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Economic inequality might influence subjective well-being through psychological processes such as status competition and social distance. However, evidence for this claim is mixed. In this Perspective, we suggest that inconsistent findings arise because the psychological effects of economic inequality are driven by perceived — rather than objective — inequality. Perceived inequality is not always related to objective inequality for at least three reasons. First, unequal societies tend to be more physically and psychologically segregated, so, paradoxically, people have less contact with inequality in these societies. Second, people are more influenced by signs of economic disparities in their daily life and close circles than by information about inequality at an abstract level. Third, system-justifying ideologies lead people to perceive more or less inequality relative to objective inequality. We conclude that perceived inequality is crucial for understanding how and when objective inequality influences psychological processes and individual outcomes. Ministerios de Economía y Competitividad/[PID2019-105643GB-I00]/MINECO/España Ministerios de Economía y Competitividad/[PCI2020-112285]/MINECO/España Junta de Andalucía/[A-SEJ-72-UGR20]//España Centro de Estudios de Conflicto y Cohesión Social/[ANID/FONDAP/15130009]/COES/Chile UCR::Sedes Regionales::Sede de Occidente::Recinto San Ramón

Este trabajo fue realizado en el marco de los estudios doctorales del primer autor, financiados por la beca Colciencias 729 de Colombia. Agradecemos también el apoyo recibido de los proyectos financiados por agencias nacionales y regionales de España (PID2019-105643GB-I00, PCI2020-112285 y B-SEJ-128-UGR18) y del Centro de Estudios de Conflicto y Cohesión Social (COES) (ANID/FONDAP/15130009)., En este estudio analizamos la percepción de la desigualdad económica en España en la vida cotidiana de acuerdo con la ideología política. Mediante técnicas de análisis de contenido, procesamos 705 respuestas abiertas de 290 personas y usamos análisis de redes para examinar las relaciones entre las categorías identificadas. Encontramos que la desigualdad económica se percibe principalmente como comparación social y privación relativa entre personas/grupos; y más en términos de justicia social, cuando las personas se situaron a la izquierda (vs. la derecha) del espectro político. Discutimos la percepción de la desigualdad económica como un fenómeno multidimensional situado en la vida cotidiana, que influye en la forma de entender y reaccionar ante las disparidades sociales., In this study, we analyze the perception of economic inequality in everyday life in Spain based on political ideology. Using content analysis techniques, we processed 705 open-ended responses from 290 people and used network analysis to examine the relationships between the categories identified. We found that economic inequality is perceived primarily as social comparison and relative deprivation between individuals/groups. However, it is perceived more in terms of social justice when people are situated on the left (vs. the right) of the political spectrum. We discuss the perception of economic inequality as a multidimensional phenomenon situated in everyday life, which influences how we understand and react to social disparities., Neste estudo, analisamos a percepção da desigualdade econômica na vida cotidiana de jovens na Espanha de acordo com a ideologia política. Com base em técnicas de análise de conteúdo, processamos 705 respostas abertas de 290 pessoas e usamos análise de redes para examinar as relações entre as categorias identificadas. Constatamos que a desigualdade econômica é percebida principalmente como comparação social e privação relativa entre pessoas e grupos; muito mais em termos de justiça social, quando as pessoas se posicionam à esquerda (versus direita) do espectro político. Discutimos a percepção da desigualdade econômica como fenômeno multidimensional situado na vida cotidiana que influencia na forma de entender e reagir ante as disparidades sociais., Colciencias 729 de Colombia, España (PID2019-105643GB-I00, PCI2020-112285 y B-SEJ-128-UGR18), Centro de Estudios de Conflicto y Cohesión Social (COES) (ANID/FONDAP/15130009)

DECLARACIÓN DE DISPONIBILIDAD DE DATOS El material suplementario, los datos brutos y los archivos utilizados para el procesamiento y análisis de la información están disponibles en el siguiente enlace: https://osf.io/6yft7/, Este artículo examina la interacción entre el estatus socioeconómico y las creencias que justifican la desigualdad en lo relativo al apoyo a la redistribución. Utilizando datos de una encuesta de São Paulo (Brasil) (N=928), encontramos que el apoyo a la redistribución estuvo negativamente asociado con el estatus socioeconómico subjetivo; pero estuvo positivamente relacionada con el estatus socioeconómico objetivo. Además, las creencias que justifican la desigualdad moderaron esta relación. Por un lado, el efecto negativo del estatus subjetivo sobre el apoyo a la redistribución fue más fuerte para las personas que apoyan las creencias que justifican la desigualdad. Por otro lado, el efecto positivo entre el estatus objetivo y el apoyo a la redistribución solo ocurrió para las personas que rechazaron estas creencias. Los resultados sugieren que el efecto del estatus socioeconómico sobre el apoyo a la redistribución depende del grado de apoyo a las creencias ideológicas que justifican la desigualdad., This article evaluates the interaction between socioeconomic status and inequality-justifying beliefs on support for redistribution. Using survey data from São Paulo (Brazil) (N=928), we found that support for redistribution was nega-tively associated with subjective socioeconomic status; but was positively related to objective socioeconomic status. In addition, system-justifying beliefs moderated this rela-tionship. On the one hand, the negative effect of subjective status on support for redistribution was stronger for people who support system-justifying beliefs. On the other hand, the positive effect between objective status and support for redistribution occurred only for people who rejected these beliefs. The results suggest that the effect of socioeconom-ic status on support for redistribution depends on the de-gree of support for system-justifying beliefs, Fundación de Investigación de São Paulo (FAPESP), beca postdoctoral otorgada al primer autor [N.º 2019/10046- 4] dentro del proyecto Building Democracy in dailylife (N.º 2013/07923-7)

The aim of this research is to describe the pattern of interactions of Brazilian legislators on Twitter during 2019 in the construction of political discourses. Based on 20,076 replies during 2019, posted on Twitter by 514 Brazilian legislators, we conducted descriptive analysis of legislators’ Twitter profiles, social network analyses from their interactions, and content analysis of the messages. We found that (1) there are large disparities between legislators in the use of Twitter; (2) the pattern of interactions depicted five clusters defined by political affinities; (3) each cluster had different features regarding their composition and impact; (4) the centrality of the legislators within the network was positively associated with public endorsement on Twitter; and (5) the topics of messages within the clusters reinforce discourses aligned to political ideologies. We argue that the pattern of interactions on Twitter allows to identify online coalitions that reinforce particular discourses within the Brazilian parliament.

Este trabalho analisa as experiências de seis pesquisadores durante pesquisa de campo em Audiências de Custódia na cidade de São Paulo em 2019. Aspectos como as dificuldades de acesso ao Fórum, a indiferença dos juízes e relatos de intimidação narrados pelos pesquisadores indicam que embora existam regulações formais das audiências, coexistem processos de personificação da lei e dos procedimentos conduzidos pelos magistrados que por vezes contradizem essas regulações. Essas experiências vivenciadas pelos pesquisadores reforçam sob um outro ponto de vista, entraves à legitimidade do sistema de justiça, já apontados por pesquisas que discutem essa relação aos olhos dos cidadãos., This paper analyzes the fieldwork experiences of six researchers in Custody Hearings in the city of São Paulo in 2019. Aspects such as the difficulties in accessing the Forum, the indifference of the judges, and the reports of the intimidation suffered by the researchers, indicate that although there are formal regulations for hearings, processes of personification of the law and of the procedures conducted by magistrates coexist, which sometimes contradict these regulations. The experiences of the researchers reinforce another aspect of the issue: the obstacles to the legitimacy of the Criminal Justice System, already pointed out by previous research discussing this relationship from the citizens’ perspective., Este trabajo analiza las experiencias de seis investigadores durante sus estudios de campo en Audiencias de Custodia en la ciudad de San Pablo, en 2019. Aspectos tales como las dificultades en el acceso al Foro, la indiferencia de los jueces y los relatos de intimidación narrados por los investigadores indican que aunque existan regulaciones formales para las audiencias, coexistem procedimientos de personificación de la ley y de los procedimientos llevados a cabo por los magistrados, que a veces contradicen esas regulaciones. Las experiencias vivenciadas por los investigadores refuerzan otro aspecto: las trabas a la legitimidad del sistema de justicia que ya fueron remarcadas por investigaciones que discuten esa relación a los ojos de la ciudadanía., Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

The study of perceived economic differences in everyday life is relevant to deepen the knowledge of how inequality shapes psychological processes. In the current research, Spanish undergraduates (N=547) were asked what their friends with the most and least money could do with their resources. Using a qualitative and quantitative approach, we performed a content analysis of the 1,085 open-ended responses given, ran latent class analyses with the coded material to identify groups of participants, and explored whether class membership was associated with their awareness of inequality and support for redistribution. Participants perceived inequality among their friends through daily indicators such as consumption, opportunities, leisure, and mental health; some participants used compensatory strategies to mitigate perceived inequality. Latent class analyses suggested that participants differed mostly in the attention paid to consumption and in the use of compensatory strategies. Exploratory analyses suggested that perceiving inequality in everyday life in terms of consumption, negative attributes towards the wealthy, or positive attributes towards low socioeconomic groups was related to acknowledging economic differences among individuals and support for redistribution. The study of perceived economic inequality in everyday life continues a new line of research with the potential to obtain results more consistent with people's experiences. OAICE-006-2017 UCR::Sedes Regionales::Sede de Occidente

Social class and power inequalities are defining features of current societies and tend to influence several social psychological processes. Two types of consequences of social class and power inequalities can be differentiated: mechanical and contextual. Mechanical effects occur when inequality strengthens the relation between social class or power and a given outcome; conversely, contextual effects occur when inequality creates a social context that changes the relationship between social class or power and a given outcome. We exemplify these two different types of effects, focusing on the contextual ones, by analyzing the consequences of social class and power on a) status anxiety, b) the perception of society: social norms and mobility, and c) cohesion and social distance. Finally, we argue that perceived inequality and ideologies of inequality (e.g. economic system justification or social dominance orientation) might moderate these two described effects.

Self-censorship orientation — that is, the preference to hide truthful information — is determined by multiple individual, group and contextual factors which can either generate negative consequenc...

Un gran debate contemporáneo relacionado con los encargos sociales de la educación superior abarca cuestiones como la pertinencia, legitimidad y capacidad de las universidades para identificar las necesidades de los mercados de trabajo y promover la formación de personas capaces de responder a las mismas. Estas exigencias generan tensiones al interior de las Instituciones de Educación Superior (IES), dado que algunos autores y actores institucionales las asocian con la mercantilización de la educación, que implica poner las instituciones al servicio del mercado, lo cual limita la formación de agentes sociales críticos, y genera pérdida de autonomía y libertad universitaria. No obstante, la universidad como espacio privilegiado de formación, cumple un papel clave en la inclusión y movilidad social por el trabajo de sus egresados(as). En el marco de estas aproximaciones surge este libro, el cual recopila resultados de investigación sobre recursos y condiciones de empleabilidad de profesionales egresados(as) de nivel de pregrado de la Universidad del Valle entre los años 2013 y 2017, además de discusiones derivadas de otras investigaciones y publicaciones de maestría y doctorado en la línea de investigación sobre “Aspectos psicosociales del trabajo como actividad económico-productiva” del Grupo de Investigación en Psicología Organizacional y del Trabajo (Grupo POT). Se presentan datos, referenciales conceptuales y discusiones relacionadas con las formas como los profesionales son incluidos socialmente a través del trabajo en los diferentes campos de formación específicos de la economía formal principalmente, sin dejar de explorar otras formas y economías (Rentería, 2019). Se presenta un modelo conceptual multimensional que incluye aspectos individuales como las estrategias, competencias y características; así como condiciones estructurales de tipo socioeconómico, cultural, dispositivos de formación, y de relaciones de trabajo (Botero y Rentería, 2019). Los resultados muestran la complejidad del fenómeno, y dan al lector individual o institucional recursos para su estudio y la proyección de acciones relacionadas.

El material suplementario, datos y archivos utilizados en esta investigación se encuentran disponibles en https://osf.io/nxmwp/, La orientación a la dominancia social (SDO) se define como la disposición individual a aceptar las relaciones jerárquicas y de dominación entre grupos. La medición de la SDO ha evolucionado conforme con el desarrollo de la teoría, aportándose varias versiones de la escala. Esta escala ha mostrado indicadores de confiabilidad y validez apropiados en diferentes contextos, pero también presenta algunas limitaciones de método relacionadas con la redacción de los ítems y potenciales ambigüedades de contenido. Se presenta la adaptación y validación de la escala SDO7 en español para el contexto colombiano, en la cual se subsanan algunas limitaciones de la escala original. En 2 estudios realizados en una muestra intencional de población universitaria de Cali, Colombia (nEstudio1 = 394, nEstudio2 = 867) se aporta evidencia sobre las propiedades psicométricas de la escala y la validez predictiva de sus dimensiones sobre actitudes sociales/políticas en el contexto colombiano. Los análisis factoriales ratifican la estructura factorial de 2 dimensiones de SDO (anti-igualitarismo y dominancia). Además, los análisis de regresión sugieren que las dimensiones de dominancia y anti-igualitarismo se asocian de forma diferenciada con actitudes políticas que justifican la desigualdad: la dominancia se asoció con medidas explícitas y hostiles, mientras que el anti-igualitarismo lo hizo más con medidas sutiles que mantienen las desigualdades. Este estudio contribuye a la comprensión de uno de los procesos asociados con la legitimación de la desigualdad y al desarrollo de herramientas para su investigación empírica., Social dominance orientation (SDO) is defined as the individual disposition to accept hierarchy and dominance among groups. The measurement of SDO has evolved accordingly with the development of the theory, providing several versions of this scale. This scale has demonstrated indicators of reliability and validity across contexts, but it also has some limitations related to potential ambiguities and the phrasing of items. In this article we present the adaptation and validation of the SDO7 scale in Spanish for the Colombian context, where some of these limitations are addressed. In 2 studies conducted with conventional samples (nStudy1 = 394; nStudy2 = 867), we provide evidence for the psychometric properties of the scale and the predictive validity of its dimensions on social/political attitudes within the Colombian context. Factor analyses confirmed the factorial structure of two substantive dimensions of SDO (dominance and anti-egalitarianism). Regression analyses suggested that both dimensions, dominance and anti-egalitarianism, were accordingly associated with different attitudes that justify inequality: Dominance was associated with more explicit and hostile attitudes, whereas anti-egalitarianism was linked to subtler measures that maintain inequality. This article contributes to the comprehension of one of the processes related to the legitimacy of inequality and to the development of tools for its empirical research., Beca de formación doctoral .Departamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación (COLCIENCIAS) N° 679

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was funded by a Grant from the National Science Centre in Poland (Grant Number: 2017/26/M/HS6/00360) awarded to Natasza Kosakowska-Berezecka. Data collection by the following researchers was supported by Grants as follows: Emma C. O'Connor (Grant RL5GM118963 from National Institute of General Medical Sciences of the National Institutes of Health; Angel Gomez (Grant RTI2018-093550-B-I00 from the Universidad Nacional de Educacion a Distancia, Spain); Sylvie Graf and Martina Hrebickova (Grant 20-01214S from the Czech Science Foundation, and Grant RVO: 68081740 from the Institute of Psychology, Czech Academy of Sciences); Teri A. Kirby (Grant ES/S00274X/1 from the Economic and Social Research Council); Soledad de Lemus (Grant PSI2016-79971-P from Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness through the excellence); Michelle K. Ryan and Renata Bongiorno (Grant ERC-2016-COG 725128 from the European Research Council awarded to Michelle K. Ryan); Marie Gustafsson Senden, Anna Lindqvist and Emma Renstrom (Grant 2017-00414 from the Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life, and Welfare); Claudio V. Torres (Grant DPI/DIRPE n. 04/2019 from the University of Brasilia)., This study was preregistered in Open Science Framework at https://osf.io/u9xfg/., Precarious manhood beliefs portray manhood, relative to womanhood, as a social status that is hard to earn, easy to lose, and proven via public action. Whereas qualitative and ethnographic data suggest that many cultures conceptualize manhood as precarious, quantitative research has yet to demonstrate the cross-cultural consistency of precarious manhood beliefs. Here, we examined the psychometric isomorphism, or measurement invariance, of a brief precarious manhood beliefs scale (the PMB). Using data from university samples in 62 countries across 13 world regions (N=33,417), we examined: (1) the isomorphism of the PMB across individual and country levels; (2) the PMB’s distinctness from, and associations with, other cross-culturally validated gender ideologies (e.g., ambivalent sexism and ambivalence toward men; Glick & Fiske, 1996, 1999); and (3) associations of the PMB with country-level indices of gender equality (the GGGI; World Economic Forum, 2019) and human development (the HDI; United Nations Development Programme, 2019). Findings indicate that the PMB is a psychometrically valid and isomorphic index of beliefs about the male gender role that accounts for unique variance in country-level gender equality and human development., National Science Center, Poland 2017/26/M/HS6/00360, United States Department of Health & Human Services National Institutes of Health (NIH) - USA NIH National Institute of General Medical Sciences (NIGMS) RL5GM118963, Universidad Nacional de Educacion a Distancia, Spain RTI2018-093550-B-I00, Grant Agency of the Czech Republic 20-01214S, Institute of Psychology, Czech Academy of Sciences RVO: 68081740, UK Research & Innovation (UKRI) Economic & Social Research Council (ESRC) ES/S00274X/1, Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness PSI2016-79971-P, European Research Council (ERC) European Commission ERC-2016-COG 725128, Swedish Research Council Swedish Research Council for Health Working Life & Welfare (Forte) 2017-00414, University of Brasilia 04/2019

Algunas investigaciones sugieren que el miedo al delito afecta a la actitud de las personas hacia las políticas de seguridad pública, favoreciendo una preferencia por acciones represivas o punitivas frente a lo que se considera un peligro o una amenaza. Los estudios han señalado una variedad de posibles factores individuales y contextuales que son antecedentes de actitudes punitivas. Además, el miedo al delito y las actitudes punitivas son el objeto de un discurso público que da forma a las políticas criminales de muchos países occidentales. Puesto que las emociones juegan un papel importante en la justicia penal, desde la criminología se han llevado a cabo investigaciones sobre cómo se interrelacionan ambos conceptos. En esta línea de investigación, este estudio realizó un análisis de clases latentes en una muestra de habitantes de la ciudad de São Paulo (N = 1806) para identificar agrupaciones que describen las tipologías de asociación entre miedo al delito y las actitudes favorables hacia la violencia policial. Los resultados mostraron la existencia de cinco perfiles. Entre estos, encontramos un perfil en el que hay una fuerte asociación entre el miedo al delito y la actitud punitiva y otro formado por aquellos que reportan bajo miedo al delito, pero presentan altos niveles de punitivismo. Además, la mayoría de las personas expresaron no apoyar la violencia policial, a pesar de tener miedo al delito, por lo que otros factores podrían explicar mejor el apoyo al punitivismo que presentan algunos grupos. En la discusión se ofrecen algunas explicaciones alternativas a estos resultados.

espanolAlgunas investigaciones sugieren que el miedo al delito afec-ta a la actitud de las personas hacia las politicas de seguridad publica, favoreciendo una preferencia por acciones represivas o punitivas frente a lo que se considera un peligro o una amenaza. Los estudios han sena-lado una variedad de posibles factores individuales y contextuales que son antecedentes de actitudes punitivas. Ademas, el miedo al delito y las actitudes punitivas son el objeto de un discurso publico que da forma a las politicas criminales de muchos paises occidentales. Puesto que las emociones juegan un papel importante en la justicia penal, desde la criminologia se han llevado a cabo investigaciones sobre como se interrelacionan ambos conceptos. En esta linea de investigacion, este estudio realizo un analisis de clases latentes en una muestra de habitan-tes de la ciudad de Sao Paulo (N = 1806) para identificar agrupaciones que describen las tipologias de asociacion entre miedo al delito y las actitudes favorables hacia la violencia policial. Los resultados mostra-ron la existencia de cinco perfiles. Entre estos, encontramos un perfil en el que hay una fuerte asociacion entre el miedo al delito y la actitud punitiva y otro formado por aquellos que reportan bajo miedo al delito, pero presentan altos niveles de punitivismo. Ademas, la mayoria de las personas expresaron no apoyar la violencia policial, a pesar de tener miedo al delito, por lo que otros factores podrian explicar mejor el apoyo al punitivismo que presentan algunos grupos. En la discusion se ofrecen algunas explicaciones alternativas a estos resultados. EnglishResearch suggests that the fear of crime affects people’s attitudes toward public security policies, favoring a preference for re-pressive or punitive actions towards what is considered a danger or a threat. Studies have pointed to a variety of possible individual and contextual factors that are antecedents of pu-nitive attitudes. Fear of crime and punitive atti-tudes are the subject of public discourses that shape the criminal policies of many Western countries. Since emotions play a crucial role in criminal justice, criminologists seek to under-stand how these two concepts are related. In that sense, this study carried out an analysis of latent classes in a sample of inhabitants of the city of Sao Paulo (N=1806) to identify groups that describe the typologies of the association between the fear of crime and the favorable attitudes towards the violence of the police. The best model fit was of five latent classes. Among these groups, we find a profile in which there is a strong association between fear of crime and punitive attitude and another formed by those who report low fear of crime but have high levels of punitiveness. Furthermore, most of the people expressed not supporting police violence, despite showing fear of crime, so other factors could better explain the support for punitiveness that some groups present. We speculate few alternative explanations for these results in the discussion

In Brazil, the Custody Hearing is a legal device established in 2015 to safeguard the rights of people arrested in flagrante delicto by the police. In an attempt to prevent the indiscriminate use of preventive detentions in the country, the custody hearings were created for the potential effects that an in-person meeting may have on the flow of the Criminal Justice System. While the recent literature on criminology has produced significant empirical data testing the effects of peoples’ evaluations of procedural justice during court hearings for institutional legitimacy, little is known about what happens during these situations of contact between citizens and judicial actors. Using data from the observation of 138 custody hearings at the largest Criminal Forum in Brazil, we analyzed in this work how interaction procedures and ceremonial resources are employed by judicial actors to exercise authority. By focusing on the quality of decision-making and the interpersonal treatment expressed in procedures, we sought to analyze the effects of the punitive framework for the construction of legitimacy. Our analysis of interactions in custody hearings indicates the existence of a claim to legitimacy which, counter to procedural justice principles, develops through the exclusion of the person subjected to that authority.

El autoritarismo es un constructo ampliamente estudiado en psicología para investigar comportamientos políticos. Para su medición se suele usar la escala de autoritarismo de derechas (RWA), la cual tiene variaciones en sus propiedades psicométricas según cada contexto. En este artículo traducimos y adaptamos una versión reducida del autoritarismo de derechas al contexto colombiano. En dos estudios (NEstudio1=417;NEstudio2=396), identificamos tres dimensiones: agresión-autoritaria, sumisión-autoritaria y convencionalismo; y encontramos que la RWA estuvo asociada positivamente con: dominancia social, deshumanización del adversario, apoyo al conflicto, patriotismo, sexismo, homofobia y la prohibición de políticas sociales consideradas como liberales (e.g., aborto, matrimonio igualitario, eutanasia). Se aporta evidencia empírica a favor de las propiedades psicométricas de la escala de RWA en el contexto colombiano. Authoritarianism is widely used construct to study political behaviors.For its measurement, researchers usually use the right authoritarianism scale (RWA), which has variations in its psychometric properties according to each context. In this article we translate and adapt a reduced version of RWA to the Colombian context. In two studies (NStudy1=417; NStudy2=396), we identified three dimensions: authoritarian-aggression, authoritarian-submission,and conventionalism. We also found that RWA was positively associated with: social dominance, dehumanization of the adversary, support for conflict, patriotism, sexism, homophobia and the prohibition of social policies considered liberal (e.g., abortion, equal marriage, euthanasia). Empirical evidence is provided in favor of the psychometric properties of the RWA scale in the Colombian context

Perception of economic inequality is defined as the subjective representation of economic resources. However, this representation is not abstract, but it is contingent on the individuals’ context and ideologies. The aim of the study (N = 290) is to analyse how economic inequality is perceived in Spain, and how such perceptions vary according to individuals’ political ideology. We analysed 705 responses (10626 words) by using content analysis and network analysis techniques, in order to figure out the network of topics associated with perceiving economic inequality. We found that economic inequality in Spain is mainly perceived by processes of social comparison and relative deprivation between individuals and groups. We also found that perceptions of economic inequality were clustered in four groups: inequality of opportunities, inequality between social classes, income inequality and work conditions, and inequality between specific social groups. What is more, we found that individuals that position themselves to the left in the ideological political spectrum, mentioned topics about social justice in a greater extent that individuals at the right. We discuss how the perception of economic inequality is a multidimensional phenomenon, placed in the daily-life and people and conditioned by ideologies.

Contains fulltext : 219925.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Closed access) Men sometimes withdraw support for gender equality movements when their higher gender status is threatened. Here, we expand the focus of this phenomenon by examining it cross-culturally, to test if both individual- and country-level variables predict men's collective action intentions to support gender equality. We tested a model in which men's zero-sum beliefs about gender predict reduced collective action intentions via an increase in hostile sexism. Because country-level gender equality may threaten men's higher gender status, we also examined whether the path from zero-sum beliefs to collective action intentions was stronger in countries higher in gender equality. Multilevel modeling on 6,781 men from 42 countries supported the individual-level mediation model, but found no evidence of moderation by country-level gender equality. Both country-level gender equality and individual-level zero-sum thinking independently predicted reductions in men's willingness to act collectively for gender equality. 16 p.

Perceived greater economic inequality is supposedly associated with higher demand for redistribution. However, the findings in the literature are mixed in this regard, with some researchers providing evidence in favour of this association and some findings evidence against it. Given that perceived economic inequality and endorsement of system-justifying beliefs are related to increased inequality acceptance, we explore the interplay between them in relation to support for redistribution. This study is intended to shed light on the role of utopian standards (ideal estimates about what ought to be) as one mechanism that affects the relationship between perceived greater economic inequality and support for redistribution. Based on correlational data (N = 794), we conducted a conditional process analysis and found that perceived greater inequality displayed a negative indirect effect on support for redistribution, through acceptance of ideal level of economic inequality: Perception of higher inequality was related to increased ideal levels of inequality and thus with lower support for redistribution. In addition, we found that economic system-justifying beliefs conditioned the effect of perceived economic inequality in two ways: First, perceived economic inequality was positively associated with higher acceptance of inequality, and this association was stronger for those that justified the economic system more, and perceived greater inequality was associated with higher support for redistribution—but only for those who endorsed lower levels of economic system justification beliefs. These findings provide evidence that perceived greater economic inequality does not in itself lead to a push for more redistribution; rather, utopian standards such as ideal estimates of economic inequality, which are conditioned by system-justifying ideologies.

La verificación de noticias falsas es una herramienta importante para mejorar la calidad de la información que circula en redes virtuales. Aunque existen distintas agencias de verificación de noticias, también encontramos algunas estrategias más informales como el uso del hashtag #Stopbulos. Así, la presente investigación pretende realizar una caracterización del hashtag #StopBulos en Twitter como forma de verificación de la información y de control de la difusión de fake news. Los resultados mostraron que existía diversidad entre los usuarios y las temáticas de los tuits que incluían dicho hashtag, mientras que la principal función era desmentir fake news. No obstante, se encontró que aquellos que conseguían una mayor difusión eran los usuarios con mayor número de seguidores y carácter institucional. Se discuten las implicaciones del uso del hashtag #StopBulos como una herramienta que permite identificar información falsa en redes sociales. The fact-checking is an important tool to improve the quality of the information that circulates in virtual networks. Although there are different fact-checking verification agencies, we also found some more informal strategies such as the use of the hashtag #Stopbulos. Thus, this research aims to characterize the #StopBulos hashtag on Twitter as a way to verify information and control the spread of fake news. The results showed that there was diversity among users and the themes of the tweets that included this hashtag, while the main function was to deny fake news. However, it was found that those who achieved greater dissemination were the users with the largest number of followers and institutional character. The implications of using the #StopBulos hashtag as a tool to identify false information on social networks are discussed.

In the last 40 years, inequality has risen to levels unseen since before World War II. Although these increases correlate with numerous harmful outcomes, research has largely overlooked the psychological mechanisms that transmit the macro-level effects of inequality onto micro-level outcomes. We address this oversight by proposing a macro-micro model of inequality and relative deprivation (MIRED). According to MIRED, macro-level inequality adversely affects people by eliciting aspirational social comparisons and amplifying the perception that they, along with their ethnic group, are deprived relative to other individuals and ethnic groups in society, respectively (i.e., individual- and group-based relative deprivation, respectively). In turn, feeling relatively deprived adversely affects one’s physical and mental well-being, while also heightening the extent to which they identify with their ethnic group. We conclude by discussing some previously unexamined implications of inequality by noting that heightened perceptions of group-based relative deprivation and ensuing increases in ethnic identification elicited by inequality can increase tensions between ethnic groups and motivate collective action.

Research on perceptions of economic inequality focuses on estimations of the distribution of financial resources, such as perceived income gaps or wealth distribution. However, we argue that perceiving inequality is not limited to an economic idea but also includes other dimensions related to people’s daily life. We explored this idea by conducting an online survey (N = 601) in Colombia, where participants responded to an open-ended question regarding how they perceived economic inequality. We performed a content analysis of 1,624 responses to identify relevant topics and used network analysis tools to explore how such topics were interrelated. We found that perceived economic inequality is mainly represented by identifying social classes (e.g., the elites vs. the poor), intergroup relations based on discrimination and social exclusion, public spaces (e.g., beggars on streets, spatial segregation), and some dynamics about the distribution of economic resources and the quality of work (e.g., income inequality, precarious jobs). We discuss how different perceptions of economic inequality may frame how people understand and respond to inequality., This project was funded as a scholarship to pursue a doctoral degree given to EG-S COLCIENCIAS-679 (Colombia), and the PSI2016-78839-P MINECO (Spain) grant given to GWand RR-B.

Although economic inequality has increased over the last few decades, support for redistributive policies is not widely accepted by the public. In this paper, we examine whether attitudes towards redistribution are a product of both perceptions of, and beliefs about, inequality. Specifically, we argue that the association between perceived inequality and support for redistribution varies by beliefs that justify inequality. We investigated this hypothesis in a cross-cultural/country sample (N = 56,021 from 41 countries) using two different operationalizations of support for redistribution and two distinct beliefs that justify inequality. As hypothesized, the perceived size of the income gap correlated positively with believing that it is the government's responsibility to reduce inequality among those who rejected beliefs that justify inequality, whereas there was no association for those who endorsed these beliefs. Similarly, perceived economic inequality correlated positively with support for progressive taxation, but this association was weaker among those who endorsed meritocratic and equal opportunity beliefs. Together, these results demonstrate that ideologies influence the relationship between perceived inequality and attitudes towards redistribution, and that support for redistribution varies by how the policy is framed.

Socioeconomic class is a relevant variable with regard to the process of social hierarchization; specifically, subjective social class (SSC) has been found to correlate positively with theself-efficacy of persons. In the present study, with mixed methodology and a population size of 280 participants, we attempted to replicate these results by operationalizing SSC in the two following manners: (a) through experimental manipulation --randomly requesting that participants compare themselves with those who are above or below them in a social hierarchy scale-- and (b) through measuring SSC as individual difference. The results show no effects due to experimental manipulation, but do support that SSC, measured as individual difference, positively correlates with general self-efficacy. Regarding qualitative analysis, when the participant’s descriptions of common characteristics in members of the upper and lower class were studied, we found that situational characteristics predominated (over dispositional characteristics), but with greater positive valence when describing the upper class. We conclude that SSC is an important factor in self-efficacy and that it moderates effects of social comparison., La clase socioeconómica es una variable relevante en el proceso de jerarquización social. Se ha encontrado que la clase social subjetiva (CSS) se relaciona positivamente con la autoeficacia de las personas. En la presente investigación, de tipo mixto y realizada con 380 participantes, se intentó replicar estos resultados operacionalizando la CSS de dos formas: a) a través de una manipulación experimental —pidiéndole aleatoriamente a los participantes que se compararan con quienes quedaron abajo o arriba de ellos en una escala de jerarquía social— y b) a través de la medición de la CSS como diferencia individual. Los resultados no mostraron efectos de la manipulación experimental, pero si evidenciaron que la CSS, medida como diferencia individual, se relaciona positivamente con la autoeficacia general. Asimismo, y a nivel cualitativo, se analizaron las descripciones que los participantes hicieron sobre las características de las personas de clase alta y baja, encontrando que en ambos casos prevalecen características de tipo situacional (frente a características disposicionales), pero con una mayor valencia positiva en los de clase alta. Se concluye que la CSS es un factor importante en la autoeficacia y modera los efectos de la comparación social.

In this paper we examined the joint effects of perceived economic inequality and legitimacy on ideal economic inequality. We hypothesized that only for those individuals who legitimize inequality, perceived inequality will be positively related to ideal inequality. Conversely, for individuals that do not legitimize inequality, a weaker relation between these variables will be observed. We tested these ideas in two studies. In Study 1, we measured perceived and ideal inequalities (i.e., pay gap) and individual differences in the legitimization of inequality. In Study 2, we measured perceived and ideal inequalities using a novel abacus procedure in which participants had to allocate resources to the different income quintiles, and we then manipulated the legitimacy (vs. illegitimacy) of economic inequality. According to our hypothesis, in both studies we found that when individuals legitimize inequality (vs. when they do not), the relation between perceived and ideal economic inequalities tends to be stronger.