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The expansion of public history in the context of the 'decolonial turn' has generated conversations about the potential productive and mutually constitutive relations between the two. While recognizing that there is no predetermined connection between public history and emancipatory politics, this paper focuses on the strand in public history associated with movements of anti-colonization and decolonialization. In particular contexts, the ideas and practices of public history can present as acts of resistance, of which there are numerous examples. The focus here is on South Africa where the emergence of people's history (an early instantiation of public history) was closely associated with the anti-apartheid struggle, itself a late instance of decolonization. People's history proliferated during the 1980s and was both separately and co-produced by progressive scholars at some universities and activists in the internal liberation movements. The paper examines the evolution of the articulation of public history and emancipatory politics, from the anti-apartheid struggle to the democratic era, with particular reference to universities. Whereas the latter were important sites for the expansion of public history until the early 2000s, the adoption by university managements of corporatist models has reinforced hierarchical relations between institutions of higher learning and outside publics, thus narrowing the scope for the practice of a public history that seeks to maintain and grow its connection to emancipatory politics and movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Synthesis Philosophica is the property of Croatian Philosophical Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper proposes a Reading of Schillers' letters On the aesthetic Education of Man from the viewpoint of the concept "sociability" with which Schiller situates, in the last letter, the territory where the aesthetic way towards "freedom" would break through. It is pointed to the propagation of the sociability concept via the kantian anthropology and the sociology of Simmel. It is postulated the affinity of this approach with the contemporary thinking of the event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anxiety is a politically charged and socially potent phenomenon. Scholars, politicians and activists often describe our present times as the 'age of anxiety'. Anxiety permeates emotional or affective experiences, sets in motion temporal particularities, and creates distinct governing logics. Anxiety—in social sciences and international relations—is often linked with affect. By mobilising the distinction between anxiety as affect and anxiety as experience Rumelili points out that anxiety is different from fear. If fear arises from identifiable objects, then anxiety is a reaction to something which cannot be located. It is thus primarily a (disorienting) reaction to something with an unknown 'source'. In my response to Rumelili I engage with the transformative potential that the experience of anxiety might have for how we conceive of political action. Drawing on Lacanian psychoanalysis I begin by outlining the role of anxiety as a structural force in the constitution of the subject before exploring its broader socio-political significance. I acknowledge that Rumelili notes the 'structural significance' of anxiety, but nonetheless, an appreciation of anxiety's embeddedness in social and political reality remains missing in her work. My response explores the transformative potential of anxiety that Rumelili's contribution only hints at. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existentially and conceptually the disruptive wake of COVID-19 is different from the kind of problems the global community has weathered in the past. My article draws on Alain Badiou's notion of an "event"--something unpredictable in its local specificities and radically open in terms of its possible effects--to explore the ramifications of the pandemic. Badiou's approach is distinctive in that it explores different kinds of social disruption and can help us grasp whether the pandemic might carry the seeds of a revolution. I explore the disruptive effects of COVID-19 by first defining Badiou's notion of events, and then examine whether COVID-19 fits this definition. I argue that although the current pandemic does not satisfy all Badiou's criteria, it nevertheless may precipitate an event because of the peculiar way it disrupts contemporary capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We explore organizational members' affective experiences to elucidate how and when the reproduction of oppressive bodily norms can be interrupted. We leverage the exceptional access to hitherto overlooked affective dynamics in one organizational context made possible by the introduction of a video art installation in a commercial art gallery. The artwork enabled both the all-female staff and the researchers to observe, feel and reflect on both the invisible force of body shame and the empowering forces of communal laughter and reciprocal generosity. Our analysis reveals how the repetition of loving encounters around the artwork moved the staff away from crippling individualized anxiety and shame and towards more joyful and carefree possibilities. It further suggests that the organization's feminist culture and climate of psychological safety facilitated the trajectory from shame to joy through love. By surfacing and explaining such affective pathways to freedom as an important form of emancipatory politics in the context of injurious, discriminatory bodily norms, we contribute to both scholarship on bodily discipline in the workplace and recent work on the critical potential of affect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to analyze how the sense of transmodernity is subsumed in philosopher Santiago Castro-Gómez, to propose an emancipatory policy. Transmodernity is a decolonial project proposed by Enrique Dussel in 1994. Modernity, defined as a sacrificial myth -eurocentric, colonizing, and capitalist- would be overcome from the moment in which it is possible to affirm the otherness of the universal cultures --analectic--. Such a project of the Philosophy of Liberation can be conceived as a method that would take the best of modernity --its rational character--, but in an opposite sense to political, cultural, and economic domination. Gastro-Gómez assumes this method to propose a transmodern republicanism. In this text, the possible modernity/coloniality dialog, corroborated by these two philosophers, will be established as the guiding thread to determine how a new way of understanding the ontology of emancipatory (not liberating) politics, presented by the Colombian philosopher, is possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exclusionary and regressive politics are on the rise globally. How do food sovereignty struggles help counter these forces? We ground our analysis on how EHNE‐Bizkaia, a Vía Campesina member organisation in the Basque Country, conceptualises and practices food sovereignty. Inspired by Massey's 'politics of place beyond place' and Featherstone's work on left politics and solidarity, we shed light on the ways that this organisation mobilises food sovereignty to establish political bonds between those marginalised by neo‐liberalism, helping to construct political identities and enact forms of subaltern agency that challenge uneven power relations and geographies. We argue that 'solidarity from below' is key in building an emancipatory rural politics rooted in class‐based alliances, intersectionality, and internationalism as well as non‐exclusionary notions of sovereignty. The article provides theoretical and empirical insights on what constitutes an emancipatory politics of food sovereignty that has the potential to act as a counterforce to right‐wing populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mamdani's review of my book Thinking Freedom in Africa remains within the analytical binaries which characterise his thinking. As a result he fails completely to comprehend my argument. The problem is compounded by the fact that he seems, at best, to have read the book only partially. I do not oppose "differences" to "universal humanity", but argue that in order to understand a politics of emancipation on the African continent, one must begin from those exceptional cases when people themselves invent collective dialectical thought, in other words when they exceed subjectively their interests as determined by their social place. This is the case when they think universal equality which they always do through the prism of the particular. I thus oppose dialectical thought to Mamdani's taxonomic fury. One of the problems with the Social Sciences including the discipline of History, I argue, lies in their inability to jettison a concept of representation through which collective political subjectivities are simply reduced to the actors' social place. As a result people are denied the ability to think for themselves and thus their own emancipation. In fact all people have the capacity to think their own emancipation, yet such occurrences remain exceptional. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of physical education curriculum in the developed world and specifically in Australia tends to be guided in principle by syllabus documents that represent, in varying degrees, some form of government education priorities. Through the use of critical discourse analysis we analyze one such syllabus example (an official syllabus document of one of the Australian States) to explore the relationships between the emancipatory/social justice expectations presented in the rubric of and introduction to the official syllabus document, and the language details of learning outcomes that indicate how the expectations might be satisfied. Given the complexity and multilevel pathways of message systems/ideologies we question the efficacy of such documents oriented around social justice principles to genuinely deliver more radical agendas which promote social change and encourage a preparedness to engage in social action leading to a betterment of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses Jane-Anna Gordon's important idea of the Creolization of Poitical Theory with reference to the work of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Frantz Fanon. It makes an argument for synthesizing this initiative with dialectical thought in order to transcend the analytical vision which gave birth to the creolizing of theory. This synthesis is proposed in order to make sense of the real of any politics of universal emancipation and to incorporate the theoretical inventions of popular actions.

Copyright of Revista de Investigaciones Políticas y Sociológicas (RIPS) is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A tendency in contemporary efforts at emancipatory politics and media production can be characterised by a critical attitude to the very notion of representation, in political terms (e.g. in certain calls for “real democracy” issued by members of movements such as Occupy) and in artistic terms (e.g. the performative rather than indexical emphasis of some video art, such as Surname Viet Given Name Nam (1989) or Reassemblage (1982) by Trinh Mi Ha). Agency is often linked to ‘voice’, and emancipation to one’s ability to ‘speak for’ oneself (Lorde 1984; Foucault and Deleuze 1972). But if we insist that people ‘speak for’ themselves, what does this mean for allyship? Activist filmmakers, journalists, scholars and media-producers often justify what they do as ‘giving voice’. Yet, this seemingly simple goal, ‘to give voice’, is rarely elaborated, and the mediating role of the ‘giver’ of voice is often obscured. In this essay, I explore abstract conceptions of ‘giving voice’ and ‘speaking for’ others by reflecting on my own experience making short testimonial videos about protests in UK immigration detention centres with Standoff Films (www.standoffilms.com). The significance of people’s ‘speech’, I maintain, should be assessed with reference to intention, as well as form. ‘Voice’ is powerful not in isolation, but when activated in a living social context. I suggest the primary truth-value of representations resides in the quality of their constitutive social relationships, characterised by honest attempts to listen, interpret and faithfully communicate, rather than in the technical accuracy of mimesis. Silencing, of some extent, is a necessary part of this process. As media-makers, I believe we should reflect on the silences in our representations when possible, and acknowledge when silences are primarily the result of issues in the world, rather than our own failures to ‘give voice’. Rather than forsake representation and proclaim “everyone should speak for themselves!’, self-reflection may cause us to strategically (re)orientate our representations, in dialogue with those we represent in a spirit of solidarity.

Copyright of Desacatos is the property of Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropologia Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

From within the camp of broadly left-wing or progressive critiques of human rights, one of the key objections that has emerged is what will be referred to here as 'the displacement thesis'. In sum, this critique maintains that reliance on the language of human rights by movements for radical social change is problematic, because it tends to crowd out (or displace) other, potentially emancipatory, languages, and as a consequence distract attention from broader, structural causes of injustice and oppression. It is argued here that, while this argument is intuitively appealing, it falls short for a variety of reasons. There are, to be sure, many problems with human rights, but the mobilisation of rights language can nonetheless make an important contribution to movements for radical social change, without displacing or precluding the mobilisation of other emancipatory languages, and the challenging of deeper, structural causes of injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A new political moment is underway. Although there are significant differences in how this is constituted in different places, one manifestation of the new moment is the rise of distinct forms of authoritarian populism. In this opening paper of theJPSForum series on ‘Authoritarian Populism and the Rural World’, we explore the relationship between these new forms of politics and rural areas around the world. We ask how rural transformations have contributed to deepening regressive national politics, and how rural areas shape and are shaped by these politics. We propose a global agenda for research, debate and action, which we call the Emancipatory Rural Politics Initiative (ERPI,www.iss.nl/erpi). This centres on understanding the contemporary conjuncture, working to confront authoritarian populism through the analysis of and support for alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper demonstrates that a new crisis has emerged in the Himalayas in recent years, as five decades of well-intentioned policy responses failed to tackle escalating environment and development challenges. It then suggests some practical pathways for achieving what we term transformative resilience in the region. Our analysis draws on a critical review of literature, combined with individual co-authors' longstanding experience in the region in both research and policy arenas. We highlight how the neo-Malthusian Theory of Himalayan Degradation continues to shape simplistic responses to environment and development problems of a multi-faceted nature, in the vulnerable, complex and politicized contexts of the Himalayas. A key reason for this failure is an obsession with technical reasoning underpinned by the dominance of biophysical analyses of the problems, which have, in most cases, undermined the potential for emancipatory political transformations. The failure is visible in various ways: poverty remains, while environmental vulnerabilities have increased. Foreign aid has often been counter-productive and ‘blue-print’ development planning has been fragmented and dysfunctional. Likewise, livelihood opportunities and social capital have seriously eroded due to unprecedented political crises, out-migration, abandonment of productive mountain lands and unregulated remittance economies. We term this phenomenon a ‘new Himalayan crisis’. In response, we argue for the need to open up a transformative agenda for integrating approaches to environment and development challenges, emphasizing an emancipatory multi-scalar politics that has the potential to open up sustainable pathways in the context of dynamic social and ecological changes in the Himalayas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal for the Critique of Science, Imagination & New Anthropology / Časopis za Kritko Znanosti, Domišljijo in Novo Antropologijo is the property of Institute for the Critique of Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Democracy has functioned both as a legitimizing norm and as a practice of resistance. The tension between the two has resurfaced in the recent popular uprisings that took the form of occupations of public squares. This article focuses on the occupation of Syntagma Square in Athens and the Aganaktismenoi movement that enacted it. The event of the occupation turned Syntagma Square into a stage of a"real democracy,"redefining in the process not only basic political notions like that of "public space"and"citizenDemocracy has functioned both as a legitimizing norm and as a practice of resistance. The tension between the two has resurfaced in the recent popular uprisings that took the form of occupations of public squares. This article focuses on the occupation of Syntagma Square in Athens and the Aganaktismenoi movement that enacted it. The event of the occupation turned Syntagma Square into a stage of a "real democracy," redefining in the process not only basic political notions like that of "public space" and "citizenship" but the political imagination. In this respect, Syntagma Square became a site for the emergence of an emancipatory politics that pointed beyond the current model of liberal democracy. However, the failure of the movement to achieve its goals and withstand repression offers the occasion for some critical reflections on the project of a"real democracy," the positive political prescription uniting the squares movement." but the political imagination. In this respect, Syntagma Square became a site for the emergence of an emancipatory politics that pointed beyond the current model of liberal democracy. However, the failure of the movement to achieve its goals and withstand repression offers the occasion for some critical reflections on the project of a "real democracy," the positive political prescription uniting the squares movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I explicate Martin Luther King, Jr.’s account of emancipatory history and activism by examining the influence of G. W. F. Hegel’s account of world-historical individuals on his thought. Both thinkers, I argue, affirm that history’s spiritual destiny works through individuals who are driven by the contingencies of their subjective character and given situation to undertake particular actions, and yet who nevertheless freely and decisively break the new from the old by forsaking subjective satisfaction to spur events forward to a more rational state of affairs. This synthetic unity of abstract freedom and concrete embodiment reflects the ‘civil war’ between the universal and infinite essence, and particular and finite passions, that King and Hegel identify as equally constitutive of human will. Through an examination of King’s account of Rosa Parks’ pivotal arrest, I develop the consequences of this ‘Hegelian’ view for our understanding of political action and historical progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the significance of violence in Alain Badiou's concept of emancipatory politics. In literatures that affirm revolutionary ideas, violence is often justified as a legitimate form of resistance. This for example was explained by Fanon and Marx. There is a need to carefully study violence as a modality of resistance for two reasons. First, the discourse on violence as a modality of resistance must position itself away from the defensive side of the political spectrum. Its revolutionary and liberating possibility has been undermined as it is assumed, rather than argued, by dominant discourse as fundamentally unacceptable. A discourse on violence which is positive in nature must be articulated not only for the purpose of defending and rescuing such a revolutionary means from all the vilifying campaigns of contemporary reaction, but most of all to posit violence, borrowing from Badiou's emancipatory politics, as a consequence of a positive or affirmative revolutionary creative act. Second, any affirmation of violence as a modality of resistance must not be confused with an absolution from political responsibility. Violence needs to recognize its own limits so as not to commit the grave historical error with finally identifying itself with terror and defeating its own emancipatory goals. Consciously minding violence's restrictions renders such a modality of resistance not only effective but above all a powerful condition for the construction of the New. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article elaborates on how modernity is appropriated in Latin America in terms of its own decolonial disposition. Accordingly, it is reviewed to what extent cultural agency strategies are constitutive of a transgressive construction of a modernity from below. It is stated that the Latin American condition cannot be considered just as a mere ideological pastiche of discourses of premodernity, modernity and postmodernity, since such a view is buttressed on Eurocentric reductionisms. Hence, it is established that a contextual perspective of historical, political and social conditions is needed in order to understand our particular subaltern condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cosmopolitanism and populism are opposing concepts: populism usually sees persons as embedded in national or ethnic communities, while the core idea shared by all cosmopolitan views is that all human beings belong to a single community and the ultimate units of moral concern are individual human beings, not particular forms of human associations. However, the paradigm of conceiving both cosmopolitanism and populism is changing. Authors discover the promise and relevance of populism, while within the political theory of cosmopolitanism there are calls towards 'roots', as in the concept of rooted or vernacular cosmopolitanisms. In this new theoretical context, the incompatibility between populism and cosmopolitanism is weakening, points of convergence between two concepts start becoming visible. This paper examines the confluences between populism and cosmopolitanism, and assesses the limits of this convergence. Thus, the first section of the paper examines the main features of populism, seen mostly from the perspective of populism as a pathology. The second section examines the proposals to see populism as part of emancipatory politics, showing that this perspective of conceiving populism is compatible with cosmopolitanism. The third section identifies the populist emancipatory elements in a cosmopolitan discourse and action, while the fourth section examines the possible criticism of cosmopolitan populism, pointing that most of the criticism of populism in the state context is not valid for populism in a cosmopolitan context. The conclusion shows that a cosmopolitan populism is not part of a vision of cosmopolitanism as eternal peace and global consensus, but of a contestatory and agonistic cosmopolitanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the debate on basic income, questions of normative guidance are often confounded with questions of financial feasibility. Even though financial feasibility is important in the overall view, we must not forget that basic income is essentially intended to be an element of a fair society and not a measure of economic policy. To systematically distinguish between the two questions it is expedient to proceed from the idea of a basic income implemented without changes in welfare state expenses. Basic income will probably not be instantly sufficient for subsistence under this restraint. However, this goal can be pragmatically pursued as a dynamic project for generations, if we are convinced of its normative preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the diverse levels in which the modernity's sociocultural program exhibits chiaroscuros that they are but symptoms of a multiform and deep crisis from which is promised labyrinthine every output since it threatens the humanity's future in a diversity of levels, social orders and temporary densities. Thus, the issues of: modernity/coloniality, the crisis of historical depth being experienced by capitalism and the challenges of emancipatory politics; are analyzed in the framework of a benjaminian methodological strategy that understands its dialectic as in a suspension state, hence our contemporaneity looks in the double standard of the duration and simultaneity but without allowing venture a hypothesis on purpose of openings which signify a historical discontinuity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue concerning the crisis of Marxism has had a wide range of interpretations and has promoted debate and controversy. During the Cold War anti-communist hysteria and coming from a radical perspective, Castoriadis re-opened and participated in the above debate. Directing his critique against the theory and practice of Marxism, Castoriadis considered the crisis of Marxism as a crisis of Marx's original thought as well. The degeneration of Marxism and the loss of its radical character were attributed to its transformation into a semi-religious dogma and a closed theoretical system. Castoriadis returned, again, to this issue after Althusser`s public announcement of the crisis of Marxism in 1977. This paper discusses Castoriadis's important, but still neglected fierce critique of the Althusser`s views and argues that it prompts a re-appreciation of considerable issues for contemporary emancipatory politics. First, Castoriadis's critical alternative approach to the crisis of Marxism is located within the Marxist theoretical discussions on the issue. Following an outline of Althusser`s attempt to formulate the fundamental causes for what he meant to be an overt eruption of the crisis of Marxism, the essay goes on to present Castoriadis's critique and investigates the grounds on which it was put forward. The paper concludes with an assessment of the implications of Castoriadis's arguments for the renewal of radical politics today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article seeks to show the enduring applicability of Georg Wilhem Friedrich Hegel's theory of right for present-day emancipatory politics. It recommends Hegel's "Philosophy of Right," which the author believes supports the possibility of conscientious, determined side-taking in political conflicts. The author aims to show interconnected theses gleaned from the book, including the assumption that the will's freedom is the essential principle upon which true political change can be based.

The beginning of disabled women's political activism can truly be considered an opportunity for them to disclose their experience of discrimination to society as a whole, obtain a chance to empower themselves and embark on a struggle against social injustice. Through their movement, disabled women have developed alternative values whereby they tackle the able-body-centered culture. With these new values, disabled women have also developed the philosophical basis and practical tools for resisting patriarchal disablism in Korean society. This paper aims to examine the significance of the disabled women's movement and their resistance against patriarchal disablism. It also seeks to investigate these women's emancipatory politics, which is part of the counter-culture. Disabled women's politics providesa model for changing discriminative values as well as resisting the oppression of those with disabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Filozofski Vestnik is the property of Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)