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We study the effect of Facebook and Instagram access on political beliefs, attitudes, and behavior by randomizing a subset of 19,857 Facebook users and 15,585 Instagram users to deactivate their accounts for 6 wk before the 2020 U.S. election. We report four key findings. First, both Facebook and Instagram deactivation reduced an index of political participation (driven mainly by reduced participation online). Second, Facebook deactivation had no significant effect on an index of knowledge, but secondary analyses suggest that it reduced knowledge of general news while possibly also decreasing belief in misinformation circulating online. Third, Facebook deactivation may have reduced self-reported net votes for Trump, though this effect does not meet our preregistered significance threshold. Finally, the effects of both Facebook and Instagram deactivation on affective and issue polarization, perceived legitimacy of the election, candidate favorability, and voter turnout were all precisely estimated and close to zero.

The report addresses the crisis of weak political participation in the Arab world from 2013 to 2024, particularly following the disillusionment with the Arab Spring that began in 2011. It explores this crisis's background, dimensions, and repercussions on the democratic process and elections, emphasizing its relationship with current governments' political and popular legitimacy. In addition, the report examines the risks associated with this crisis, mainly the frustration and despair it generates among the youth and future generations. It investigates the reasons behind the increasing abstention from political participation, analyzing the impact on society, the state, economic development, social relations, and the level of trust between the ruling regime and the various political and social forces. The report also identifies key internal and external parties involved in the crisis, revealing how they positively and negatively influenced it. It outlines possible scenarios for the evolution of this crisis, explaining the circumstances that could lead to each scenario and their implications for the Arab world. The report evaluates these possibilities using various criteria and determinants and anticipates necessary transformations that could enhance political participation amid ongoing regional changes. Further, these transformations could significantly impact the crisis and may lead to a shift towards increased political participation. It cites the recent developments in Syria and its geopolitical context as indicators of potential change. The report examines the options available to parties involved in the crisis, particularly regarding the potential for positive transformation. It considers how these transformations might manifest based on the political systems and prevailing customs in each Arab country, whether they are monarchies, republics, or other forms of governance. While many analysts and experts view the ruling Arab elites as largely unwilling to expand freedoms and political participation, the report argues that this stance may be vulnerable to change due to shifting geopolitical dynamics, the developments of the Palestinian issue, and transformations in Syria. Based on detailed analyses, the report proposes strategies for addressing this crisis by engaging the youth and embracing change within each country and its surroundings. Such change might prevent extremist groups from exploiting the crisis to gain support and recruit young people for violent activities. This situation urges ruling elites to reconsider their approaches and implement gradual, well-considered transformations to promote broader and more meaningful political participation in elections and decision-making processes. Such an approach is tailored to the capabilities and contexts of each form of Arab governance. The report concludes with several key recommendations that serve as vital catalysts for the transformation process. The report was issued in full in December 2024 under No. (27) among the reports of the Arab Crisis Team- ACT at the Middle East Studies Center (MESC) in Jordan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the impact of ethnic diversity on electoral democracy in Sudan, a nation grappling with ethnic, sectarian, and regional identity politics. Using a mixed-method approach, the study employs Time Series analysis from 1990 to 2019, followed by theoretical analysis to explore the relationship between ethnic diversity and electoral democracy. The framework of this study draws from relevant studies on this nexus, incorporating factors such as racial/ethnic voting motivations, corruption, institutional dynamics, conflict, and individual income. The study bridges a gap in the existing literature by providing insights into the mechanisms through which ethnic identities shape democratisation processes in the African region. The findings reveal an influence of ethnic diversity on electoral democracy, as evidenced by factors such as violent conflicts, political institutions, and economic inequality. Additionally, the study delves into contemporary implications of ethnic dynamics on democratic processes, particularly examining the military confrontations between the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) since April 2023. The practical implications of this study lie in developing effective strategies to mitigate the political repercussions of ethnicity, thereby fostering a peaceful democratic transition. Therefore, the findings may not be readily applicable to other regions or nations with distinct historical, cultural, or geopolitical contexts that might influence the interplay between ethnic diversity and electoral democracy differently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is aimed at defining the concept and characterising the principles of prosecutorial selfgovernment in Ukraine. It is determined that the principles of prosecutorial self-government are the basic fundamental ideas, provisions and requirements which characterise the essence and content of prosecutorial selfgovernment, the procedure for its implementation, and reflect it s main regularities. The author notes that the existence of prosecutorial self-government itself is already defined as a principle of prosecution organisation. The author forms a system of principles of prosecutorial self-government which includes the principles of prosecutorial self-government aimed at ensuring independence of prosecutors, election, collegiality, transparency, and prohibition of interference by prosecutorial self-government bodies with the exercise of prose cutors' powers. The author analyses each of these principles. It is noted that among all the tasks of prosecutorial self-government, one of the most important is the task aimed at strengthening the independence of prosecutors and protection against interference in their activities. In this regard, an independent principle of prosecutorial self-government has been formulated - the principle of prosecutorial self-government aimed at ensur ing the independence of prosecutors. The principle of election means that the prosecutorial self-government bodies are formed by holding elections. The right of each prosecutor to elect and be elected to the bodies of prosecutorial selfgovernment is a guarantee of the principle of election. Attention is drawn to the inconsistencies in the use of the terms 'election' and 'appointment' in the legislation. The principle of collegiality as a principle of prosecutorial self-government is an organic continuation of the very essence of self-government as a collective decision-making by prosecutors on internal matters. It is noted that collegiality in the activities of prosecutorial self-government bodies is in sharp contrast to another form of resolving issues in the prosecutor 's office - sole authority. When describing transparency as a principle of prosecutorial self-government, the author determines that transparency can be considered both internal and external. The principle of prohibition of interference by prosecutorial self-government bodies with the exercise of powers by prosecutors means that these bodies have no right to influence in any way the decision-making of prosecutors in the course of performing the functions of the prosecution defined by law. Based on the results of the study, the author formulates a proposal for improving the legislatio n. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary goal of this research is to evaluate the role of the Honorary Council for the Implementation of Elections in prosecuting election organizers who break the code of ethics, as well as to understand how the DKPP imposes sanctions on election organizer members who breach the code of ethics. This study employed normative legal research. The author's study reveals that where Article 1 paragraph (24) indicates, "The Election Organizer Honor Council, hereinafter abbreviated as DKPP, is an entity in charge of dealing with infractions of the Election Organizer's code of ethics. The provisions that mention the sanctions for violations of the election organizer's code of ethics are regulated in DKPP Regulation No. 1 of 2021 concerning the Second Amendment to the regulation of the Election Organizer Honorary Council No. 3 of 2017 concerning Procedural Guidelines for the Code of Ethics for General Election Organizers Article 31 paragraph 4 indicates that if the DKPP's finalization judges that the Respondent and/or Reported Party breached, the DKPP imposes sanctions in the form of a written warning, temporary dismissal, or permanent dismissal. Thus, it is determined that the implementation of the code of ethics in Indonesia, particularly in the election management body, DKPP, must prevent violations of the code of ethics committed by election organizers in order to ensure democratic elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of good and evil and human responsibility is a central theme in the novel Die wêreld van Charlie Oeng (The World of Charlie Oeng) by Etienne van Heerden (2017). The eponymous protagonist in the novel commits various murders, ostensibly due to his circumstances. The author confronts the reader with the question: could Charlie Oeng have done anything to avoid his crimes? To address this question, Ifirstly engage the genre of the novel itself. The novel is regarded as a magical-realistic novel, a genre within which the line between reality and the magical is often blurred. Many challenging aspects of life in this magical reality are discussed in this novel. Charlie Oeng remains a challenging character who embodies evil. He can be described as a human being who struggles to come to grips with his humanity and is often misled to commit murders. As Charlie Oeng is increasingly led astray and drawn into a life of evil, the theme of being misled becomes more prevalent. As such, the author's question becomes more urgent: could Oeng have rejected this life of his own accord or was he preconditioned to accept it? Are his deeds a result of the eternal struggle between good and evil or his own (lack of) responsibility? Linked to the theme of being misled and choice vs. predestination is the character of Ouma Ogies, the blind woman, who enters into dialogue with God. Due to her unfortunate fate and God's rule, she challenges God during this dialogue and also wants to challenge God in court because of her unfortunate circumstances. She was also, in her opinion, misled by God. Various challenging questions are raised by this character as well as several other characters. The novel recounts the overarching question of God's rule and how humans react to it by investigating the issue through the experiences and narrations of various characters. Tian, the character through whose eyes the story is told, grapples with understanding how evil is possible when his parents are murdered. Cor van Gogh, who carries with him a painting of Vincent van Gogh, is a redheaded Dutchman ill-suited to life in South Africa. His anger leads to murder. This novel speaks to commonalities in Van Heerden's oeuvre and his earlier works. Aspects of good and evil and the rule of God play an important role in, for example, his novels Toorberg (1986), Die swye van Mario Salviati (2000), 30 nagte in Amsterdam (2008), and the recent Gebeente (2023). The author also engages Etienne Leroux's novels, such as Sewe dae by die Silbersteins (1964). In this regard, the deep psychological aspects of violence are revisited. An analysis of novels such as these allows one access to general views on good and evil while also enabling an investigation of the significance of the interaction/intersection between theology and literature. Such interactions/intersections are often significant and can lead to deeper insights into literature and theology. The question of good and evil in reality has been discussed in theology and philosophy. Augustine, Calvin, Paul, and other theologians and philosophers such as Aristotle, Derrida, Hegel, and Kant have written extensively on this matter. The classical Christian view is that God's creation of the world was good, but that human beings fell into sin and needed redemption through Christ. Evil is then the result of sin and human beings should be held accountable in this regard. There are, however, many other views, such as that evil is part of this reality and that it was part and parcel of evolutionary development. The question of human responsibility is crucial and it is clear that the different characters in this particular novel by Etienne van Heerden under consideration struggle with the question of good and evil and human responsibility. Ultimately, this narrative also symbolises a struggle with God. The novel leaves one with many questions regarding good and evil and human responsibility, as well as the theological implications thereof. Although no clear solution is given at the end of the novel, the questions posed by the author remain salient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines the impact of D21, an alternative voting method, on voter polarization using data from President 21 (P21), an online election game, conducted during the 2018 Presidential election in the Czech Republic. Contrary to the actual election outcome, characterized by extreme voter polarization, the P21 outcome under D21 produced cross-ideological consensus among the voters. D21 allows voters to express not only preferences by casting plus votes but also a disapproval by giving a minus vote. Unlike the actual election outcome, P21 data demonstrates voters' tendencies to cast additional votes for candidates from opposite political spectra, while not using minus votes in retaliatory fashion. These tendencies appeared to be linked to voters' issue positions and perceptions of the moral leadership qualities of the running candidates rather than their ideological and political affiliations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voting is an integral element of representative democracy, serving as a mechanism for citizens' political participation. However, there are signs of political disengagement globally, including in the Czech Republic. This article discusses an online political game called Prezident 21 (P21) which applied an alternative voting method called D21 through an ICT platform. The game ran simultaneously with the 2018 Czech Presidential elections. The broad popularity of P21 and the variation of its results from the actual presidential election outcomes suggests that an approach of utilizing ICT to apply alternative voting methods may help to revive political participation in democratic contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of generative artificial intelligence raises justified concerns about the possibility of undermining trust in democratic processes, especially elections. Deep fakes are often considered one of the particularly dangerous forms of media manipulation. Subsequent research confirms that they contribute to strengthening the sense of uncertainty among citizens and negatively affect the information environment. The aim of this study is to analyse the use of deep fakes in 11 countries in 2023, in the context of elections and to indicate potential consequences for future electoral processes, in particular with regard to the significant number of elections in 2024. We argue that a so-called "information apocalypse" emerges mainly from exaggeratedly alarmist voices that make it difficult to shape responsible narratives and may have the features of a self-fulfilling prophecy. Thus, we suggest to use the term "pollution" instead and improve scientific and journalistic discourse that might be a precondition for reducing threats that touch on social reactions to deep fakes and their potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Act XX. of 1949, created a kind of paradoxical situation resulting Hungary losing its constitutionality at the very moment when its first chartal constitution was being drafted. The international political climate turned mild enough for a change by the 1980s. To commemorate the Revolution of 1956, the Hungarian Republic was proclaimed on 23 October 1989 and the Constitution was amended by Act XXXI of 1989. Act XXXII of 1989 established the Constitutional Court, and Act XXXIV of 1989 created the electoral system previously in force pre-dating the socialist one. The MDF won the 1990 elections but was forced to form a coalition with the FKgP and the KDNP, with a 42.7% share of seats. The Hungarian form of government is often referred to as 'chancellor democracy', following the example of the German system. Kálmán Kulcsár, Minister of Justice, and his deputy, Géza Kilényi, played a major role in the legal preparation of the regime change. Civil experts, grouped together in the Independent Lawyers Forum, assisted the constitutional reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the results of research on the electoral system for local government organs. The research focused on three elements of the electoral system: the procedures for ordering elections, the dates of voting and the length of the local government's term of office. The aim of the analysis is to describe how the local government electoral system changed in these three areas between 1990 and 2024 and to identify and explain the reasons for the changes. The article includes extensions of the self-government's term of office until the end of April 2024. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Executive Summary: During his first administration, former President Trump adopted aggressive anti-immigrant policies, which included family separation, a ban on individuals from Muslim-majority countries, stringent border policies like the Remain in Mexico and Title 42, and attempted terminations of programs such as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) and Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for several national groups. Attorneys and representatives for immigrants had some success in pushing back against the administration's most extreme measures through litigation and advocacy. Should they return to the White House, Trump and his supporters have promised to enact an even more draconian anti-immigrant agenda, including a commitment to conducting the largest mass deportation in U.S. history, ending birthright citizenship (which is guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment), and revoking humanitarian protections for those already in the United States. Many of these efforts, of course, will be challenged in court. This article summarizes 10 likely immigration initiatives under a second Trump administration. It seeks to educate members of the public who value the crucial role and myriad contributions of immigrants and refugees — past and present — in the United States. It will also outline how advocates can fight to protect their clients from these measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use Facebook page ‘likes’ in political elections to examine whether social media engagement can predict political candidates’ campaign success. We find that for every one percentage point increase in the electoral district share of Facebook likes that a candidate receives, their vote share is predicted to increase by 0.09 percentage points. The positive estimated effect of social media engagement on vote share is robust to the potential confounding influence of unobserved factors. Facebook like data correctly predicts the outcome in just under two-thirds of seats, while two competing predictors of electoral success established in the prior literature – candidates’ attractiveness and competence ratings – only predict slightly more than 50 per cent of seats. The findings suggest that social media users’ engagement can be used to help inform election outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this “biggest election year in history”, new governments are elected for around 50% of the world population. Election outcomes will substantially impact global climate action. Stronger governmental climate action is urgently needed, but political support for such action seems to weaken with the rise of the new right. Many new-right politicians oppose climate policy, and other politicians weaken their climate ambitions in response. However, substantial evidence shows that weakened support for governmental climate action opposes what the public wants. Across countries, demographics, and most political ideologies, majorities demand more—not less—governmental climate action. We explain in this essay why votes for new-right political parties should not be interpreted as votes against governmental climate action. Moreover, we explain why structural misperceptions of public opinion and biased political decision-making can lead politicians to oppose governmental climate actions that have strong public support. Finally, we propose ways in which political actors and policies could better represent what the public wants. These include ensuring that climate policies are designed to avoid negative impacts on other issues people also care about (e.g., job security, costs of living, trust in institutions, migration), or even improve such issues, while more actively highlighting the positive impacts of climate policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the novel form of live political fact-checking, as performed by the Norwegian fact-checking organisation Faktisk.no during the Norwegian parliamentary election campaign in 2021. The aim of the study was to investigate the epistemological consequences of introducing a breaking news logic to political fact-checking. Through methods of participatory observation, interviews and textual analysis, the study finds that Faktisk.no used several strategies to bridge the 'epistemic gap' between the logics of breaking news and political fact-checking. Combined, these strategies pushed the live fact-checking towards a confirmative epistemology, implying that the live political fact-checking confirmed (1) knowledge already believed to be true and (2) hegemonic perspectives on what constitutes important and reliable information. The findings thereby point to a potential reorientation of political fact-checking from being a critical corrective of political elites to confirming the perspectives and knowledge base of the same elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces the peak‐end rule to economic voting, finding that voters focus on peak and end economic growth when evaluating incumbents. Cross‐national data from 595 elections in 70 countries (1960–2020) shows that the average of the highest GDP growth rate during the term and the growth rate in the election year positively impacts incumbent vote share, with peak growth having a stronger effect. Instrumental variable analysis addresses endogeneity. Heterogeneity analysis reveals that less‐educated voters rely more on the peak‐end rule. The findings contribute to understanding voters' behavioral patterns and improving democratic accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is the first to analyze the impact of domestic political unrest on Kuwait’s stock market. Our data indicates a daily market decline of 0.16 percent during periods when the parliament is suspended. This translates to a 7.1 percent loss in the value of the Kuwait Stock Exchange for each period of suspension. Our findings suggest that Kuwait, despite having a more democratic political system, experiences greater economic instability than Saudi Arabia. This research highlights the nuanced relationship between the political structure and economic performance, particularly in emerging markets, challenging the notion that more democracy invariably leads to better economic outcomes.

General elections in Indonesia are designed to ensure equality and justice for all voters and candidates, regardless of party affiliation. Despite these principles, election violations do occur, including criminal acts, breaches of ethical standards by election organizers, and administrative violations related to election procedures. To protect the integrity of elections, which is crucial for democracy, lawmakers have classified certain electoral frauds as criminal offenses. The Election Law not only outlines the procedures for conducting elections but also prohibits actions that undermine the fairness of the process and imposes penalties on offenders. The type of research in this study is normative legal research, which is a research method that focuses on written legal norms. accompanied by a comparative study of the country of Nigeria The results showed that the small number of reports of election crimes that continued to the level of investigation, prosecution, and examination in court until the issuance of a permanent legal force decision (inkracht van gewisjde) showed that the handling of election crimes in the elections had not been effective. The same is true for Nigeria through INEC. Although INEC has the authority to initiate cases of electoral offenses, it rarely does so due to a lack of supervisory capacity due to understaffing and the inability or unwillingness of the police to collect evidence and conduct investigations.

The aim of the article was to highlight the attitudes of political parties towards Euro-Atlantic integration of the Slovak Republic in verbal form, but also the practical implementation of their policies in this regard. The work is dismantled issue of integration steps Slovak Republic to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union. Significant work takes place in the analysis of electoral programs relevant political actors in relation to Euro-Atlantic integration SR. The attitudes of the parties were not always identical to the implementation of practical policies of some political parties.

Demokratik rejimlerin temel özelliklerinden biri çoğulculuktur ve bu ilkenin gereğini yerine getirebilmenin yolu da genel oy hakkının olduğu seçimlerle mümkündür. Bu bağlamda siyaset kurumunun toplumun her kesiminden seçmenlerle kurduğu ilişkide onları yanına çekme ve desteklerini kazanabilme adına kullanabileceği enstrümanlar ve söylemler öne çıkar. Seçme hakkına sahip yurttaşlara ulaşabilmenin en etkili ve rasyonel yollarından biri son yıllarda geleneksel medyanın yanında sosyal medyayı da kullanmaktan geçmektedir. Özellikle eski adı Twitter olan X sosyal ağı dünyanın her yerinde siyasal seçimlerde seçmene ulaşabilmenin başlıca yollarından biri haline gelmiştir. Bu çalışmada da Türk siyasal hayatında gerek sosyo-ekonomik açıdan gerekse kültürel ve tarihi önemi nedeniyle sonuçları çok merak edilen İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediye Başkanlığı seçimleri siyasal değerler açısından X sosyal ağı üzerinden analiz edilmiştir. 2019 yılındaki yerel seçimlerin çok çekişmeli geçmesi ve İstanbul seçimlerinin tekrarlanmasına karşın mevcut Belediye Başkanı Ekrem İmamoğlu’nun zaferi ve 31 Mart 2024 tarihindeki seçimlerde yeniden aday olması bu siyasi yarışı daha da heyecanlı hale getirmiştir. 2024 seçimlerinde Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi’nin adayı İmamoğlu’nun karşısına Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, iddialı bir biçimde eski bakanlarından Murat Kurum ile çıkmış ve seçimi kaybetmiştir. Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi’nde en çok sandalyeye sahip ve genel başkanı mevcut Cumhurbaşkanı olan Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi’nin diğer büyükşehirlerle beraber İstanbul’da da kaybetmesi siyaset arenasını oldukça hareketlendirmiş ve muhalefette gelecekte yakalanabilecek başarılara ilişkin büyük bir umut yaratmıştır. Bu araştırmada, böylesine önemli hale gelen ve sonuçları itibariyle büyük yankı uyandıran 31 Mart 2024 İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediye Başkanlığı seçimlerinde söz konusu iki adayın, seçmenlerin oy verme davranışlarında büyük bir etkiye sahip olan siyasal değerlere nasıl ve ne ölçüde seslendikleri X sosyal ağındaki paylaşımları kapsamında Schwartz’ın siyasal değer ölçeği kullanılarak içerik analizi yöntemiyle çözümlenmiştir. Politik yarışın iki aktörünün en çok; başarı, kendi amaçlarını belirleme, sorumluluk, kamusal imajı korumak ve sosyal güç değerlerine seslendikleri görülmüştür. Analiz neticesinde adayların, sosyal güç olarak seçmeni önemsediklerini vurguladıkları, geçmişteki başarılarından yola çıkarak “olumlu” kamusal imajlarından hareketle kendi amaçlarını ortaya koydukları ve biz kaybedersek olacaklardan siz mesul olursunuz şeklindeki söylemleriyle korku çekiciliği unsurlarını kullanarak sorumluluk değerine atıfta bulundukları saptanmıştır.