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This article provides an overview of the upcoming 2024 presidential elections in Venezuela, which are expected to be contentious. It focuses on María Corina Machado, a right-wing candidate challenging President Nicolás Maduro, and the tensions between her and the Washington establishment. The article also delves into the divisions within the opposition and Machado's controversial economic recovery proposals. It suggests that the election may be marred by violence and repression, and discusses Maduro's strategies for maintaining power. Additionally, the article touches on various political and economic developments in Venezuela, including controversial rulings by the Supreme Court, divisions within opposition parties, government economic reforms, relations with China, and the impact of U.S. intervention on Venezuelan democracy. [Extracted from the article]

(MARÍA ALEJANDRA MORA, SOYMAM / CC BY-SA 3.0) The April coup also convinced Chávez and those closest to him of the need to prioritize social goals over economic ones to ensure the future support and mass mobilization of the popular sectors, so instrumental in defeating the coup. On April 14, 2002, the folly of the abortive coup staged against the government of Hugo Chávez three days earlier was clear, but the depth of its long-lasting impact was not. [Extracted from the article]

Emersberger and Podur are critical of the "mano dura" (216) of Maduro's police (which they contrast unfavorably with Chávez's more lenient approach to crime). One example is the media's repeated references to Washington's assertion that Guaidó was Venezuela's legitimate president while omitting that "there was never any reasonable grounds for taking seriously" such a claim (35). The authors argue that "a direct economic incentive is insufficient" to explain Washington's actions, since the I Chavista i governments "never denied the United States access to its country's oil" (21). [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on the prospect of leftist candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) winning his third presidential run in Mexico's July 2018 elections. Topics discussed include allegations that Russia is supporting AMLO's candidacy, AMLO's strategy of reaching out beyond leftist circles, and a degree of restraint shown by AMLO in his statements about Mexico's relations with the U.S.

The implications of Marxist state theories developed by Nicos Poulantzas and Ralph Miliband are useful for framing issues related to leftist strategy in twenty first-century Venezuela. A relationship exists between each of the theories and three issues facing the Chavista movement: whether the bourgeoisie (or sectors of it) displays a sense of ‘class-consciousness'; the viability of tactical and strategic alliances between the left and groups linked to the capitalist structure; and whether socialism is to be achieved through stages, abrupt revolutionary changes, or ongoing state radicalisation over a period of time. During Poulantzas's lifetime, his concept of the state as a ‘strategic battlefield' lent itself to the left's promotion of ‘strategic alliances' with parties to its right. The same concept is compatible with the ‘process of change' in Venezuela, in which autonomous movements play a fundamental role in transforming the old state and the construction of new state structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates what is at stake in debates about political negotiation and compromise in Venezuela as Chavismo struggles to survive. Topics covered include the issues that are believed to be responsible for widespread discontent within the Chavista movement, the two issues that have emerged in the interaction between the Chavista government and the opposition as well as the private sector and the three factors that explain the economic crisis in the country.

The article discusses social and political developments in Venezuela as of March 2014. It focuses on the movement for socialist transformation, in which the radical Chavistas called for the broadening of the revolutionary process. It examines the accomplishments of the governments of former president Hugo Chávez and incumbent President Nicolás Maduro.

The author discusses the possible radical nature of Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro. The 2013 campaign of Maduro reportedly relied on the tone that he was connected to the legacy of former president Hugo Chávez. It is stated that Maduro will probably not defy the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) to promote changes. The author shares that Maduro may likely take a pragmatic approach to foreign policy in Latin America.

The article discusses several accounts of developments in Venezuela that indicate the leadership success of Hugo Chavez as president of the country. It recounts the victory of Chavez as president and his United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) in the October 2012 presidential election. Information is also given the arguments and concerns raised by the political opponents of Chavez against his government.

The ongoing radicalization over an extended period under the presidency of Hugo Chávez contrasts with revolutions elsewhere. The Chávez government has passed through increasingly radical stages beginning with moderate policies in 1999-2000, and leading to widespread expropriations after 2007. Political victories initiated each new stage. The escalations from one stage to the next helped identify 'enemies' of the process of change. Government victories and radicalization infused rank-and-file Chavistas with a sense of optimism. The Venezuelan process recalls the concept of permanent revolution espoused by Leon Trotsky, but there are areas of divergence: First, in contrast to the Venezuelan case, Trotsky insisted that the working class and its vanguard party play the lead role untied to their class enemies. Second, Chávez throughout his 12 years of rule has occasionally accepted compromise arrangements with the adversaries of change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the Chávez government, the incorporation and participation of popular sectors, which is the essence of ‘social-based democracy’, has been quantitatively and qualitatively different from socialist government and welfare-state strategies of the past. Venezuela's social-based democracy focuses on education, job skills, ideology, transformation of values and empowerment, achievements which Chavista leaders consider to be imperatives for socialist development. However, Chavista social programmes have been undermined by institutional weakness, are sometimes not cost-effective, and are politicised. Conflicting views among the Chavistas on the role of the state hinge on the issue of whether initiatives from above in favour of social-based democracy represent a viable strategy for far-reaching change. The Venezuelan government's changing priorities after 2007 have detracted from the primacy of social programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article reports on the decision of the administration of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez to ration the country's electric power that sparked a series of protest in Caracas. The government suspended the measure when the traffic lights and hospitals are affected by the lack of electricity. This is one of the controversial decisions that affected the support of the people for their president, who has been in office for more than 11 years.

The article focuses on community councils in Venezuela. It relates the number of community councils across the country. It discusses the projects of community councils in El Valle in the Venezuelan state of Mérida. It provides a background of the Law of Community Councils, enacted in April 2006. It highlights the distinction of community councils from the Venezuelan worker cooperatives.

The author reflects on international cooperation in developing Venezuela's Orinoco Oil Belt. Iran's participation in the Venezuelan oil industry dates back to September 2006, when President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad presided over the initial perforation of a well in Ayacucho 7, one of 27 blocks in the Orinoco Belt. He claims that Venezuela's new partners provide the government of Hugo Chávez with important leverage in its risky strategy of challenging the multinational companies that have traditionally dominated the nation's oil industry.

Discusses the important implications of the ability of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez to carry out significant reforms in the face of U.S. hostility and an aggressive U.S.-supported domestic opposition for progressive Latin American struggles. Overview of the reforms and actions of Chávez that have undermined the economic interests of Venezuelan and transnational groups; Support of the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush for the short-lived coup against Chávez in April 2002; Information on two distinct positions concerning the role of national sovereignty according to Michael Hardt, co-author of the book "Empire."

Discusses the contrasting variants of populism of Hugo Chavez and Alberto Fujimori in Latin America. Neopopulism in the context of globalization and widespread acceptance of neoliberal policies; Authoritarian tendencies and unethical behavior; Application of the concept of populism to contemporary governments in Latin America.

Focuses on the coup that happened in April 9, 2002 in Venezuela that almost overthrow Venezuelan President Hugo Ch á vez from his post. Information on how Chavez responded on the problem; Overview of the armed confrontation that happened during the coup; Political and economic condition of Venezuela after the coup.

Presents an update on the political regime of Venezuelan President Hugo Ch á vez as of May 2002. Actions taken by Ch á vez before and after regaining his presidential authority in Venezuela; Information on the Bolivarian Revolution; Factors that have contributed to the decline in the political popularity of Ch á vez in Venezuela; Contribution of the U.S. administration to the political destabilization in Venezuela.

Deals with the fragmentation and internal conflict in the government of Venezuelan Hugo Chavez Frias. Stance of the Catholic church and Fedecamaras, a business organization; Information on the system created by the pact of Punto Fijo; Elections in Venezuela.

Focuses on the disunity and atomization that characterized the neighborhood movement in Venezuela. Factors the contributed to the early growth of the neighborhood movement; Disparity between the theoretical model of the neighborhood movement and the daily practice of neighborhood associations; Political party interference; Internal contrasts and incohesion.

Reports on the status of job security in Latin America. Growth in unemployment rate; Factor that erased the boundaries between formal and informal activity; Status of industrial employment; Factors that contributed to rising unemployment.

Offers new motives and criteria for analyzing the Venezuelan political history from 1908 to 1958. Tendency to depict certain conjunctures as dramatic turning points for the country; History as an academic profession; Political implications of revisionist writers' works; Use of primary sources in revisionist writing; Important step away from personalistic historiography.

Looks into the changes that have taken place in the Venezuelan political system from 1978 to 1993. Implementation of electoral reform in 1978; Political party reform in the early 1980s; Decentralization and state reform in the late 1980s; Growth of neighborhood associations; Elections of 1992 and 1993.

Focuses on the debate happening on the political parties of Venezuela over the privatization of forest reserve near the Brazilian border. Significance of the debate; Comments of Walter Marquez, Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) congressman on the help given by Teodoro Petkoff in drafting the privatization decree for the forest reserve; Information about the Imataca reserve forest.

The article focuses on the Latin American unity displayed at the Sixth Summit of the Americas in Cartagena, Colombia on April 14-15, 2012. It cites the refusal of the nations belonging to the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) to sign any document at the summit that failed to commit itself to Cuban participation at the next summit to be held in Panama. It also notes that the lack of agreement is due to Latin America's stand to push for certain changes.

Review the book `Latin America Faces the Twenty-First Century: Reconstructing A Social Justice Agenda,' edited by Susanne Jonas and Edward J. McCaughan.

Reports that Venezuela president Rafael Caldera announced a wide-reaching austerity package on April 15, 1996. Increase of gasoline prices; Increase in taxes of wholesale and luxury goods; Reactions from neoliberals.