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Political legitimacy appeals to a subjective substrate that compromises the two extremes of a relationship. From the perspective of those who must obey, it will be legitimate for a government to access power and exercise in compliance with the requirements that they believe they must meet to send. From the perspective of the person in charge, the government that accesses power and what it exercises will be conceived as legitimate, seeing what it obeys that meets the requirements to command. The elections defined the right to access power and invariably the recognition of the cleanliness of the elections depends on whether their results coincide with the specific policies of the individual. There are four conditions that could be established to separate the elections whose results are controversial from those that are not: one, the effective guarantees of respect for the integrity of the losers and for the subsequent unhindered participation of the contestants in political life; two, the narrowness of the difference between the result and the requirements established to grant the victory; three, the provision of timely, continuous, transparent and verifiable information mechanisms on the results, such as the collection of preliminary electoral results and statistical rapid counting exercises that anticipate the distribution of votes within known margins of precision; and four, maintain an electoral authority that can be an arbitrator who exercises his functions impartially, by not representing the interests of any party or being against any party.

A strong argument can be made for the prime importance of information in the context of an economic recession. It is in times of crisis that information on the state of the economy is abundant and citizens have incentives to acquire it in order to sanction incumbents for mismanagement of the economy. Simultaneously, however, economic hardship strains people's cognitive resources and motivations to seek relevant information. Using a novel research design, we assess how the recent economic recession has shaped information acquisition. Our results indicate that while personal economic hardship depresses levels of information, the recession overall boosted considerably the public's knowledge of the state of the economy and, to a lesser degree, of parties' policy positions in elections. For both economic and electoral types of information, economically marginal groups caught up to the economically secure in contexts of economic hardship, thereby reducing information inequalities. We discuss the findings' implications for representative democracy.

Mediante un método mixto se analiza la oferta lineal (en directo), social (redes sociales) y de participación de la audiencia (live-tweeting) durante el especial informativo de la noche electoral del 26 de mayo de 2019 (comicios europeos, autonómicos y municipales) en La 1 de TVE y La sexta. Se parte de la hipótesis de que el consumo de televisión ha cambiado con la competencia de las plataformas de visionado a la carta. El objetivo de este trabajo empírico es determinar la estrategia informativa multicanal llevada a cabo por las citadas emisoras y conocer la respuesta de la audiencia. Eventos políticos como los procesos electorales mantienen a la audiencia conectada con la televisión tradicional y la social, y generan altos volúmenes de conversación Through a mixed method, the linear (live), social (social media) and audience participation (live-tweeting) offer during the special information program of March, 26th 2019 electoral night in La 1 of TVE and La sexta is analysed. We had the hypothesis that television consumption has changed with the competition of VoD-OTT platforms. The objective of this empirical work is to determine the multichannel information strategy carried out by the mentioned stations, and to know the response of the audience. Political events such as electoral processes keep the audience connected to tradi-tional and social television, and generate high volumes of conversation Este artículo se ha elaborado en el marco del proyecto Cibermedios nativos digitales en España: formatos narrativos y estrategia móvil (RTI2018-093346-B-C33), del Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades, cofinancia-do por el Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (Feder). La autora Sabela Direito-Rebollal es beneficiaria del programa para la Formación del Profesorado Universitario del Ministerio de Universidades (Gobierno de España) SI

Submitted by Programa de Pós-graduação em Ciência da Informação Informação (posici@ufba.br) on 2018-10-15T13:15:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 A charge como fonte e representação da informação no desenvolvimento político brasileiro (3).pdf: 5392617 bytes, checksum: 207ea989fa00466fa67f79715d07c6fc (MD5) Approved for entry into archive by Urania Araujo (urania@ufba.br) on 2018-10-26T20:32:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 A charge como fonte e representação da informação no desenvolvimento político brasileiro (3).pdf: 5392617 bytes, checksum: 207ea989fa00466fa67f79715d07c6fc (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-26T20:32:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 A charge como fonte e representação da informação no desenvolvimento político brasileiro (3).pdf: 5392617 bytes, checksum: 207ea989fa00466fa67f79715d07c6fc (MD5) A charge tem desempenhado seu papel como fonte e representação da informação ao longo do desenvolvimento político eleitoral brasileiro (1889-2014), considerando-se que ela transforma a montagem do grande número de dados fragmentados através da história em conhecimento. Quando fazemosinterpretações históricas da linguagem não verbal, usamos um processo informacional no qual se alia classes de fenômenos mediados por códigos culturais. Dentro deste contexto, esta pesquisa segue o objetivo de analisar a charge como fonte de informação (objeto de estudo) no universo do contexto político republicano brasileiro. A pesquisa parte de uma exposição histórico-científica como forma de identificar suas percepções, por parte do usuário da informação, em seu aspecto político, compreendendo o período entre os primeiros anos da República até à contemporaneidade (1889-2014). O estudo segue como princípio as características da pesquisa descritiva documental, desenvolvidas a partir de uma abordagem qualitativa. Inclui abordagem filosófica. Desse modo, emprega-se a técnica de análise de conteúdo semiótico. Ao final, como resultado da verificação da formulação provisória (hipótese), a tese da Tridimensionalidade da Informação Chargística é apresentada como resultado do desenvolvimento de estudos. Uma proposta de modelo amparada nas concepções teóricas da charge, por meio de três visões simultâneas e complementares, a saber, a charge prevista na Ciência da Informação em sua natureza como fonte de informação; a charge do ponto de vista da análise semiótica, inerente à sua natureza como entidade sígnica e, finalmente, em um exame filosófico, por seu princípio em despertar no receptor uma atitude crítica de avaliação por meio do raciocínio fundamentado e lógico, implícitos nas infinitas intenções e possibilidades de seus elementos Abstract The cartoon, has carried out its role as source and representation of information throughout Brazilian political electoral development +(1889-2014), considering that it transforms the assemblage of the great amount of fragmented data through the history which is being known. When we make historical interpretations of the non-verbal language, we use a process of the information and we associate classes of phenomena mediated by cultural codes. Due to these contexts, this research is dedicated to the study of the use of cartoons as a source of information which is complete in itself. In order to fulfill this intent, it follows the aim of analyzing the use of this form of non-verbal language representation as a source of information (object of study) in the universe of Brazilian republican political context, whose subjects are the main interested in the political and electoral information, which means the voters. The research starts from a historical-scientific exposition as a way of identifying its perceptions by the user of the information in its political aspect, comprehending the period between the first years of the republic and contemporaneity (1889-2014). The study follows as principle the characteristics of bibliographical research and documental research, developed from a qualitative approach, including philosophical approach. It makes use of the cartoons as supporting elements for deducing, in logical manner, knowledge about the emissary of the message within the context it was emitted. Thus, the semiotic content analysis technique is used. Finally, as a result of the verification of the provisional formulation (hypothesis), it presents the thesis of the Tridimensionality of Cartoonistic Information as a result of the development of studies.A proposal of model supported by the theoretical conceptions of the cartoons through three simultaneous and complementary visions: the cartoon in the view of Information Science, in its nature as source of information, the charge in the view of semiotic analysis, inherent in its nature as a sign entity, and in a philosophical examination, for its aspects in awakening an attitude of criticism in the receiver of evaluation through reasoned and logical consideration, implicit in the infinite intentions and possibilities of its elements.

A field experiment in rural Liberia is used to study democratic participation in fragile states. Fragile states are marked by political fragmentation, local patronage systems, and voter vulnerability. To understand the effects of such conditions on democratic expression through elections, the experiment introduced new forms of interaction between rural citizens and third-party actors: (i) civic education and town hall workshops directed by non-governmental organizations in communities over nine months and (ii) security committees that brought rural community representatives into monthly exchange with United Nations peacekeepers. Civic education workshops increased enthusiasm for electoral participation, produced a coordinated shift from parochial to national candidates, and increased willingness to report on manipulation. A program combining the two interactions had similar effects. The security committees had negligible effects. Barriers to political information and voter coordination appear to be important but resolvable problems for elections in fragile states.

Submitted by Valdinei Souza (neisouza@hotmail.com) on 2015-10-09T21:20:05Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Completa Atualisadíssima - Cópia.pdf: 3389148 bytes, checksum: 2a37472bb7844d3f641cf437a702b0f7 (MD5) Approved for entry into archive by Urania Araujo (urania@ufba.br) on 2016-02-16T21:35:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Completa Atualisadíssima - Cópia.pdf: 3389148 bytes, checksum: 2a37472bb7844d3f641cf437a702b0f7 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-16T21:35:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Completa Atualisadíssima - Cópia.pdf: 3389148 bytes, checksum: 2a37472bb7844d3f641cf437a702b0f7 (MD5) Este trabalho se propõe a analisar os recursos informacionais utilizados na condução dos processos eleitorais brasileiros, ao longo dos sufrágios, e estudar as práticas que identificam o uso do signo nas campanhas eleitorais, no intuito de alcançar seu principal objetivo que é o de identificar e analisar o uso da linguagem verbal e não verbal nos meios de produção e disseminação (circulação) da informação no processo político eleitoral brasileiro. A pesquisa parte de uma exposição histórico-científica como forma de identificar suas percepções por parte do usuário da informação política. Dentro desta proposta, apresenta os efeitos do uso da linguagem no desenvolvimento político eleitoral no que parte da República Velha e aporta na última eleição de 2014. Usou-se a metodologia da pesquisa descritiva cuja característica mais significativa é a da coleta de dados bibliográficos, estabelecendo-se a comparação de variáveis. Utiliza-se a técnica de análise de conteúdo temático de forma a contribuir para uma pesquisa qualitativa visando à inferência de conhecimento por meio da identificação de características específicas das mensagens e o significado desses conteúdos. Inclui sua fundamentação filosófica, teórica e suas associações e relações em seus contextos sociais. Busca-se deduzir, de maneira lógica, conhecimento sobre o emissor da mensagem e sobre o contexto em que esta foi emitida. ABSTRACT This work intends to analyze the informational resources adopted in the conduction of Brazilian electoral processes, during the suffrages, and study the practices which identify the use of the sign in the electoral campaigns, aiming to reach its main objective, which is to identify and analyze the use of verbal and non-verbal language in the means of production and dissemination (circulation) of information in Brazilian political electoral process. This research starts from a historical-scientific exposition as a way to identify its perception through the users of political information. Within this proposition, it presents the effects of the use of language in the political electoral development, from the Old Republic to last general election, in 2014. The methodology used was the descriptive research, its most significant characteristic is the collection of bibliographical data, establishing a comparison of variables. The technique of thematic content analysis has been used in order to contribute to a qualitative research aiming the inference of knowledge through the identification of specific characteristics of the messages and meaning of these contents. It includes the theoretical philosophical basis and its associations and relations in its social contexts. It is aimed to deduce, in a logical manner, understanding about the originator of the message and about the context in which the message was sent.

ResumenLas elecciones celebradas el 1 de julio de 2012 son de particular importancia debido a que las encuestas preelectorales alcanzaron una escala de difusión hasta ese momento desconocida. En este proceso, el gremio encuestador se vio envuelto en una controversia relacionada con la manipulación de la información para favorecer a un candidato. Los nuevos espacios de discusión suscitados han sido fundamentales en el análisis político y social de la producción, control y divulgación de la información electoral. Si bien esta experiencia le exige al gremio una evaluación de las metodologías usadas en la medición del comportamiento electoral, también es cierto que es necesario delimitar las responsabilidades de todos y cada uno de los actores envueltos en el proceso electoral. Asimismo, los organismos electorales mexicanos deben estar a la vanguardia global para satisfacer las demandas de una sociedad más informada y crítica. Este tipo de integración es el camino que fortalece la vida democrática en México.AbstractThe elections held on July 1 2012 are of particular importance because pre-election polls broadcast reached a scale hitherto unknown. In this process, the pollster guild was in the middle of a dispute involving the manipulation of information to favor one candidate. The raised discussion spaces have been instrumental in the political and social analysis of the production, control and dissemination of electoral information. If well this experience requires a new assessment of the methodologies used in measuring voting behavior, it is also true that it is necessary to define the responsibilities of each and every one of the actors involved in the electoral process. Likewise, Mexican electoral institutions must to be at the global forefront to satisfy the demands of a more informed and critical society. This type of integration is the path to strengthen democracy in Mexico.