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Copyright of German International Journal of Modern Science / Deutsche Internationale Zeitschrift für Zeitgenössische Wissenschaft is the property of Artmedia24 and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the distinctive features of the economic and cultural interactions between the USSR and Sweden from 1924 to 1937. The research is grounded in a comprehensive array of sources, including official documents, publications from the periodical press, and personal accounts. The methodological framework is informed by the imagology of international relations, which focuses on the study of mental geography, transnational imagery, perception stereotypes, and myths, as well as the comparison of the "Self" and the "Other" to understand the role of "Others" in shaping national self-conceptions. The author investigates how shifts in Swedish perceptions of Soviet Russia influenced the development of bilateral relations and assesses the contributions of A.M. Kollontai, the Soviet ambassador to Sweden since 1930, to Soviet-Swedish interactions. The article illustrates how Swedish political figures, pursuing their own interests, viewed elements of Soviet society as potential models for reforming their own countries, shaped by their internal agendas of political and socio-economic change.

The article outlines the dynamics of Ukraine’s transit routes through the European Union and the Republic of Moldova and their institutional development in 2022-2023 amid the Russo-Ukrainian armed conflict. Using the models of “shifting borders,” “fortified borders,” and “infrastructure-permeable border,” the phenomenon of formation of cross-border transit assets and the feasibility of their use to formulate strategic decisions on the development of Ukraine’s transit potential, which significantly affects the competitiveness of its economy, are considered. Attention is drawn to the prospects of using the “infrastructure-permeable border” model for planning the development of cross-border economic cooperation with Ukraine’s neighboring democratic countries. Considering the experience of implementing European technologies of integrated border management, Ukraine’s candidate status for accession to the European Union, and the increasing sanctions pressure on the Russian Federation, the prospects for developing cross-border communication routes with the neighboring states of Ukraine are presented. Recommendations include the development of a network of transit routes through the territory of Ukraine, implementing joint control measures with neighboring countries, and creating multimodal transport hubs using European co-financing programs and tools for developing European transport assets.

The article analyzes problems in China-US relations in the spheres of economic and humanitarian cooperation. Major trends of their bilateral interaction in these areas are examined as concrete manifestations of the countries’ opposing strategic goals. The author traces the relationship between the political strategies of Beijing and Washington that determine their actions toward each other, including the “two policy clusters” or ”packages” as major paradigms governing the PRC's foreign policy course on the American track. The article provides a comparative analysis of China-US trade turnover, the volume of mutual export and import and their sci-tech component, as well as the volume of mutual direct investment in recent years, taking into account the impact of the “trade war” and COVID-19 pandemic. The article analyzes reasons for decline in the role of the two countries’ “soft power” in humanitarian cooperation and observes the dynamics of China-US academic exchanges and tourist flows intensity, weakening of bilateral interaction in the field of cinema and shrinking of Confucius Institutes operating in the US. It is concluded that despite the stagnation of bilateral ties in economic and humanitarian areas, China and the US are still linked by a network of complex interdependence in various aspects of their economies and societies, which will determine their bilateral interaction stability in those areas where cooperation is most beneficial.

This analysis examines the partnership between Nigeria and Türkiye, two nations with substantial diplomatic relations since 1960, though their historical ties go back much further. Their relationship appearscrucial in the transformation of both nations. This analysis considers the main aspects of their cooperation and the implications of this partnership for the future. Considering the economic cooperation, their joint strategic partnerships have promoted bilateral trade. Türkiye's increasing economic presence in Nigeria seems linked to its strategic aim to become a key development partner in Africa. Another critical dimension is the defense cooperation, with Türkiye as an important security partner. Military and technological assistance along with training in response to the security challenges Nigeria faces highlights Türkiye's strategic significance. The humanitarian and socio-cultural aspects facilitate their relationship development further. Turkish education initiatives and humanitarian endeavors strengthen ties and support Türkiye's foreign policy aimed at ensuring stability and growth in Africa. With some trade imbalances and possible overreliance on Turkish military technologies, the countries have to develop an effective strategy to address the challenges and ensure a viable presence in the current multipolar world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Shanghai Corporation Organisation arose from a set of desired ideals in the Eurasian region bolstered primarily by countries such as Russia and China. With diverging cultural, political, religious, and economic values, the security and economic values were primate on the Organisation’s Agenda giving way to the formation of a strong regional alliance that grew from a five Member State Organisation. Within the Organisation, the ideals of human security, regional security, information sharing and economic development with cooperation find common ground. Though challenged differing values, the work traverses the historical, legal, and other journeys to one that has successfully found its way into the international arena with the likes of the United Nations. This paper reviews the work.

While determining plans for growth of gross domestic product targets in the 14th five-year plan, China outlined an infrastructure plan for the country’s development as one of the growth drivers, and thus prioritised mastery of new technologies and job creation. It is a formulated and implemented today in China dual circulation strategy. China is building an advanced digital and innovative infrastructure. Such a modern public-private partnership institution (hereinafter referred to as PPP), which became widespread in the world and in China, is the best example of the appropriateness of interaction of the public and private sectors in economic development of the state. This institution has proved its viability by combining the efforts and resources of the state and private business in the framework of specific projects and thus shaping a new quality of development. PPP is one of the most successful economic instruments for interaction of the state and private business in infrastructure development with raising capital. PPP shows its sustainability in China’s innovative economic life: civil aviation infrastructure, construction of high-speed railways, utilities in megalopolises. These are knowledge- and material-intensive projects where PPP are particularly effective in attracting capital and implementing projects. The purpose of this study is to analyse PPP development in China and participation of PPP in the development of China’s innovative infrastructure with the full support of the state.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (hereinafter – SCO) was established in 2001 and since then has expanded its membership and scope of activities. The purpose of the study is to analyze the economic aspects of cooperation within the SCO and the existing problems hindering further economic interaction, as well as to identify promising development areas. To achieve this goal the author used general scientific and historical methods that allow us to analyze and evaluate information such as generalization, data analysis and synthesis, method of logical and comparative analysis, comparison and contrast. The current state and prospects of economic cooperation within the SCO have been analyzed. Trade, investments, infrastructure projects, energy, and other areas of interaction have been considered. The SCO economic agenda is aimed at increasing regional trade, improving market access, promoting regional ties, and consolidating the economic potential of member states. However, unresolved territorial disputes between China, India and Pakistan impede the deepening of economic ties. In turn, the recent accession of Iran opens up new opportunities for trade and transportation corridors. Prospects for an SCO free trade zone, joint infrastructure projects, financial cooperation, and high-tech partnerships have been highlighted as strategic goals. In general, further economic integration is in line with the member states’ national interests. Eliminating internal tensions and developing effective communication mechanisms will help strengthen the SCO as an organization and realize its economic potential.

Copyright of Public Administration & Civil Service / Memlekettìk Basķaru Ža̋ne Memlekettìk Ķyzmet is the property of Academy of Public Administration under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan / Akademiya Gosun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The recent regional events and the geopolitical consequences of the Russo-Ukrainian war have had a profound impact on the dynamics among Türkiye, Azerbaijan, and the Central Asian Turkic states (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan). This shifting geopolitical landscape has been the catalyst of collaboration and integration for these countries under the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), an intergovernmental organization that aims to foster cooperation among Turkic-speaking nations. Being established in 2009, this emerging bloc has pursued a relatively low-profile policy on geopolitical issues in the past decade. However, after years of relatively little activity, things have started to change drastically due to the global situation that is being shaped by wider geopolitical factors. The OTS steadily began to pursue a more ambitious agenda and eventually helped bolster relations and stimulate regional socio-economic development efforts during the last four years, focusing on building stronger regional cooperation through ethnocultural links. The article examines how the Turkic alliance has stimulated functional cooperation through the facilitation of trade, investment, and economic cooperation among its members and observer states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hispania: Revista Española de Historia is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The blockade imposed on Qatar changed the power dynamics in the Persian Gulf, increasing tension and insecurity in the area. Qatar’s ability to overcome the blockade was largely due to its cooperation with Iran, and the two countries’ ties grew as a result. This study investigates whether Qatar’s long-standing hedging toward Iran has changed into an alignment in the wake of the 2017 blockade. The key conclusion of the article is that, despite Qatar’s faint signals of alignment with Iran during the blockade, it did not entirely stray from its hedging strategy. Qatar-Iran relations has been selected as a case study to illustrate the effects of regional developments and security crises on the hedging strategy within the context of the Blockade Crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakültesi Dergisi DTCF Dergisi is the property of Ankara Universitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakultesi (DTCF Dergisi) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the article, the authors analyze the results of the training program for Russian specialists abroad in 2022 in the Republic of Turkey, in the Republic of Uzbekistan, in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The purpose of the training program is to create conditions for establishing business contacts between representatives of Russian business with foreign organizations and enterprises. The article presents the results of the training program, as well as the current state of the economy, indicators of trade turnover, ongoing joint projects, prospects and development problems of trade and economic relations between Russia and the countries of training. A practical important aspect for the further development of such programs is the analysis of the goals set by the training participants and the results they have achieved, which represent opportunities for the development of external trade and economic relations of Russia. Further development of the results obtained by the participants of the preparation will allow expanding and improving the trade and economic relations’ efficiency of the Russian Federation.

The article examines the development of economic cooperation and trade exchange between Russia and Egypt over the past ten years. The most important joint projects of Russia and Egypt at the level of the public and private sectors, as well as the most important obstacles to expanding the scope of economic cooperation and trade exchange at the private sector level between the Egyptian and Russian parties are analyzed.Aim. This study aims to monitor the various forms of economic cooperation between Egypt and Russia, since the history of these relations goes back more tha n two centuries, and currently Russia is considered one of the strongest economies in the world, one of the ten strongest economies in the world, according to the latest report from the International Monetary Fund, and is also the strongest economy in the Eurasian Union.Tasks. Analysis of the most important economic projects in various sectors such as the agriculture and food sector, transport, free zones, energy and military cooperation, tourism between Egypt and the Russian Federation in the period from 2014 to the present, determining the degree of effectiveness of these joint projects and factors contributing to increase in the efficiency of the efficiency of the implementation of these projects and increase economic feasibility. Explore cross-culture barriers that hinder the establishment of closer contacts between the private businesses of both sides.Methods. In this work, using the methods of logical and statistical analysis, factors were identified that contribute to the effectiveness of economic and investment interaction used in the implementation of projects aimed at bilateral development at the state level. The problems arising at the level of interaction between the private sectors of the economy of both countries were also noted.Results. The study showed that economic projects between Egypt and the Russian Federation at the governmental level (governments, agencies, companies and public institutions) can still be considered essential for the Egyptian economy in order to achieve sustainable development, to which it aspires, but, on the contrary, for the private sector it is s till unsatisfactory and very small due to a group of intercultural obstacles, which, in our opinion, are not difficult to overcome.Conclusions. It is advisable to consider aspects of cooperation between Egypt and Russia on a wider and more comprehensive scale than at present, and to use the opportunities available at the level of the public sector on a wider scale. With regard to trade cooperation at the private sector level, it is necessary to develop a plan to increase the volume of trade between the two countries, and it would be useful to enlist the support of the government authorities of the EEA countries.

This paper examines the economic significance of the South Caucasus' Zangazur Corridor in terms of achieving long-term peace, connectivity and integration in the region, and boosting regional growth. It further claims that the Zangazur Corridor will aid future South Caucasus reconciliation and economic cooperation.Upon the signing of the declaration, the establishment of the Zangazur corridor became even more critical. The Zangazur Corridor will connect the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic via the Republic of Armenia's Meghri area. The route was important in regional and international railway and highway transportation between Azerbaijan, Armenia, Iran, Turkey, and Russia during the Soviet era. However, the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan disrupted transportation for thirty years. The transportation links will then be extended from China to Europe. The Zangazur Corridor will play a vital part in the construction of East-West and North-South haulage. Many countries will benefit from the restoration of railways and roadways in the future. Hence, the study discusses the prospect of utilizing the Zangezur corridor - which is specified in the tripartite agreement dated 10 November 2020 - and emphasizes its significance as a vital element of the international transport network.

This article aims to study the significance that historical events play in the development of current international relations and economic relations between two countries. The countries used in the article are Japan and South Korea. Those countries represent a difficult case of past historical hardships. Data from both before and after the World War 2 is used to show the long history these countries share. During the analysis, the exact degree of damage to the relations between these two countries is determined. The article proceeds to show the positive advances which two countries initiate. Based on the current information and historical statistical data, it is concluded that two countries continue their political economic and even military cooperation despite the hardships they faced in the past. Japan and South Korea also take active part in investing in each other’s economies which further shows the degree of cooperation in economic aspect. The regression model constructed in the article only further supports the claim that two countries were able to overcome the issues of the past and move on to have a productive and efficient relations in the present. The scientific and practical value of this work is that many other countries can get valuable information about cooperation and recovery. For Ukraine, this work can be valuable in two ways. The experience of these countries in post-war reconstruction and development, as well as their cooperation despite historical problems. For Ukraine in particular, after the end of hostilities, a window of opportunity opens, similar to what happened to Japan and South Korea at the beginning of their journey. With sufficient material and technological assistance from the USA and European countries, Ukraine can try to repeat the experience of Japan or South Korea. But at the same time, the country must be careful not to make mistakes made in the past. Given the characteristic features of the economy, circumstances, and historical experience, it is even possible to surpass the results achieved by Japan and South Korea. The second point is close cooperation with Western neighbors. For the Ukraine of the future, it is very important to preserve these friendly relations and further develop them. As experience shows, cooperation always brings positive results for both parties, bringing them closer to the main goal - economic growth and well-being. In the course of writing the article, the following research methods were used: analysis of literature and statistical data on the research topic, induction and deduction, modeling, generalization and synthesis of the obtained information.

Based on current paradigmatic, programmatic and operational changes, which oversee how global systems were transformed through inter-actor dynamics and systemic rifts, we can underline the necessity for an in-depth comprehension of the political and economic interactions between regional actors, especially within CEE and the EU’s Neighbouring areas. Thus, as the present paper seeks to address this knowledge hiatus found in the field, there is an extrapolation and interpretation of the Visegrád Group’s (V4) collaborative and cooperative patterns during the last full presidential cycle (Slovak Republic – 2018 to Slovak Republic – 2023). As such, this analysis is aimed at deciphering some of the ways used by the V4 to employ economic measures, as part of collective or individual foreign policy approaches, to further enhance Western Balkan partners’ European trajectories and regional integratory processes, alongside their respective geostrategic and geoeconomic interests. When it comes to the methods utilised in this study, the primary and secondary questions are answered through an extensive collection, selection, and inspection of data produced throughout the V4 presidencies, including: official statements and papers (V4 memorandums, meeting minutes, declarations during the Balkan Forum, official statistics, etc.), specialist literature (academic articles and books, policy analysis, etc.) or related sources (expert groups, op-eds, think-tank reports, etc.). Based on these procedures and forthcoming findings, we can highlight a noticeable increase in the constant economic flows both between the V4 - WB6 (Western Balkans 6) corridor per se and amongst their members, although collective efforts remain highly volatile due to variations in chairmanship. Moreover, the presidencies’ core priorities towards the WB6 seem to follow the general continental pivot regarding the area, with several larger initiatives being spearheaded to optimise interconnectedness between both regions, especially in complementarity with other EU and pan-European projects (e.g., EUSDR, EaP, 3SI, B9). Assuming that the socio-cultural and economic contexts amongst V4 countries are historically close, it is possible to underline that their political environment allows for shared foreign policies to be created, particularly when it comes to enhancing well-founded neighbourhood relations, expanding towards other spheres of interest or assisting non-EU partners in their transition period (driven by their own development processes and good practices).

This paper examines the economic cooperation within the Visegrád Four (V4) in the context of EU membership and its potential inspiration for bilateral relations between North Macedonia and Bulgaria. It explores the alignment of political values and economic relations in the V4, highlighting the EU’s role in fostering cross-border collaboration. The analysis delves into the shared priorities of the V4 towards EU enlargement and how these experiences can guide Western Balkan countries. It discusses the transformation of economic cooperation in the V4, emphasizing the strategic role of Germany and the evolution of regional dynamics. The paper also analyzes the challenges and limitations in applying the V4 model to Bulgarian-North Macedonian relations, considering the differences in historical experiences, economic convergence, and the impact of EU-driven Europeanization. It concludes by assessing the unique nature of bilateral relations in the context of EU integration and enlargement, emphasizing the need for a distinct approach for effective collaboration between Bulgaria and North Macedonia. Author(s): Michal Vit Title (English): In Search of Principles of Visegrad (Economic) Cooperation and its Inspiration for Bilateral Relations between North Macedonia and Bulgaria Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 20, No. 1-2 (2023). Publisher: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities - Skopje Page Range: 32-39 Page Count: 8 Citation (English): Michal Vit, "In Search of Principles of Visegrad (Economic) Cooperation and its Inspiration for Bilateral Relations between North Macedonia and Bulgaria,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 20, No. 1-2 (2023): 32-39.

Pakistan, positioned at the intersection of South Asia, the Middle East, and Central Asia, boasts immense economic potential. This geographical advantage theoretically primes Pakistan to cultivate robust economic relations with its neighbours and facilitate broader regional connectivity. However, this promise has been faced with persistent challenges. Existing literature on Pakistan's connectivity initiatives typically accentuates the anticipated benefits of ongoing and planned projects and regional collaboration resulting in sporadic enthusiasm for new projects, while substantive change remains elusive. There is no longitudinal research tracking the ongoing progress and agreement status of projects. This research aims to address this gap by offering a comprehensive analysis of potential benefits and achievements. Pakistan's relations with Iran and the Central Asian states are the particular focus of this paper. Its findings suggest that until a holistic approach to conflict management is adopted and Afghanistan is peaceful, connectivity would remain at best an ambition. Yet, Pakistan should focus on alternative routes to improve its economic conditions. It aspires afresh to provide a perspective that empowers policymakers and stakeholders with a deeper understanding of challenges on the ground that result in a potential-delivery gap. Ultimately, it desires to shift the discourse on Pakistan's connectivity initiatives from mere aspirations to tangible, transformative achievements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract Does China’s growing economic presence pose an opportunity or a threat to regional economic integration? The authors answer this question by analyzing longitudinal and cross-country evidence from three regions, Central, South, and Southeast Asia. A unique panel dataset detailing bilateral economic cooperation and each economy’s political-economic factors from 2000 to 2019 was examined. This study concludes that (1) inbound foreign direct investment from China is positively associated with a country’s intra-regional integration, (2) trade ties to China show a negative relationship with intra-regional integration, and (3) the level of a country’s regional economic integration is conditioned by domestic economic and political factors such as transportation and information connectivity, per capita GDP, population size, trade openness, and public governance. This article contributes to the literature by using fresh cross-regional evidence to decipher the China effect on regional integration, embedding the political economy at both national and regional levels, and identifying variations and significance of various political-economic factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A comprehensive examination of Russia's foreign policy in Latin America and the Caribbean shows that, while interstate relations varied in the first quarter of the twenty-first century with shifts in the international environment and the foreign and domestic sociopolitical situation, this policy was symbolic, ill-considered, and reactive. Post-Soviet Russia has not created a system of partnerships in the region that would ensure the stability of foreign policy outcomes in the face of fluctuations of the regional conjuncture. Un análisis exhaustivo de la política exterior de Rusia en América Latina y el Caribe muestra que, si bien las relaciones interestatales variaron en el primer cuarto del siglo XXI con cambios en el entorno internacional y la situación sociopolítica exterior e interna, esta política fue simbólica, poco recomendable y reactiva. La Rusia postsoviética no ha creado un sistema de asociaciones en la región que garantice la estabilidad de los resultados en política exterior ante las fluctuaciones de la coyuntura regional. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article considers Russian-French economic cooperation in the late 19th century through the prism of studying trust networks of business elites. The aim is to find out to what extent representatives of the largest banking structures and businesses influenced the dynamics of the financial and economic side of the Franco-Russian political alliance. The author reveals a circle of agents and contacters who interacted not only among financiers and entrepreneurs, but who had connections in power structures. Based on the study of the correspondence between representatives of the Russian and French business elites, the paper allows to make conclusions about the positions, which these people occupied in the implementation of joint financial operations, and to which extent the foreign policy environment was important in making commercial and investment decisions. It seems that for professional bankers the first priority was the issue of profit. Acting in general cooperation with the ruling elites, financiers did not always share the opinions of politicians on the methods of achieving diplomatic goals through the use of banking institutions, since such paths sometimes led to a decrease in the income of credit organizations. Bankers, on the other hand, sought, above all, to obtain benefits. At the same time, among the representatives of the business world there were people involved in the diplomatic service, for whom both the political and economic aspects of cooperation, as well as the scientific study of the ally country, were important.

Este artigo analisa o malogro da cooperação econômica e técnica entre a Companhia Industrial de Rochas Betuminosas (CIRB) e a União Soviética no setor de gás de xisto. Em 1959, a CIRB assinou um contrato preliminar que previa o fornecimento de equipamento soviético e a montagem de uma usina piloto para a produção de gás e materiais de construção a partir do xisto do Vale do Paraíba, Estado de São Paulo (SP). Argumenta-se que a Petrobras, ao defender de maneira contínua a inclusão da lavra e industrialização do xisto no monopólio estatal, teve influência decisiva para que a CIRB não obtivesse o aval governamental para o financiamento soviético. A empresa paulista entraria com pedido de falência em 1973. Utilizando, em sua maior parte, fontes primárias brasileiras, o artigo conclui que a Petrobras temia o impacto que a quebra do monopólio estatal do xisto pudesse ter em seus interesses, os quais considerava basicamente equivalentes ao interesse nacional.

The year 2023 marks the 50th anniversary of diplomatic ties between Korea and India. On the occasion of this golden jubilee, this study aims to first understand the major determinants for Korea-India relations since the Cold War. It will then highlight the way forward for further strengthening bilateral cooperation between Korea and India from a Korean perspective. The study found that the economic aspect was the main driving force for relations between Korea and India until recently. With the emergence of the Indo-Pacific era, political and security dimensions have also become important driving forces, especially due to the China factor. However, despite upgrading their strategic partnership as "special" in 2015, the two countries have not yet formulated an action plan on how to strengthen and specifically cooperate within it. There is a need to establish a blueprint for how Korea and India will develop their special strategic partnership in the Indo-Pacific era. In this situation, this study suggests four areas where Korea and India can promote and strengthen their relations in the coming years: minilateralism such as Korea, Australia, Indonesia, and India (KAII) in the Indo-Pacific area, para and city diplomacy, cooperation in the defense industry, and economic cooperation on major Chinese export items to India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU is actively involved in the dynamics of the states in its immediate vicinity to make them more stable. This involvement requires a high financial effort. In this paper I will analyse how the European Union (EU) implemented and intends to continue the neighbourhood policy with two states that went through the “Arab Spring” and became conflict zones. For the states in question, namely Libya and Syria, EU provides humanitarian aid and wishes them to recover from their failed state. The main objectives pursued by the EU within the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) are stabilization of neighbouring countries, promotion of EU key interests and facilitation of regional cooperation. In addition to the neighbourhood policy instrument, between the EU and the two states there is a significant increase in trade relations from year to year. This increase in economic exchanges also leads to a deepening of bilateral relations. This rapprochement can transpose models of good governance from the EU to these failed states, and over time can create an environment conducive to state reconstruction, where the citizen is at the centre of attention and the rulers’ own interests are no longer at the forefront. The purpose of the paper is to analyse the EU southern neighbourhood policy, with an emphasis on Libya and Syria. The starting hypothesis of the research is that the EU’s ENP aid to Libya and Syria ensures minimal stability for the two countries and a better neighbourhood for it. As a working methodology, I will use the qualitative analysis of documentary materials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US–China confrontation has been undertaking a great change ever since the end of the Cold War. The two superpowers are embarking in a comprehensive confrontation in various spheres: trade, investment, technology, security, ideology, and so on. In order to avoid being a political pawn in the game of great powers, Vietnam consistently conducts the policy of non-taking side and hedging strategy between China and the US, economically and politically. This strategy is a successful integrated combination of bandwagoning and balancing policies comprehensively. It has so far helped Vietnam to take advantages of its geo-politics for better economic development and at the same time to reduce negative influences and pressures from both powers on its national autonomy and independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Olsztyn Economic Journal is the property of Olsztyn Economic Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines the ways possible to consolidate the relations between Iraq and the Gulf Cooperation Council countries to further deepen economic and security collaboration, as these two variables are of vital importance to push the relations between the two parties towards advanced levels after years of fluctuation, as the time is ripe to build fruitful relations instead of rivalry. As these two variables create strong bonds and a joint arena to confront common challenges, foremost of which terrorism, piracy and smuggling, in addition to developing military training and information intelligence exchange. Therefore, exports and imports rose between the two parties, and horizons of economic cooperation opened up, allowing for mutual investment in an effort to consolidate security and stability in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on current paradigmatic, programmatic and operational changes, which oversee how global systems were transformed through inter-actor dynamics and systemic rifts, we can underline the necessity for an in-depth comprehension of the political and economic interactions between regional actors, especially within CEE and the EU's Neighbouring areas. Thus, as the present paper seeks to address this knowledge hiatus found in the field, there is an extrapolation and interpretation of the Visegrád Group's (V4) collaborative and cooperative patterns during the last full presidential cycle (Slovak Republic - 2018 to Slovak Republic - 2023). As such, this analysis is aimed at deciphering some of the ways used by the V4 to employ economic measures, as part of collective or individual foreign policy approaches, to further enhance Western Balkan partners' European trajectories and regional integratory processes, alongside their respective geostrategic and geoeconomic interests. When it comes to the methods utilised in this study, the primary and secondary questions are answered through an extensive collection, selection, and inspection of data produced throughout the V4 presidencies, including: official statements and papers (V4 memorandums, meeting minutes, declarations during the Balkan Forum, official statistics, etc.), specialist literature (academic articles and books, policy analysis, etc.) or related sources (expert groups, op-eds, think-tank reports, etc.). Based on these procedures and forthcoming findings, we can highlight a noticeable increase in the constant economic flows both between the V4 - WB6 (Western Balkans 6) corridor per se and amongst their members, although collective efforts remain highly volatile due to variations in chairmanship. Moreover, the presidencies' core priorities towards the WB6 seem to follow the general continental pivot regarding the area, with several larger initiatives being spearheaded to optimise interconnectedness between both regions, especially in complementarity with other EU and pan-European projects (e.g., EUSDR, EaP, 3SI, B9). Assuming that the socio-cultural and economic contexts amongst V4 countries are historically close, it is possible to underline that their political environment allows for shared foreign policies to be created, particularly when it comes to enhancing well-founded neighbourhood relations, expanding towards other spheres of interest or assisting non-EU partners in their transition period (driven by their own development processes and good practices). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The article is devoted to the little-studied topic of the history of Soviet-Mongolian planning coordination on the example of coordination of the plans of the MPR and the USSR for the five years of 1971–1975. The purpose of the article is an objective study of this process, which is expressed in identifying its course and mechanisms of commission, as well as determining its role in economic cooperation between countries. Materials and methods. The research was based on archival materials of the USSR State Planning Committee, the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Secretariat of the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance. Results. The coordination of the plans of the MPR and the USSR for the five-year period 1971–1975 was a multi-stage process. First, during negotiations and two consultations of the authorities of the countries, five-year plans for the development of the national economy of the countries were agreed upon, and then during the five-year plan, annual plans were coordinated. Conclusions. The content of the coordination of the five-year plans consisted, on one hand, in an exchange of views on the draft “Main directions for the development of the national economy of the MPR”, and, on the other, in discussing some procedural issues. In turn, all the main decisions on economic cooperation between the countries in 1971–1975 were taken at the level of party and government delegations, which determines the purely technical role of planned coordination in the system of relations between Mongolia and the Soviet Union during the period under review.

The cooperation between Russia and China has been developing successfully in recent years. Both countries have agreed on several strategically important investment projects. The realization of investment projects determines the future expectation for developing Russian and Chinese economies. The article aims to investigate the trends and perspectives of economic cooperation between China and Russia in the field of mutual investments. The research methodology includes structuring, comparison, generalization, induction, deduction, and synthesis. Based on the research, the author concludes that the main segments of Russian-Chinese economic cooperation between state-owned enterprises are the energy sector, nuclear power engineering, agriculture, science, technology, and infrastructure. Also, there are good prospects for the investment segment of economic cooperation between Russia and China in banking, payment systems, and electricity sectors.

The goal of the present paper is to analyze key issues in the economic relationship between Georgia and Romania. The analysis covers the dynamics of bilateral flows of goods, services and capital. It highlights the opportunities as well as the shared challenges that exist in the areas of trade and investment, transport and energy cooperation. Geographical proximity as well as a number of similarities in the economic structures and development levels of the two countries help them develop bilateral economic connections. Statistical analysis of the data on economic and institutional cooperation are used in order to show how Georgia and Romania are represented in the economic initiatives of mutual interest and how the two countries contribute to each other's positioning in the global and regional markets. Considering the current economic and security threats in the region, the study suggests that bilateral, country-to-country dimension of economic integration should be strengthened between the two countries in order to translate regional integration benefits into the real economic gains.