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This article draws lessons about environmental justice from a case study in the Jordan River Valley of the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Building on notions of justice as recognition, the article argues that inclusive environmental justice agendas require the recognition of multiply marginalized groups and the fundamentally different understandings of environmental hazards and benefits they may have, and it proposes the use of intersectional analysis to do so. The village of al-Auja faces severe water-related challenges: a closed Israeli military zone blocking access to the Jordan River, which has also shrunk and grown polluted in recent decades; water wells with declining capacity and increasing salinity and a lack of permits to rehabilitate them; and the drying of a once-perennial spring. Residents, local government officials, and Palestinian staff members of a transborder nongovernmental organization agreed in identifying Israeli occupation as a key cause of water stress and articulated justice-based protests. However, while some emphasized the lack of Palestinian sovereignty over natural resources, others concentrated on the obstruction of villagers’ agricultural livelihoods and household hardships. The article demonstrates that different life experiences, particularly along lines of rural/urban residence, career, and gender, shaped divergent definitions among Palestinians of environmental benefits and harms, and thus different priorities for environmental justice work. It suggests that attending to complex, intersecting lines of social experience in the early stage of environmental campaigns, when defining problems and forming goals for improvement, can lead to more representative reparation plans, institution building, and activist agendas.

As activists frame campaigns, their region's broader cultural and political context intercedes. In Israel and Palestine attempts to work across national lines and undertake activism that links ecological, economic, and social issues have long been stymied. This article examines how the fraught historical and contemporary relationships of Israelis and Palestinians with land bestow both flexibility and limitations on their framing of campaigns. In particular, it ethnographically analyzes the framing of two projects—the building of an “eco-mosque” and a Jordan River restoration effort—to examine how activists grapple with frame flexibility and its limits. It finds that an Israeli tendency to deterritorialize environmental issues and curb environmental campaigns that are “too political” conflicts with Palestinian criticism of apolitical frames because they euphemize violence and domination. These cases demonstrate how local connotations can make or break environmental campaigns. The eco-adage, “Think global, act local” is not enough. One must think local, too.

In contexts of land conflict and deep social divisions, evaluations of dirty and disordered landscapes carry social and political weight. This article employs a �political dwelling� perspective in southern Israel to examine how links between Bedouin character, litter and disorder, and lawlessness have become widespread, even naturalized, among many government officials and Jewish residents and even some Bedouin Arab residents. Contemporary trash talk draws on, but simultaneously masks, a history of state-building projects that employed Orientalist evaluations of order and disorder and segregationist approaches to development. While this masking of social construction is a property of all symbolically powerful social distinctions, I argue that the distinctions undergirding trash talk are especially accessible for normalization because of the language of nature within which they are expressed�natural landscapes, ethnic groups, and human nature. As a result, trash talk naturalizes links between dirty places, disorderly people, and the need to remove (or reform) them. This trash talk has profound emotional and material consequences for Bedouin residents of Israel because the discourse makes it easier for many within mainstream Israeli society to treat Bedouin Arabs themselves as matter out of place and to justify various acts of social control.

This article examines how social preferences, in the form of cultural politics, become concretised in land laws. In Israel, Bedouin Arabs in unrecognised villages and Jewish farmers of individual farmsteads each faced governmental eviction orders and responded by seeking recognition of their land-use practices as legal. However, whereas Jewish farmers successfully mobilised place-based identities to gain legalisation, Bedouin Arabs' dwelling practices were not recognised as the legitimate basis for land claims, and their attempts to assert place-based identities have been denied. Instead, Bedouin Arabs faced pressures of 'de-cultural accommodation' and continued evictions. Ethnographic comparison of these two cases of 'illegal' settlement demonstrates how cultural identities - as former nomads or pioneer farmers - matter for land claims.

Through ethnographic and historical analysis of the Negev region of Israel, this article examines competitive planting as a common tool in land conflicts. In a context of disputed land ownership, some Bedouin Arab residents plant crops in defiance of government policy. Government enforcers of land-use regulations destroy many of these crops and engage in counterinsurgent tree-planting. I suggest that planting is such a potent tactic because it draws on “environmental idioms” of agricultural labor, the rootedness of trees, and a fundamental Jewish-Arab opposition that have been central to the development of both Israeli and Palestinian nationalisms. For Bedouin Arabs, whose relationship to both nationalisms has long been contested, the multivalent symbolism of planting makes it a particularly promising tactic for asserting land claims. Further, I contend that these plantings demonstrate both the power of environmental idioms to structure land claims along ethnic lines and the creative potential of participants to challenge dominant environmental discourses by adding new connotations.

B lymphocyte memory generates antibody-secreting cells (ASCs) that represent a source of protective antibodies that may be exploited for therapeutics. Here we vaccinated four donors with Pneumovax®23 and produced human monoclonal antibodies (hmAbs) from ASCs. We have cloned 137 hmAbs and the specificities of these antibodies encompass 19 of the 23 serotypes in the vaccine, as well as cell wall polysaccharide (CWPS). Although the majority of the antibodies are serotype specific, 12% cross-react with two serotypes. The Pneumovax®23 ASC antibody sequences are highly mutated and clonal, indicating an anamnestic response, even though this was a primary vaccination. Hmabs from 64% of the clonal families facilitate opsonophagocytosis. Although 9% of the total antibodies bind to CWPS impurity in the vaccine, none of these clonal families showed opsonophagocytic activity. Overall, these studies have allowed us to address unanswered questions in the field of human immune responses to polysaccharide vaccines, including the cross-reactivity of individual antibodies between serotypes and the percentage of antibodies that are protective after vaccination with Pneumovax®23.

In order to identify the combination of antibody-mediated mechanisms of neutralization that result from vaccination with anthrax vaccine adsorbed (AVA), we isolated antibody secreting cells from a single donor seven days after booster vaccination with AVA and generated nine fully human monoclonal antibodies (hmAb) with high specificity for protective antigen (PA). Two of the antibodies were able to neutralize lethal toxin in vitro at low concentrations (IC(50): p6C01, 0.12 μg/ml and p6F01, 0.45 μg/ml). Passive transfer of either of these hmAbs to A/J mice prior to challenge with lethal toxin conferred 80-90% protection. We demonstrate that hmAb p6C01 is neutralizing by preventing furin cleavage of PA in a dose-dependent manner, but the mechanism of p6F01 is unclear. Three additional antibodies were found to bind to domain 3 of PA and prevent oligomerization, although they did not confer significant protection in vivo and showed a significant prozone-like effect in vitro. These fully human antibodies provide insight into the neutralizing response to AVA for future subunit vaccine and passive immunotherapeutic cocktail design.

The politics of nature are at play in forests and nations, as well as within contested memories and variably shaded skin. By tracing the connections between these realms, we can learn how difference becomes racialized in cultural politics. This is Jake Kosek's argument in Understories, an ethnography of the virulent struggles that have raged over the use and control of forests in northern New Mexico. Aligning himself primarily with a Hispano community in Truchas, New Mexico, while also reaching out to local forestry officials and environmentalists, Kosek conducted ethnographic fieldwork and archival study into the conflict that has pitted advocates of conservation, scientific management, and local subsistence use against one other. Kosek found that race was a powerful but frequently avoided factor in the dispute, and rather than shying away from race as a politically sensitive subject, he takes this as a motivation for writing. The book represents a successful example of engaged anthropology, since the analysis is both ethnographically innovative and politically useful to those he studies.

[public affairs, ethical currents, socio-environmental activiism, Negev, Bustan] Liam Frink is contributing editor of Ethical Currents, the AN column of the AAA Committee on Ethics.