerrannée is the property of Edisud and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article proposes a study of a French missionary's itinerary in late Ottoman Istanbul through the lens of his urban strategies during his mission in the city that made him stay for a long time in Istanbul. Père Lobry was in fact a major urban entrepreneur for his congregation and other Catholic organisations in the capital city. His work involved a vision of space based on morality and borders between the missionary world and the city. It nevertheless had to rely on diversions of the Ottoman legal framework. Lobry also managed to develop a transnational reputation through the promotion of sociability within the spaces he administered. He thus appears as a local figure of Istanbul, comparable to other authorities in the city that had similar strategies of control of urban space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Bulletin of Medical History is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Résumé: Depuis la première moitié du seizième siècle, les rois de France semblent être présentés sous une titulature impériale dans la traduction française des capitulations. La notion d'empire apparaît pourtant étrangère à la conception turque de l'État. Le titre d' imparatorluk n'apparaît d'ailleurs nulle part dans le texte original des capitulations. La titulature impériale attribuée au roi de France découle en effet d'une traduction hasardeuse du terme de padishah par les drogmans attachés au service de l'ambassade. D'origine perse, ce titre sans réel équivalent en Europe signifie littéralement «grand dirigeant» ou «dirigeant des dirigeants». En reconnaissant cette qualité au roi de France, le sultan turc met ainsi en avant une prééminence du roi de France sur les autres princes européens. Cette rhétorique s'inscrit alors dans la construction de relations internationales franco-turques ouvertement tournées contre l'empire Habsbourg. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article deals with offences and crimes against female slaves, and those committed by female slaves, in Ottoman Istanbul (sixteenth-seventeeth centuries). Its main sources are imperial legislation and court records of the imperial capital, Istanbul, and its suburbs. Judicial archives remain the chief sources of early modern Ottoman historiography on gender. This contribution tackles slavery's specificities regarding women, without ignoring the parallels with their male counterparts in the Ottoman Empire. By considering women as both objects and agents of legal violations and acts of violence, I simultaneously deal with the rights of slaveholders and slaves. Violations of these rights varied depending on the identity and juridical status of their authors, and were handled accordingly by the justice system. Thus, I consider violations committed by owners against their slaves, by slaves against their owners, and by third parties against the slaves of others. The rights and mutual obligations of masters and slaves were strictly defined in Ottoman law, although the judicial authorities upheld the preservation of private property above all. They dedicated themselves to fighting against the slightest doubt over masters' quasi-absolute authority over their human possessions, whose unconditional obedience was required. Female slaves, in order to affirm their rights, had to provide irrefutable written proof or trustworthy verbal testimonies at the kadi courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anthropologica is the property of CASCA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Synergies Turquie is the property of GERFLINT (Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches pour le Francais Langue Internationale) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The efficiency of British informal imperialism in the 19th century depended on a strong and lasting interaction between economic interests and strategic stakes. When this condition could not be guaranteed, as was the case in the Middle East at the turn of the century, London resorted to more active intervention, which sometimes took the form of geo-economic diplomacy. The official umbrella was supposed to lessen the impact of any loss of economic attractiveness as an incentive to friendly investments. In return for this protection, private capitals were expected to abide by a strategic agenda that may be at odds with traditional economic calculations. The examples of the Persian Imperial Bank and the Turkish National Bank before 1914 show that the success of geo-economic diplomacy essentially depended on the balance of power between regional and international forces.

La période ottomane a longtemps été lue, pour ce qui concerne l’Afrique du Nord, comme marquée par une occupation vue comme « turque », ayant précédé d’autres occupations, cette fois de nature coloniale. L’objet de cet article est, autour d’une réflexion sur la nature de l’impérialité ottomane, de proposer une vision critique de ce type de narration. L’accent est particulièrement mis sur la dimension intégrative de la gouvernance impériale, ainsi que sur le pacte d’appartenance impériale entre les élites locales maghrébines et le gouvernement d’Istanbul.

Spiritism reached the Ottoman Empire very quickly via the European and Levantine communities in Istanbul in the 1850s. At the outset of 1910, spiritism had become a very popular topic in the press. Spiritist publishing burst in Ottoman Turkish is connected to the environment of a more or less liberal press in the aftermath of the Young Turk revolution of 1908. As was the case in the history of spiritism elsewhere, in the Ottoman Empire reactions against spiritism came mainly from two intellectual circles: the positivistic (or scientific and materialist) ones and the non-positivistic (or religious-spiritual and anti-materialist) ones. Besides, all this spiritist, para-spiritist and anti-spiritist publishing activity involved a respective translation activity into Ottoman Turkish, which enhanced cultural transfer processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Clio. Femmes, Genre, Histoire is the property of Belin Editeur and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Outre-Mers: Revue d'Histoire is the property of Societe Francaise d'Histoire d'Outre Mer and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Outre-Mers: Revue d'Histoire is the property of Societe Francaise d'Histoire d'Outre Mer and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology is the property of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)