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Vor dem Hintergrund der zunehmenden Internationalisierung der Arbeits- und Ausbildungsmärkte in Deutschland wird der Zugang zu qualitativ gutem und bezahlbarem Wohnraum zu einem wichtigen Standort- und Wettbewerbsfaktor. Die Verfügbarkeit von Wohnraum ist zudem eine wichtige Voraussetzung für die Integration, die Teilhabe und die Lebensqualität zugewanderter Fachkräfte. In diesem Kontext adressiert das vorliegende Diskussionspapier die strukturellen Rahmenbedingungen der Debatte um die integrative Funktion des Wohnens im Kontext der Fachkräftezuwanderung. Es wird argumentiert, dass das Thema Wohnen nicht nur im Zuständigkeitsbereich von Unternehmen liegt, sondern auch eine kommunal- und eine entwicklungspolitische Dimension besitzt und es systemischer Lösungsansätze bedarf. Auf der Grundlage einer umfassenden Internet- und Literaturrecherche und acht problemzentrierten Experteninterviews beschreibt das Diskussionspapier die korrespondierenden Herausforderungen, skizziert prototypische Praxisbeispiele und unterbreitet Handlungsempfehlungen für eine ganzheitliche Herangehensweise, die für Unternehmen und kommunal- und entwicklungspolitische Akteure gleichermaßen relevant ist. Diese Empfehlungen umfassen neben der Bereitstellung von Wohnraum Aspekte der sozialen Infrastruktur, der Orientierung und Beratung, der Vernetzung und des Dialogs.

This paper takes into consideration the contextualization hypothesis and addresses several relevant influence factors which might have shaped the immigration perception in the Eastern European ex-communist societies after the migration crisis in 2015-2016: (i) the history and geopolitical context of the countries in the eastern half of Europe and the history of East-West emigration before and after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989; (ii) politicization of migration and political party favourability in the host societies, (iii) national culture characteristics as emphasized by Hofstede’s theory, (iv) beliefs (trust in others), and (v) materialist and postmaterialist values. The roles played by these influence factors in the formation and change of anti-immigration attitudes are discussed in four Country Case Studies comparative analysis between traditional immigration countries from Western Europe and latest immigration target countries from the Central Eastern Europe. The research outcomes provide conceptual support to the hypothesis that the Central Eastern European societies are more sensitive to political culture issues and their reactions to massive immigration might be deeply influenced by their historical and geopolitical contextual conditions, and by their sets of values and beliefs. These and other contextual conditions are discussed with regard to the capacity of CEE countries to develop national models of immigrant integration such that they could face the challenge of massive migration waves in Southern-Central-Eastern Europe.

This methodological report on the research project "Recent Immigration Processes and Early Integration Trajectories in Germany" (ENTRA) provides information about the study's research design and data collection. The main objective of the ENTRA project was to collect data on recent immigrants in Germany, covering immigration and settlement dynamics, as well as their integration trajectories. The study consists of a two-wave panel survey of four different immigrant groups: Italians, Poles, Syrians, and Turks. Viewing integration as a mul-tidimensional process, we focused on different aspects of immigrant integration, including language skills and use, ethnic and national identities, ethnic boundaries, political participation, religious belonging and practices, social contacts and networks, educational attainment, labor market participation, and health. The panel study was designed as a multimodal survey that was administered in the national language of the respective immigrant groups. In total, 4,448 immigrants and refugees participated in the first survey wave, and longitudinal data of both panel waves is available for 3,366 cases.

Seit dem Jahr 2015 hat sich die Zahl der anerkannten Schutzsuchenden in Deutschland nahezu verdoppelt. Im Jahresverlauf 2022 ist die Zahl der Menschen mit ukrainischer Staatsbürgerschaft auf fast 1 Million angestiegen. Für das Jahr 2023 rechnen deutsche und europäische Behörden mit weiter steigenden Flüchtlingszahlen. Ende November 2022 wurden durch die Universität Hamburg und das GIGA über 2.500 Menschen in Deutschland zu ihren Einstellungen gegenüber Flüchtlingen befragt. Diese Befragung ist Teil des vom Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung (BMBF) und dem Bundesministerium des Inneren und für Heimat (BMI) geförderten Radikalisierungsmonitorings MOTRA. Obwohl sich die Mehrheit der Menschen in Deutschland durch Flüchtlinge nicht in ihrer Lebensweise und in ihren Werten bedroht fühlt, glauben über 61 Prozent, dass mit Flüchtlingen vor allem Gewalttäter nach Deutschland kommen. Fast zwei Drittel der Befragten lehnen eine schnellere Einbürgerung von Flüchtlingen ab, obwohl sich fast drei Fünftel für eine unbürokratischere Anerkennung von Schul- und Berufsabschlüssen aussprechen. Über 58 Prozent der Menschen möchten nicht, dass in ihrer Nachbarschaft Wohnraum für Flüchtlinge entsteht. Allerdings glauben 55 Prozent, dass Flüchtlinge der deutschen Wirtschaft zukünftig mehr nützen als schaden. Ein Verweis auf das international verbriefte Menschenrecht einer schutzsuchenden Person durch eine Organisation wie Amnesty International und die Betonung der Rolle von Flüchtlingen als Zukunftsinvestition durch Arbeitgeberverbände können einen Abbau der mit Flüchtlingen assoziierten negativen Wahrnehmungen bewirken. Die Konfrontation mit ablehnenden Stellungnahmen zur weiteren Aufnahme von Flüchtlingen, bei denen auf eine drohende Überfremdung oder bestehende Kapazitätsgrenzen hingewiesen wird, führt indes zu keinen Effekten auf die Einstellungen der Befragten gegenüber Flüchtlingen. Angesichts der in Teilen erheblich negativen Einstellungen gegenüber Flüchtlingen stehen Ents

This publication collects contributions to understanding and addressing migration flows from Africa to Europe and supporting social coexistence in the destination countries. Written by experts in psychology and social work, the articles approach the topic of immigration based on empirical research in their academic and professional specialties. The book focuses on issues of intervention, letting the research be the starting point for further plans. This focus makes the book valuable for professionals as well as policy makers. The book unfolds through the following themes: the representation of security and governance in Germany and Italy, the emotional representation of migrants and refugees in a hosting town in Germany, the current state of art of European laws and agreement about immigrants and refugees rights, emergencies in human trafficking: how to recognise the victims, how to protect the trafficked women and how to recover them through social inclusion, the social and educational inclusion considering the mother tongue competence in children at school age, mediating different cultures and languages,a multicultural approach to psychopathology, working with the trauma providing migrants with a trusty relationship as a secure base, the importance of family bonds in migrants' wellbeing.

This working paper is based on empirical research on the Translocal Figurations of Displacement in Greece and Italy. The authors aim to compare protracted displacement in Greece and Italy, looking at the structural forces shaping it and their interactions with migrants' mobility and connectivity. This comparison is based on the analysis of the relations between two contextual variables (governance regimes and host population) and three key variables (mobility, connectivity and marginalisation). In this paper, they present findings from three study sites in Greece and four research locations in Italy. Findings show that protracted legal and socio-economic marginalisation is a key feature characterising the lives of displaced people in southern European countries. It confirms the hypothesis that protracted displacement does not end when forced migrants reach Greece or Italy. Restrictive governance regimes at the national and EU level severely limit mobility opportunities within Greece and Italy and across the European Union (EU). To cope with and resist marginalising and immobilising policies, displaced migrants in Italy and Greece put in place several strategies, ranging from adapting to governance regimes and taking the most out of them to resisting them and finding ways to avoid, bypass or overcome such regimes. In this framework, mobility and connectivity emerge as a resource and a trap for displaced migrants in southern Europe. On the one hand, migrants' strategies of intra-national and intra-EU mobility may help them out of protracted displacement, while on the other, certain types of mobility (hyper-, circular, paradoxical) can entrap, rather than free them. Similarly, local, translocal and transnational networks emerge as a crucial resource for displaced people in Greece and Italy. At the same time, family and co-ethnic networks may also be experienced as disabling, hampering one's aspirations to get out of protracted displacement. Fieldwork in both countries

With a growing Muslim population, many European countries need to integrate Muslims into their societies. One aspect that can hinder successful integration are substantial differences in human values. This is because such values are consequential for attitudes as well as behavior. We compare basic human values between Muslim immigrants and non-Muslim natives in four European countries with distinct immigration histories and integration politics: Belgium, France, Germany, and Sweden. For most insightful comparisons, we contrast values of Muslim immigrants with those of Christian natives as well as those of non-religious natives. We employ data of more than 50,000 individuals based on the first eight waves of the European Social Survey. Our findings reveal significant differences in value priorities between Muslims, Christians and non-religious individuals in all four countries. Amongst other things, Muslim immigrants score particularly high in conservation values (security and tradition/conformity). At the same time, they also score higher in self-transcendence values (benevolence as well as universalism). While many of these findings are in line with theory and previous research, the higher score in universalism is unexpected. A potential explanation is the combination of religious traditionalism and discrimination experiences. In other words, religious traditions are associated with more conservative views, but being subject to marginalization can still result in an appreciation of equal opportunities. We find only limited support for differences in hedonism. Religiosity correlates with values of tradition/conformity for Muslim immigrants as well as for Christian natives. Thus, accounting for religiosity renders differences in these values between Muslims and other groups statistically insignificant. While most of these findings hold in all countries, differences are most pronounced in Sweden and lower in the other three countries, which is also true after accounti

This article addresses the extent to which economic downturns influence the perception of immigrants as an economic threat and through which channels this occurs. Our primary objective is an investigation of the specific mechanisms that connect economic conditions to the perception of immigrants as a threat. We therefore also contribute to theoretical discussions based on group threat and realistic group conflict theory by exposing the dominant source of competition relevant to these relationships. Furthermore, we investigate whether people react more sensitive to short-term economic dynamics within countries than to the long-term economic circumstances. Our database comprises all waves of the European Social Survey from 2002 to 2017. The macro-economic indicators we use include GDP per capita, unemployment, and national debt levels, covering the most salient economic dimensions. We furthermore control for the country’s migration situation and aggregate party positions toward cultural diversity. Our results show that the dynamic short-term developments of the economy and migration within countries are of greater relevance for perceived immigrant threat than the long-term situation. In contrast, the long-term political climate appears to be more important than short-term changes in the aggregate party positions. Further mediation analyses show that objective economic conditions influence anti-immigrant attitudes primarily through individual perceptions of the country’s economic performance and that unemployment rates are of primary importance.

Objective: This paper draws on data from the Microcensus to provide a long-term overview of the labour market performance of different arrival cohorts of non-German women and men who immigrated to (western) Germany. Background: While there is a large body of research on the labour market outcomes of migrants to Germany, a long-term and gender-specific overview is missing. Method: We provide descriptive analyses of the employment rates, working hours, and occupational status levels of different arrival cohorts by gender, calendar year, and duration of stay. The data cover the time period 1976-2015. Results: With the exception of the earliest cohort, migrant women and men were consistently less likely to be employed than their German counterparts. While the average working hours of migrant women of earlier cohorts were longer than those of German women, this pattern reversed due to a considerable decline in the average working hours of migrant women across subsequent cohorts. The occupational status levels of female and male migrants increased across the arrival cohorts, corresponding to higher levels of education. Analyses by duration of stay indicate that the occupational status of the arrival cohorts tended to decline during their initial years of residence, and to stagnate thereafter. This pattern seems to be due in part to selective outmigration. Conclusion: Our results clearly show that the labour market performance of immigrants varied greatly by arrival cohort, reflecting the conditions and policy contexts during which they entered Germany. This conclusion applied especially to migrant women.

Muslims and immigrants have both been subjected to negative attitudes over the past several decades in Europe. Using data from the European Values Study, this study analyses the changes in these attitudes in the period 1990-2017. We find that negative attitudes have been increasing on average in Europe as a whole, with anti-Muslim attitudes being more prevalent than anti-immigrant attitudes. However, when split into a Western European set and an Eastern European set, from 2008, there is a divergence between the two halves. Our findings reveal that negative attitudes towards Muslims and immigrants have decreased in Western Europe, whereas they have increased significantly in Eastern Europe. Further analyses find that there are large discrepancies between anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant attitudes in different countries. These discrepancies are discussed in detail and related to several relevant factors, such as the differences in size of the Muslim and immigrant populations, variations in the refugee influx and other possible factors and developments.

Diese Arbeit beschreibt den rechtlichen, verfahrenstechnischen, gerichtlichen und juristischen Weg, den ein Einwanderer auf seinem Weg von Afrika nach Europa zurückgelegt hat, wobei einige Institutionen offen hinterfragt werden., The current piece of work seeks to explore in detail the legal, judicial and procedural journey that an immigrant has crossed from African soil to European ground whilst openly questioning some institutions., Se detalla en este trabajo el periplo jurídico, procesal, judicial y legal que ha atravesado un inmigrante en su camino desde tierras africanas hasta Europa, con abierto cuestionamiento de algunas instituciones.