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Social identity in Northern Ireland is multifaceted, with historical, religious, political, social, economic, and psychological underpinnings. Understanding the factors that influence the strength of identity with the Protestant or Catholic community, the two predominate social groups in Northern Ireland, has implications for individual well-being as well as for the continuation of tension and violence in this setting of protracted intergroup conflict. This study examined predictors of the strength of in-group identity in 692 women (mean age 37 years) in post-accord Northern Ireland. For Catholics, strength of in-group identity was positively linked to past negative impact of sectarian conflict and more frequent current church attendance, whereas for Protestants, strength of in-group identity was related to greater status satisfaction regarding access to jobs, standard of living, and political power compared to Catholics; that is, those who felt less relative deprivation. The discussion considers the differences in the factors underlying stronger identity for Protestants and Catholics in this context.

Although relations between political violence and child adjustment are well documented, longitudinal research is needed to adequately address the many questions remaining about the contexts and developmental trajectories underlying the effects on children in areas of political violence. The study examined the relations between sectarian and nonsectarian community violence and adolescent adjustment problems over 4 consecutive years. Participants included 999 mother–child dyads (482 boys, 517 girls),Mages = 12.18 (SD= 1.82), 13.24 (SD= 1.83), 13.61 (SD= 1.99), and 14.66 (SD= 1.96) years, respectively, living in socially deprived neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, a context of historical and ongoing political violence. In examining trajectories of adjustment problems, including youth experience with both sectarian and nonsectarian antisocial behaviors, sectarian antisocial behavior significantly predicted more adjustment problems across the 4 years of the study. Experiencing sectarian antisocial behavior was related to increased adolescent adjustment problems, and this relationship was accentuated in neighborhoods characterized by higher crime rates. The discussion considers the implications for further validating the distinction between sectarian and nonsectarian violence, including consideration of neighborhood crime levels, from the child's perspective in a setting of political violence.

This study explored segregation and sectarianism among children in integrated and non-integrated Northern Irish schools. Results revealed a substantial relationship between 2 types of intergroup contact—cross-group friendship and extended contact—and lower levels of prejudice. While cross-group friendships were associated with more positive intergroup relations via the mediating mechanisms of self-disclosure and empathy with the out-group, extended contact worked by eliciting positive perceived peer norms toward the out-group. The findings are discussed in terms of their implications for intergroup relations among children in conflict societies.

A study was conducted to explore whether participants in Northern Ireland attend to, and process information about, different group members as a function of a single dimension of category membership (religion) or as a function of additional and/or alternative bases for group membership. Utilizing a bogus 'newspaper story' paradigm, we explored whether participants would differentially recall target attributes as a function of two dimensions of category membership. Findings from this recall measure suggested that information concerning ingroup and outgroup members was processed as an interactive function of both religion and gender intergroup dimensions. Religion was only used to guide processing of more specific information if the story character was also an outgroup member on the gender dimension. These findings suggest a complex pattern of intergroup representation in the processing of group-relevant information in the Northern Irish context.

Social identity complexity defines people's more or less complex cognitive representations of the interrelationships among their multiple ingroup identities. Being high in complexity is contingent on situational, cognitive, or motivational factors, and has positive consequences for intergroup relations. Two survey studies conducted in Northern Ireland examined the extent to which intergroup contact and distinctiveness threat act as antecedents, and outgroup attitudes as consequences, of social identity complexity. In both studies, contact was positively, and distinctiveness threat negatively, associated with complex multiple ingroup perceptions, whereas respondents with more complex identity structures also reported more favorable outgroup attitudes. Social identity complexity also mediated the effects of contact and distinctiveness threat on attitudes. This research highlights that the extent to which individuals perceive their multiple ingroups in more or less complex and differentiated ways is of central importance to understanding intergroup phenomena.

We conducted secondary analyses of data from two random samples of the population of Northern Ireland, involving 1046 participants in 2000, and 1000 participants in 200 1, to explore the role of in-group identity and religious group membership in moderating the relationship between in-group and out-group affect. In both surveys the results indicated a general in-group bias - feeling thermometer ratings (affect) for the in-group exceeded those for the out-group. This effect was moderated by participants' in-group identification and religious group (Catholic or Protestant), but these moderations also varied as a function of differential sectarian tension between 2000 and 2001. In both years, high identifiers and Protestants exhibited more in-group bias than low identifiers and Catholics, respectively.

Even after a conflict has formally ended, there is still a need for postconflict reconciliation and the building of mutual forgiveness and trust between communities. This article addresses psychological processes crucial to moving beyond a history of violent sectarian conflict in Northern Ireland. We investigated the predictors of intergroup forgiveness, in terms of intergroup emotions, infrahumanization, empathy, and intergroup contact. Intergroup trust and measures of implicit intergroup bias were also explored in this area of real intergroup conflict. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for postconflict reconciliation in Northern Ireland and other conflict areas.

This study explores the associations between mothers' religiosity, and families' and children's functioning in a stratified random sample of 695 Catholic and Protestant mother-child dyads in socially deprived areas in Belfast, Northern Ireland, a region which has experienced centuries of sectarian conflict between Protestant Unionists and Catholics Nationalists. Findings based on mother and child surveys indicated that even in this context of historical political violence associated with religious affiliation, mothers' religiosity played a consistently positive role, including associations with multiple indicators of better family functioning (i.e., more cohesion and behavioral control and less conflict, psychological distress, and adjustment problems) and greater parent-child attachment security. Mothers' religiosity also moderated the association between parent-child attachment security and family resources and family stressors, enhancing positive effects of cohesion and mother behavioral control on mother-child attachment security, and providing protection against risks associated with mothers' psychological distress. Findings are discussed in terms of implications for understanding the role of religiosity in serving as a protective or risk factor for children and families.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to review psychology‐based programmes, which were developed to bring together children and young people from Protestant and Catholic backgrounds following the outbreak of the conflict in Northern Ireland.Design/methodology/approachThe authors focused on reporting findings from early research papers and reviews as well as more recent studies. They examined the role of holiday schemes and then the development and evaluation of inter‐school contact schemes.FindingsThe findings highlight the strengths and weaknesses associated with peace programmes for youth in Northern Ireland. The paper argues the importance of these programmes for conflicted societies, provided that they are based on current research.Originality/valueThe authors believe the work from Northern Ireland reviewed here has important implications for activities aimed at improving intergroup relations in other societies. These findings will be of interest to researchers, policy makers and practitioners alike.

Understanding the impact of political violence on child maladjustment is a matter of international concern. Recent research has advanced a social ecological explanation for relations between political violence and child adjustment. However, conclusions are qualified by the lack of longitudinal tests. Toward examining pathways longitudinally, mothers and their adolescents (M = 12.33, SD = 1.78, at Time 1) from 2-parent families in Catholic and Protestant working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, completed measures assessing multiple levels of a social ecological model. Utilizing autoregressive controls, a 3-wave longitudinal model test (T1, n = 299; T2, n = 248; T3, n = 197) supported a specific pathway linking sectarian community violence, family conflict, children's insecurity about family relationships, and adjustment problems.

Research evaluating intergroup contact has tended to rely on self-report measures. Drawing on recent micro-ecological research, the two studies reported here used a multi-method approach to examine contact in a more holistic fashion. This involved the measurement of observable behavior at the micro-level, intergroup attitudes via infrahumanization and focus groups. Participants were taking part in a community intervention program in Northern Ireland. We conclude that micro-ecological behavior is not necessarily indicative of outgroup attitudes. Although behavior and attitudes changed in line with one another in Study 1 (less aggregation and significantly less infrahumanization), there were no infrahumanization differences between those who sat beside an outgroup member and those who did not. Importantly, the work presented here illustrates a unique method that allows micro-ecological behavioral observations to be made for the first time in non-racial settings.

Background. In this paper, we focused on mixing in educational settings between members of Catholic and Protestant ethnoreligious groups in Northern Ireland. Aims. In Study 1, we examined whether opportunities for contact at home and at university were associated with greater actual out-group friendships, and whether this friendship was associated with a reduction in prejudice. We also assessed whether the impact of out-group friendships at university was moderated by experience of out-group friendships outside university, such that the prejudice-reducing effect of university friendships was stronger for those with fewer friendships at home. In Study 2, we assessed opportunities for contact and actual out-group friendships at prior stages of the educational system and their relationship with prejudice. Sample(s). In both studies, our participants were students at universities in Northern Ireland (Study 1 N= 304 and Study 2 N= 157). Methods. We analysed the data using multiple regression and structural equation modelling. Results. First, opportunities for contact were positively associated with self-reported out-group friendships in all domains and stages of the educational system. Second, having more out-group friends was associated with reduced prejudice. Finally, the relationship between out-group friendships and current levels of prejudice was moderated by prior levels of out-group friendships (at home in Study 1; and at secondary and primary school in Study 2). Conclusions. Contact, in the form of out-group friendships, was more powerful when it was a novel feature in a person's life. We discuss these findings in terms of the impact of mixing in educational contexts, especially in Northern Ireland, and outline suggestions for future research.

A number of studies in both South Africa and the United States of America have indicated the presence of an 'informal' segregation that is active in everyday life spaces and which is resistant to changes in macro level social policy. This research has however been conducted in societies where segregation and division has been based on skin colour. We sought to adapt a micro-ecological technique for use in a non-racially segregated setting, in this case lecture theatres at a University in Northern Ireland. Using seat numbers to examine seating patterns we found that levels of segregation persisted throughout a semester. The success of this methodology in capturing this information has far-reaching implications for the future study of the micro-ecology of contact.

This study investigated national identity and intergroup attitudes and howstrength of national identity impacts on in-group and out-group attitudes. Thedata were gathered in post-violence Northern Ireland with children aged 7 and11 years of age. A total of 148 children took part (Catholic participants: n ¼ 73and Protestant participants: n ¼ 75). Eight schools were selected, 4 Protestantschools and 4 Catholic schools. Children were individually interviewed in theschool setting. A significant positive correlation between strength of nationalidentity and affect towards the in-group was found for Protestant participants.A significant negative correlation between strength of national identity andaffect towards the traditional enemy was found for Catholic participants. Therewas also evidence of in-group bias, in that both Protestant and Catholicchildren evaluated their own group more positively than the other out-groups.In addition, it was found that younger children are more sensitive to negativecomments about their own national identity than older children. These findingsare discussed in terms of previous findings and theoretical perspectives.

Relatively little research has examined the relations between growing up in a community with a history of protracted violent political conflict and subsequent generations’ well-being. The current article examines relations between mothers’ self-report of the impact that the historical political violence in Northern Ireland (known as the Troubles) has on her and her child’s current mental health. These relations are framed within the social identity model of stress, which provides a framework for understanding coping responses within societies that have experienced intergroup conflict. Mother-child dyads (N = 695) living in Belfast completed interviews. Results suggest that the mother-reported impact of the Troubles continue to be associated with mothers’ mental health, which, in turn, is associated with her child’s adjustment. The strength of mothers’ social identity moderated pathways between the impact of the Troubles and her mental health, consistent with the social identity model of stress.

Links between political violence and children's adjustment problems are well-documented. However, the mechanisms by which political tension and sectarian violence relate to children's well-being and development are little understood. This study longitudinally examined children's emotional security about community violence as a possible regulatory process in relations between community discord and children's adjustment problems. Families were selected from 18 working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland. Participants (695 mothers and children, M = 12.17, SD = 1.82) were interviewed in their homes over three consecutive years. Findings supported the notion that politically-motivated community violence has distinctive effects on children's externalizing and internalizing problems through the mechanism of increasing children's emotional insecurity about community. Implications are considered for understanding relations between political violence and child adjustment from a social ecological perspective.

Moving beyond simply documenting that political violence negatively impacts children, we tested a social-ecological hypothesis for relations between political violence and child outcomes. Participants were 700 mother-child (M = 12.1 years, SD = 1.8) dyads from 18 working-class, socially deprived areas in Belfast, Northern Ireland, including single- and two-parent families. Sectarian community violence was associated with elevated family conflict and children's reduced security about multiple aspects of their social environment (i.e., family, parent-child relations, and community), with links to child adjustment problems and reductions in prosocial behavior. By comparison, and consistent with expectations, links with negative family processes, child regulatory problems, and child outcomes were less consistent for nonsectarian community violence. Support was found for a social-ecological model for relations between political violence and child outcomes among both single- and two-parent families, with evidence that emotional security and adjustment problems were more negatively affected in single-parent families. The implications for understanding social ecologies of political violence and children's functioning are discussed.

The aim of the present research was to investigate the mediating role of group-level forgiveness and guilt in the relationship between victimhood (the extent to which the conflict affected an individual's life), exposure to violence (the level of violence in their area of residence), and group identity on the one hand, and mild psychiatric morbidity on the other. Specifically the study focused on the psychological impact of the ethnopolitical conflict in Northern Ireland, utilizing people's identification with either the Catholic or Protestant community. Our results revealed that intergroup forgiveness mediated the relationship between both victimhood and group identification, as predictors, and mild psychiatric morbidity. Collective guilt, on the other hand, mediated the relationship between both exposure to violence and group identification, as predictors, and intergroup forgiveness. Overall this study shows that forgiveness and collective guilt can act as mediators in the relationship between impact of ethnopolitical conflict and mental health, at the group level, and thus demonstrates their centrality to the reconciliation process. Implications for intergroup reconciliation initiatives in Northern Ireland are discussed. © 2009 International Society of Political Psychology.

In recent years, there has been a general trend in democratic societies to develop and exploit social capital. Reflecting this trend, a recent policy programme for Northern Ireland, A Shared Future, emphasized the importance of relationship building, both within and across communities, and between communities and statutory organizations. The research presented in this paper explores the potential of social capital as a policy concept and the value of the concept for interpreting community dynamics, devising strategies to enhance community relations and development and ultimately building a more sustainable society post-conflict. © Oxford University Press and Community Development Journal. 2008.

Despite some significant political developments and the advent of paramilitary cease-fires, Northern Ireland remains a deeply divided society characterized by high levels of residential segregation. Although a causal link between segregation and intercommunity conflict has not been established, a wealth of research data points to the benefits of intercommunity contact in divided societies. Drawing on theoretical literature from social psychology, this paper explores responses to the out-group in ethnically mixed and segregated Belfast communities. It concludes that the opportunity presented for intergroup contact in the mixed community seems to have, at the very least, an ameliorating effect on the fear and sense of threat posed by the out-group.

This study examines the influence of social ecological risks within the domains of parenting, family environment, and community in the prediction of educational outcomes for 770 adolescents (49% boys, 51% girls, M = 13.6 years, SD = 2.0) living in a setting of protracted political conflict, specifically working class areas of Belfast, Northern Ireland. Controlling for religious community, age, and gender, youths’ lower academic achievement was associated with family environments characterized by high conflict and low cohesion. School behaviour problems were related to greater exposure to community violence, or sectarian and nonsectarian antisocial behaviour. Youths’ expectations about educational attainment were undermined by conflict in the family environment and antisocial behaviour in the community, as well as parenting low in warmth and behavioural control. Findings underscore the importance of considering family and community contributions to youths’ educational outcomes. Suggestions regarding targeted interventions toward promoting resilience are discussed, such as assessing both child and family functioning, developing multidimensional interventions for parents, and building community partnerships, among others.

Direct friendship with outgroup members and the knowledge of ingroup—outgroup friendships (indirect friendship) can both reduce outgroup prejudice. Three correlational studies (N s = 338, 141, and 798) tested the moderating role of the affective—cognitive bases of prejudice, assessing whether the size of the friendship— prejudice relationship depends on the extent to which emotions (vs. thoughts) are relevant to the prejudiced attitudes at stake. In Study 1, direct friendship effects were larger with outgroups generating stronger affective responding than with outgroups generating stronger cognitive responding, whereas indirect friendship effects were larger with cognitive than with affective outgroups. Study 2 detected a similar pattern but with prejudice basis assessed in terms of individual differences. Study 3 replicated Study 2's indirect friendship—cognitive basis moderation in a context of historically polarized intergroup relations and on two new outcome variables, intergroup trust and negative action tendencies.

In Northern Ireland it is estimated that 35–40 per cent of Protestants and Catholics live in communities divided along ethno-sectarian lines, and some research suggests increasing segregation in recent years. A recent policy initiative to promote a ‘Shared Future’ acknowledges that the problems of residential segregation relate, at least in part, to endemic fear and sense of threat in divided communities. The research presented in this article reflects on this ‘psychological’ analysis of the problem through an exploration of the basis of negative emotional responses in two of Belfast's most segregated areas, and examines potential mediators of more positive responses towards the ‘outgroup’. The article concludes with policy recommendations for mitigating fear and anxiety associated with residential segregation.

level mediators in the model. We examined the idea that the strength of ingroup identifi cation moderates the predictive power of individual- versus group-level variables. Both contact and relative ingroup status predicted anxiety and perceived threats to the ingroup, which were significant mediators in the model. Our results also suggest that while anxiety predicts attitudes for low but not high identifiers, symbolic threats to the ingroup are more important for high than for low identifiers. There was also some evidence indicating that

Past research on peace and conflict in Northern Ireland has focused on politically-motivated violence. However, other types of crime (i.e., nonsectarian) also impact community members. To study the changing nature of violence since the signing of the Belfast Agreement in Northern Ireland the current study used qualitative methods to distinguish between nonsectarian and sectarian antisocial behavior. Analyses were conducted using the Constant Comparative Method to illuminate thematic patterns in focus groups with Catholic and Protestant mothers from segregated Belfast neighborhoods. Participants differentiated between nonsectarian and sectarian violence; the latter was further distinguished into two dimensions - overt acts and intergroup threat. Although both nonsectarian and sectarian antisocial behavior related to insecurity, participants described pulling together and increased ingroup social cohesion in response to sectarian threats. The findings have implications for the study of violence and insecurity as experienced in the everyday lives of mothers, youth, and families in settings of protracted conflict.

Previous research into children's concepts of peace, war and strategies to attain peace suggests that peace and war are developmentally constructed concepts. In order to examine the impact of the immediate sociocultural context, 343 adolescents in Northern Ireland in 2002 were questioned about their concepts of war and peace, and their strategies to attain peace. Comparison with a similar study of adolescents' attitudes carried out in 1994 showed that adolescents' understanding had stabilized since the paramilitary ceasefires of 1994 to a developmental level comparable with that of similarly aged participants from peaceful societies. Unexpectedly, however, most adolescents in 2002 denied that Northern Ireland was “at peace”. Gender and religious denominational differences were also explored.

This article outlines educational responses to the conflict in Northern Ireland designed to promote intergroup harmony. Current research about the impact of these programs on children and young people is also reviewed to draw conclusions for practitioners in formal and informal educational settings who want to use intergroup contact to implement education for peace in the most effective way. The contact hypothesis has provided the theoretical framework for the majority of educational initiatives in Northern Ireland designed to promote peace, and it is used here to evaluate empirical evidence regarding the impact of such initiatives. In the main this evidence supports the importance of the key conditions for successful outgroup contact as originally proposed by the contact hypothesis. In addition, intergroup anxiety is identified as a factor mediating successful outgroup contact and attention is drawn to the potentially significant role of outgroup contact that is not experienced first hand, but indirectly...

For the past 10 years, a robust body of empirical and theoretical literature has been devoted to forgiveness within interpersonal relationships. However, only a few studies have empirically examined forgiveness in intergroup settings. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine empirically the interpersonal determinants of intergroup forgiveness within Northern Ireland. University students (N = 297) were given questionnaires that measured religiosity, empathy, contact with the "other community", hope, disposition to forgive, and forgiveness of the "other community". Structural Equation Modeling was used to determine a theoretical model that best fit the data. Results provided empirical support for the use of interpersonal factors in examining societal forgiveness in Northern Ireland. Implications for future research and societal interventions are discussed.

As the integrated education movement in Northern Ireland passes its twenty‐first anniversary, it is pertinent to explore the legacy of mixed Catholic and Protestant schooling. This paper summarises the findings of different studies regarding the impact of integrated education in Northern Ireland on social identity, intergroup attitudes and forgiveness and reconciliation. The research is discussed in relation to its implications for the theory and practice of integrated education in Northern Ireland and also for other societies with a legacy of ethnopolitical conflict. It proposes that integrated education in Northern Ireland impacts positively on identity, outgroup attitudes, forgiveness and reconciliation, providing hope and encouragement for co‐education strategies in other countries that have suffered from prolonged conflict. Despite a number of challenges, it is clear from the research presented here that integrated education holds great potential both for building social cohesion and for promoting fo...

As societies like Northern Ireland, Israel, and South Africa strive to resolve social conflict, there is growing theoretical and empirical interest in the role of intergroup forgiveness. This study examined intergroup forgiveness among 340 young adults in Northern Ireland. A short form of the Enright Forgiveness Inventory explored possible influences on propensity to forgive. All participants were Catholic and female (mean age 17.36 years), and had experienced verbal or physical injury or bereavement due to the Northern Irish political violence. Overall forgiveness levels were low in comparison with previous studies of interpersonal forgiveness but similar to previous studies of intergroup forgiveness in Northern Ireland. The strongest (negative) predictor of forgiveness was the perceived degree of hurt caused by the injury.

Given that self-efficacy has emerged as a key construct in health psychology, this study set out to explore its utility in the context of blood donation as defined within the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB). An Ajzen and Fishbein-type questionnaire was administered to 100 undergraduate students at the University of Ulster, Coleraine. A hierarchical multiple regression analysis provided strong support for the role of self-efficacy as a major determinant of intention. It not only helped to explain some 73% of the variance, but also made a greater contribution to the prediction of intention than the other main independent variables of the model-past behaviour and self-identity. Demonstrating the utility of self-efficacy in the context of blood donor behaviour not only has several important practical implications, but serves to further highlight its importance within the TPB.

Maintained by the desires of the Catholic community to see Northern Ireland unified with the rest of Ireland and the Protestants' desire to remain part of the United Kingdom, violence in Northern Ireland lasted for 30 years, causing 3,585 deaths. This violence impacted people's lives through mental health and intergroup relations. While some individuals were deeply scarred by "the troubles," most learned to cope partly by habituation, distancing, and/or denial. The impact on intergroup relations has been subtler but more damaging. Segregation in housing and education is widespread. This in turn has made it harder to reach a long-term settlement. Language: en

For many years, social psychological research has tried to explain the social dynamics of intergroup conflict and individual and group differences in engagement in intergroup conflict. We argue here that, for this work to progress, a broader interpretation is required. Focusing on individual and collective identity management strategies to cope with social change, social identity theory (SIT) is reviewed and limitations of the theory are pointed out. To overcome these weaknesses in SIT, an integration of SIT with relative deprivation theory and the authoritarian personality theory is suggested. The main achievements of such an integration, we believe, would be the inclusion of a broader range of identity management strategies, clarification in relation to predictor variables and the application of identity management strategies for minority as well as majority groups.

This paper examines the relationship between minority/majority status and psychological adjustment, as measured by the GHQ-12. Rather than using religious labels in Northern Ireland to define minority/majority status, the authors hypothesized that such status is more contingent upon the local area context. Using a purer operationalization of minority/majority status, the authors found no evidence of an `ethnic density effect'. Implications for the questionable validity of the `crucial test' of the selection and causation hypotheses are discussed. Copyright (C) 2002 John Wiley Sons, Ltd.

The negative impact of political violence on adolescent adjustment is well-established. Less is known about factors that affect adolescents' positive outcomes in ethnically-divided societies, especially influences on prosocial behaviors toward the outgroup, which may promote constructive relations. For example, understanding how intergroup experiences and attitudes motivate outgroup helping may foster intergroup cooperation and help to consolidate peace. The current study investigated adolescents' overall and outgroup prosocial behaviors across two time points in Belfast, Northern Ireland (N = 714 dyads; 49% male; Time 1: M = 14.7, SD = 2.0, years old). Controlling for Time 1 prosocial behaviors, age and gender, multivariate structural equation modeling showed that experience with intergroup sectarian threat predicted fewer outgroup prosocial behaviors at Time 2 at the trend level. On the other hand, greater experience of intragroup nonsectarian threat at Time 1 predicted more overall and outgroup prosocial behaviors at Time 2. Moreover, positive outgroup attitudes strengthened the link between intragroup threat and outgroup prosocial behaviors one year later. Finally, experience with intragroup nonsectarian threat and outgroup prosocial behaviors at Time 1 was related to more positive outgroup attitudes at Time 2. The implications for youth development and intergroup relations in post-accord societies are discussed.

Protestant primary school children (N = 181) from 3 schools representing areas in Northern Ireland with high and low political and sectarian violence, and 1 area in England with no political and sectarian violence, were asked to draw pictures of peace and war. Three hypotheses were explored: (a) Northern Irish children to a greater extent than English children would emphasise the concept of peace as the absence of war; (b) children from the high-violence area of Northern Ireland would be more likely to emphasise the concrete aspects of war such as weapons, soldiers, and war activities; and (c) boys would demonstrate greater knowledge of war than would girls. Hiloglinear analyses of the images in the drawings confirmed the first and third hypotheses.

This study from 3 communities sought to determine the extent of adolescent concern with 4 social issues, and to document how young people cope with these concerns. A group of 399 students, aged 14 to 18 years, from 3 urban communities (viz., Colombian, Northern Irish, Australian) indicated their level of concern with 4 social issues. These were Pollution, Discrimination, Fear of Global War, and Community Violence. They then described how they coped with their main concern. In general, the Colombian students indicated the greatest levels of concern, the Northern Irish were the least concerned, and the Australian students were somewhere between these 2 groups in expressed levels of concern. However, the order of importance that each group ascribed to specific concerns varied. When it comes to coping, both community and gender-related differences were noted. In all communities, female participants were more likely to resort to using Tension Reduction strategies and less likely to turn to Relaxing Diversions,...

To examine ethnic memory and ethnic identity, two cohorts of Northern Irish university students in 1984 and 1995 were first asked to classify themselves in terms of being British or Irish. They were then shown 12 video clips of political events in Northern Ireland from 1969 to 1980 and asked to date each clip. Then they indicated on a rating scale how that particular event made them feel in terms of being Irish or British. Baseline ethnic identity was virtually identical in both cohorts. In both years, performance on the memory task was at above-chance levels although performance declined from 1984 to 1995. There was, however, no direct relation between baseline identity and memory performance.