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La violencia política de género contra las mujeres ha estado presente a lo largo de la historia, y Ecuador no es la excepción, en este país, las mujeres que participan en política se han visto afectadas y expuestas a diferentes formas de violencia, ya sea al interior de los partidos políticos, familias, comunidades, medios de comunicación e, inclusive en las redes sociales. El presente ensayo es un primer abordaje para visibilizar la problemática de la discriminación y cómo este fenómeno puede incluir discursos de odio que conllevan a ejercicios de violencia política de género; así como evidencia la responsabilidad social de los medios de comunicación para combatir dicho fenómeno.

Fake news has become a threat to the stability of electoral processes in the last years, spreading through decentralised and fragmented infrastructures of digital platforms. This study examines the characteristics of digital accounts that published fake news stories on social media in the 2018 Brazilian presidential elections, taking into account the type, relevance and propensity of robotisation of 1073 users. The study shows that fake news stories are disseminated more by personal profiles than by pages, and that most parts of the principal spreaders presented highly relevant performance, the vast majority being Facebook accounts and a reasonable slice of Twitter. The most relevant accounts in the fake news spreading on Facebook and Twitter were classified as: "not bot-like" and "not bot", while those framed as "bot-like" or "not possible to assert" had 4.7 times less sharing. This research also shows that fake news spreading cannot be explained mainly by the use of bots, especially in elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a documentary and bibliographical analysis, the text seeks to demonstrate how much the most recent electoral processes – particularly since the 2009 general elections – have influenced the so-called “reverse transition”, i.e. the democratic regression of a country like Mozambique. Thus, the electoral processes show the deterioration of the Mozambican democratic system, constituting the most obvious mirror of the institutional weakness of a country that, moreover, has emphasised authoritarian elements and its repressive apparatus.

After the "golden decade" (2003 - 2013) in Latin America came the pe-riod of economic stagnation and the deterioration of the social situa-tion, aggravated by the pandemic. The author analyzes the reasons for the defeat of the left political forces in the elections and the onset of the so-called "right drift". Special attention is paid to the ideology and practical activities of the governments of the right spectrum, to the par-ticularities of various case studies and to the negative consequences of the “right turn” for the region. The return to the corrected neo-liberal model did not lead to the expected economic efficiency and did not contribute to the solution of accumulated social problems. That is why at the beginning of the new electoral cycle, protest voting again plays a key role. The traditional and new left, having strengthened their posi-tions, received another chance to restrain centrifugal tendencies in the sphere of economic and political integration, to restore “unity in diver-sity” of Latin America and to contribute to the creation of a polycentric world. If the leftist governments do not realize these opportunities, in the future the political pendulum may again swing to the right.

Through a documentary and bibliographical analysis, the text seeks to demonstrate how much the most recent electoral processes - particularly since the 2009 general elections - have influenced the so-called "reverse transition", i.e. the democratic regression of a country like Mozambique. Thus, the electoral processes show the deterioration of the Mozambican democratic system, constituting the most obvious mirror of the institutional weakness of a country that, moreover, has emphasised authoritarian elements and its repressive apparatus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Free, fair and transparent electoral processes strengthen democratic norms and institutions in a state. Since 2008, Pakistan has held three elections (2008, 2013, 2018), in which power has been successfully transferred from one civilian government to another. However, in recent years, issues regarding electoral reforms in Pakistan have increasingly become divisive and prominent. Serious differences that emerged between Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) led Government and opposition on electoral reforms raised two major questions? One; why Election Commission of Pakistan raised observations on the use of technology in upcoming general elections? Two; what is the stance of government and opposition on electoral reforms and how it impacts democratic norms? The study is done mostly on the principle of mix methodology. Primary and secondary sources have been critically analysed to understand viewpoints of political elites and examine different obstacles in the way of effective performance of ECP. The article will conclude with the recommendations for smooth and fair implementation of electoral reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies how electoral processes and internal factors of the Ecuadorian economy affect the dynamics of the country's business expectations. The hypothesis that the free market and socialist political models in an economy generate different reactions in the expectations of the agents, according to the prevailing macroeconomic context, is tested. The empirical analysis is based on time series tools on quarterly data between 2006 and 2021. The results show that the dynamics of investment adjustment to the relationships of internal factors, electoral processes, and other variables explain 84% of this behavior. This is more accelerated in political contexts that promote the free market and maintain social, political, and economic stability, showing an overreaction of agents to negative economic news following the loss-aversion hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On July 1st, 2018, federal elections for president, senators and deputies took place in Mexico. In most states, elections for state governors and representatives took also place in the same polling booths. The Technical Unit for Information Services (UNICOM) of the National Electoral Institute (INE) of Mexico has the responsibility for planning and implementation of the Preliminary Electoral Results Program (PREP) for federal elections. For the 2018 elections UNICOM developed forecasting models for the performance of PREP based on simulation models that were developed using a special purpose simulation software and C++ subroutines for fast simulation of queues. These simulation models were a valuable tool for planning, scheduling and allocation of the main resources that participated in the operational process of the PREP. In this article we report the main features, applications and results obtained by using these simulation models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article will analyze the main conceptual outlines of the right to suffrage. To this end, two different perspectives will be addressed: an international perspective and a constitutional one, which, according to the Peruvian legal system, is the basis of the referred right, both in its political and philosophical dimension, besides being an elemental part of the rights of citizen participation. In view of this, we will question the legal, philosophical and ethical aspects of Supreme Decree 041-2022-PCM, where the National Office of Electoral Processes restricts the fundamental right to vote to voters for not having the three doses of regulatory vaccination for Covid-19. This is a reality that affects the Regional and Municipal Elections of 2022 and the free and democratic exercise of citizen power. Faced with this scenario, philosophical theories regarding the restrictions of fundamental rights, argue that these rights are not always absolute, and through the application of the principle of proportionality in the strict sense, their limitation may be allowed, and in turn, considering that the implementation of the vaccine against Covid-19 in our country is of free and voluntary access. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Historia Americana y Argentina is the property of Universidad Nacional de Cuyo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia del Derecho is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Index.Comunicación is the property of Index.comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The directions of perspective research in the field of analysis and modeling of the dynamics of time series of processes in complex systems with the presence of the human factor are described. The dynamics of processes in such systems is described by nonstationary time series. Predicting the evolution of such systems is of great importance for managing processes in social (election campaigns), economic (stock, futures and commodity markets) and socio-technical systems (social networks). The general information on time series and tasks of their analysis is given. Modern methods of time series analysis for economic processes are considered. The results show that economic processes cannot be considered completely random, since they tend to self-organize and, moreover, are subject to the influence of memory of previous states. It was revealed that one of the main tasks in modeling processes in sociotechnical systems (for example, social networks) is the development of a mathematical apparatus for bringing data to a single measurement scale. The modern models of analysis and forecasting of electoral processes based on the analysis of time series: structural, polling, hybrid. Based on the analysis, their advantages and disadvantages are considered. In conclusion, it was concluded that to describe processes in complex systems with the presence of the human factor, in addition to traditional factors, it is necessary to develop and use methods and tools to take into account the possibility of self-organization of human groups and the presence of memory about previous states of the system.

This article studies how electoral processes and internal factors of the Ecuadorian economy affect the dynamics of the country’s business expectations. The hypothesis that the free market and socialist political models in an economy generate different reactions in the expectations of the agents, according to the prevailing macroeconomic context, is tested. The empirical analysis is based on time series tools on quarterly data between 2006 and 2021. The results show that the dynamics of investment adjustment to the relationships of internal factors, electoral processes, and other variables explain 84% of this behavior. This is more accelerated in political contexts that promote the free market and maintain social, political, and economic stability, showing an overreaction of agents to negative economic news following the loss-aversion hypothesis.

In democratic countries, attention is devoted to the issue of freedom of speech and freedom of expression and the role of public authorities during elections. Today, freedom of speech and freedom of expression are guaranteed at both the international and national levels. The international community has created a significant number of international agreements and acts of “soft law” on standards of freedom of expression. In particular, the Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters establishes as the first general condition for democratic elections the respect for fundamental human rights, and particularly freedom of expression, assembly and association, without which there can be no true democracy. On the one hand, the problem of ensuring freedom of expression during elections is caused by the wider limits of permissible criticism of candidates and the importance of coverage of the election process. On the other hand, it is caused by restrictions on the conduct of election campaigning and the necessity to provide equal access to the media for the subjects of the electoral process. In this context, it is important to find a balance between the right to free elections, freedom of speech and other rights, freedoms and interests of the subjects of the electoral process. This article researches the modern problems of national legal guarantee of the freedom of speech and the freedom of expression and international electoral standards on the protection of freedom of speech and freedom of expression in the electoral process.

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Author analyzes the practice of functioning of political elite of modern Russia, the phenomenon of high rating of one of its actors and the crisis of alternative political leaders. The article pays special attention to the existing, in accordance with the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the breadth of presidential powers. Separately discusses the features of current and in General closed for the controlled companies to the private process of formation of the Russian political elite. According to the author, this process takes the form of selection of candidates by a narrow circle of senior officials for subjective reasons, in connection with which the political elite even more segregated from the controlled companies and rising to a new, unattainable level of elitism. Referring to the existing practice of the presidential elections in Russia in the early 90-ies of XX century to the present focuses on the stagnation of the political opposition, lack of political competition among major political parties and their low electoral support in view of the existing political absenteeism. In the article the author considers the historical context of the formation of elite groups and privileged minorities, and draws attention to features of "technocratic parliamentarism", which is inherent in States with a parliamentary form of government and does not implement at present in Russia, with its prevailing system of governance by public authorities. In conclusion, the special attention of author is turned on the existing in society political absenteeism, latent protest potential and, as a consequence, the request for the renewal of political elites, particularly in the framework of the upcoming presidential elections of the Russian Federation in 2018, the participation of new candidates. According to the author of the inventory of such social demand companies will allow to stop the risks enhance the destructive part of economic and regional political elite, will enhance the possibility of rotation of political elites, strengthen the role of civil society institutions and lead to the reproduction of an authoritative political leaders.

The tendency to reduce electoral activity is one of the acute problems in the sphere of political relations. This trend can be observed not only in the countries of the new, but also in the "old" democracy. Models of economic and political behavior are changing with the development of the information society. People spend more and more time in social networks, plunging into virtual reality, going away from problems of social reality or first-order reality. The problem of using Internet memes in election companies is studied here. This phenomenon has emerged relatively recently and represents a new tendency in modern politics. The main ideas of the theory of memes and the practice of their use in modern politics are briefly described in the article.

This article is focused on the particularities of the Peruvian political development after the failure of A. Fujimori. His name embodies the consolidation of economy and slide toward authoritarianism which resulted in the acute crisis and the collapse of the regime. Subsequently, Perú started advancing along the democratic paradigm assuming the regular changes in power of political leaders regardless their ideological preferences according to the universally recognized norms and principles

The article deals with the major political problems of Latin America recently: the right drift, the conflict potential of political systems leading to the so called “divided power” (conflict between the Executive and Legislative branches of government), the function of the judicial power etc.

The relevance of the research in the sphere of electoral processes dynamics is caused by the fact that all existent mathematical models of electoral behavior do not take into account completely the effect of informational impact of mass media and interpersonal communication results on the vote outcome. However empirical evidence indicates that informational campaigns can essentially change the vote ratio in government agencies and municipal corporations. Considering the fact that the election results often depend on percentage of the total votes, it's important to have the quantitative forecast of electoral processes dynamics depending on informational events. It also gives strategy optimization opportunities during the election campaign. The objectives: the description of the method predicting social behavior by developing a system dynamics model using the software package ITHINK. The model describes the process of public reaction to the election campaigns of political authorities. The research methods: mathematical modeling using the approaches and results of network game theory, graph theory, the generalized methods of diffusion and the replacement of innovation for dissemination of information flows, the impact of network agents in the Markov model. The results: The authors have developed the system-dynamic model which allows predicting social behavior on the election campaigns taking into account the impact of external factors and irritation.

Copyright of Revista Anagramas is the property of Editorial Universidad de Medellin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Trabajos y Comunicaciones is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines social media as a relatively new tool of electoral and political activity aimed at creating a positive image of political parties and candidates to the European Parliament. In the modern world of politics it is becoming increasingly important due to such factors as the growing number of World Wide Web users, the decline in the traditional media popularity and the rapid spread of new media, as well as the transformation of the Internet space into the platform for active political interactions. The key role in realizing the task of forming political image belongs to political institutions (parties, state bodies), politicians and social activists, as well as population representatives. The analysis of the efforts of various political subjects in the social media roughly demonstrates three functions of this new phenomenon: social media as a turnout increase tool, as a tool of increasing the recognition of candidates and parties by population; as a tool of informing the population about political and electoral processes in society. Currently, the main obstacle for the strategic research in this area is the fact that social networking technologies are rapidly developing, that embarrasses in making long-term prediction on its use. In spite of the absence of recognized criteria giving the opportunity to evaluate political activity in social media, the key efficiency criteria and success factor is so called “permanent presence” of electoral activity subjects in the Internet.

Addressing the problem of the traditional relegation of certain sectors of the population, the Peruvian state has established quotas for the participation of women, youths and indigenous people in the lists for popular elections. Although none of these measures applies to all of the electoral processes, it is the so-called “native quota” that seems to present the greatest challenges. With the Regional and Municipal Elections of 2014 having been called, this article reviews their main characteristics, analyzing both the results and the new features introduced into the process, the same ones that constitute a milestone in the history of the country regarding the treatment of this population in electoral terms.

The central theme of this paper is that the development of a technology that is predicted to have a major impact on the way we transact with each other should be a matter where the needs of society at large are taken into account. Where the technology is one that emerges from the domain of the Internet, inclusivity becomes even more acute in order to avoid widening the already existing gap in reaping the 'digital dividend.' With blockchain, the obligation could even be seen as a moral one, as blockchain is said to have the potential to negate the scope for the abuse of trust by states and institutions. This could be a game changer in areas such as public procurement and the conduct of elections where abuse can lead to the denial of essential resources and a concomitant loss of life, or to conflict and mass killings. Blockchain presents an opportunity for the Internet development community to claim a degree of recognition in the human rights realm by aiding civil intervention in areas where military intervention has been deemed inappropriate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addressing the problem of the traditional relegation of certain sectors of the population, the Peruvian state has established quotas for the participation of women, youths and indigenous people in the lists for popular elections. Although none of these measures applies to all of the electoral processes, it is the so-called "native quota" that seems to present the greatest challenges. With the Regional and Municipal Elections of 2014 having been called, this article reviews their main characteristics, analyzing both the results and the new features introduced into the process, the same ones that constitute a milestone in the history of the country regarding the treatment of this population in electoral terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Politicos is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)