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Women living with HIV in Sub-Saharan Africa struggle for health equity while also facing the constraints of economic hardship and patriarchy. In this article, we describe the experiences of women who participated in economic empowerment groups for women living with HIV in Wakiso district, Uganda. Fifty women engaged in economic empowerment groups and ten social worker and community health worker key informants enrolled in the study. Taking a phenomenological approach, we used field notes, qualitative interviews, and focus groups with participants and key informants to describe the experiences of the women who joined the groups. We present the findings including enhanced management of HIV and increased property and business ownership due to economic empowerment group participation. We discuss the findings through an economic empowerment framework and offer implications for social work interventions and research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My aim in this article is to contribute to defences of working time policies by attempting to meet an objection that comes from those who condemn these measures on the alleged grounds that they reduce economic output. What is more, as I emphasize throughout, it is possible to rebut such a concern in a fashion that is consistent with the demands of liberal anti-perfectionism. In itself, this is a philosophically striking and politically significant result. However, beyond this, much of the value of my discussion lies in the details of how to meet the relevant objection, and perhaps especially in my novel liberal defence of the ideal of the stationary state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews three new books analysing the phenomenon of neoliberalism through religious lenses and comments on how Christian ethics should navigate among various distinct uses of the term 'neoliberalism' and the solutions a Christian ethical approach proposes to the ways in which neoliberalism harms humans and societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article endeavours to offer an anti-imperial interpretation of the micro-narrative of Zacchaeus in Luke 19:1–10, portraying it as a model for justice and reconciliation in post-apartheid South Africa. This analysis stems from the perceived shortcomings of the outcomes of the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) negotiations and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s (TRC) efforts in nation-building, particularly in the realm of socio-economic justice, which remained unaddressed. The article proposes that an examination of the Greek verbs δίδωμι and άπoδίδωμι in Luke 19:8 within the broader context of the third Gospel – taking into account linguistic, structural and thematic considerations – reveals their inherent futuristic quality. This quality allows for their repetitive usage or usage with a future-oriented intent, seamlessly integrating them into the narrative and supporting an interpretation that depicts Zacchaeus as a repentant sinner committed to reforming his ways. Zacchaeus’s repentant stance, particularly in relation to economic justice, is seen as an essential model for addressing justice for victims of colonialism and apartheid and fostering reconciliation between black people and white people in South Africa. Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: The anti-imperial method of reading makes it possible to foreground the imperial narrative and social world(s) of the Bible, analysing the theological critique of the values, structures, institutions and systems of these world(s) by New Testament writers, and applying the same critique to the political and socio-economic structures of colonialism, apartheid, and post-colonial South Africa today. Accordingly, this research intersects with imperial, colonial and post-colonial theories in the disciplines of sociology, history and political science.

Background: This study brings lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender (trans), and queer (LGBTQ+) populations into scholarly discourse related to precarious employment through a political economy of queer struggle. Methods: Drawing on narrative inquiry, 20 gay, bisexual, and queer men shared stories of precarious employment that were analyzed using Polkinghorne's narrative analysis. Results: Results tell an overarching narrative in three parts that follow the trajectory of participants' early life experiences, entering the labor market and being precariously employed. Part 1: Devaluation of LGBTQ+ identities and adverse life experiences impacted participants' abilities to plan their careers and complete postsecondary education. Part 2: Participants experienced restricted opportunities due to safety concerns and learned to navigate white, cis, straight, Canadian ideals that are valued in the labor market. Part 3: Participants were without protections to respond to hostile treatment for fear of losing their employment. Conclusions: These stories of precarious employment illustrate unique ways that LGBTQ+ people might be particularly susceptible to exploitative labor markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The worldview of economy of the Islamic Republic of Iran originates from the economic thoughts of Islam. This worldview which is in conflict with all today's superpowers requires a certain type of economy. This is because such a country faces constant hostility which is manifested in a different form in each era. Meanwhile, the arena of economics and the issues related to it - regarding its firm and tangible connection to the everyday life of the common public - snatch the attention of the enemies more. Therefore, in order to fight the tyrants, the Islamic Republic faces a pattern and notion in its economic realm which is named resistance economy, the notion which has been emphasized by the Supreme Leader in the past few years under various titles. This is in a way that in 2016, he named that year as «resistance economy; effort and act», which shows its importance. The present article attempts to provide a vivid interpretation of resistance economy and also provide its strategies based on the verses of the Qur'ān, with an emphasis on the statements and viewpoints of the Supreme Leader. The proposition here is that at the time of threats by the enemies, resistance economy is created via changing the priorities of goals and designing strategic principles regarding the Qur'ān as well as the statements of the Supreme Leader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the analysis of current national legislation and judicial practice in the field of economic justice in the conditions of martial law. The authors established that the large-scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation and the introduction of a legal regime of martial law led to the emergence of a number of problems related to the implementation of economic justice in today’s conditions. It is noted that the activity of commercial courts is carried out with certain restrictions due to the challenges of martial law. It is emphasized that the issue of the activities of the courts located in the territories where hostilities are actively taking place and in the occupied territories is problematic. The article analyzes the remote operation of commercial courts. At the same time, the authors believe that the remote work of courts is much safer, since there is less crowding of people in one place (in the case of courts-the courtroom) than during the normal work of the court. The issue of renewal of economic procedural terms was studied, in particular, determination by the court of the validity of the reasons for skipping economic procedural terms, while such reasons are an evaluative category, as they are recognized by the courts subjectively and at their own discretion. Considered judicial practice regarding the recognition of the introduction of martial law on the territory of Ukraine as a valid reason for the renewal of economic procedural terms. The authors draw attention to the issue of postponement of the case, namely, the need to recognize the announcement of the “air alarm” signal as one of the reasons for the postponement of the court’s consideration of the case. In the conclusions, it is noted that in the conditions of the introduction of the martial law regime, economic justice does not stop its activity, but some of its aspects have changed, because during the operation of the legal regime of martial law, economic justice is carried out taking into account the challenges caused by the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian Hukum Islam is the property of UIN Saizu Purwokerto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study, it is aimed to develop a scale for economic justice and to examine its validity and reliability. A total of 838 people participated in this study. The sample group consisted of unemployed, disabled (who are able to work), retired employees, the most disadvantaged people, minimum wage earners and uninsured workers living in different cities in Turkey. SPSS 21 and AMOS 22 programs were applied. Items with a value below 0.50 were not evaluated in the study. A three-factor structure and a 26-item scale were revealed. The correlation number of the candidate scale with the similar scale was 0.902 (p < 0.001). The Cronbach coefficient is 0.938. The test-retest correlation parameter was r = 0.802 (p < 0.001). In summary, the economic justice scale has a good fit criterion, a valid and reliable assessment tool. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This report chronicles the most significant findings from more than two years of research with the people of the Inland Empire — the two-county region of Southern California consisting of San Bernardino and Riverside counties, often identified as a periphery “at the margins” in relation to Los Angeles. This research seeks to understand prevailing beliefs, opinions, and narratives across different demographic subgroups in the region on topics including intergroup relations, the idea of community, economic opportunity and inequality, the role of government, and civic participation.

Countless organizations, communities, and social movements across the United States are fighting for a more just and equitable future. Alongside their work, this report envisions a future where hunger is recognized as an issue of poverty and not simply a lack of food and thus where poverty itself is curbed and wealth more equitably distributed. We envision a future where we can all share the prosperity of the nation, where the nation acts responsibly toward its people and toward the people of other nations, and where all peoples have dignity (in wages, in workplace protections, and in workplace organizing) regardless of the work they do.

This paper explores the legitimacy of the use of Fractional Reserve System in Islamic banking from the normative premise of Islamic economics. The paper uses a methodology of structured literature review and a conceptual analysis of the literature following the approach of Critical Interpretive Synthesis (CIS). The first section of the paper presents the analysis on fractional Reserve Bank (FRB) system, how it leads to multiplication of money supply and influence the long-term inflation and business cycles; the second part of the article explains the extent to which this framework obstructs in the achievement of the objectives of Islamic Economics. This is followed by a reflective analysis of concepts and information gathered from the literature to evaluate how FRB system fits into the fabric of Islamic Economic. The second section of this paper explains how Islamic Banks, with an FRB model and its inclination towards debt-based instruments, would allow Islamic banks to contribute to the problem of inflation, even if they use Musharakah and Mudarabah as a mode of finance.

The growing practice of community-engaged research (CER) creates new opportunities for practitioners, both to affirm the importance of critical approaches to CER and to strengthen our work by reflecting on the concepts and practices of our research. We offer reflections on the meanings of "community," "engagement," and "research" in the context of on-the-ground community–university collaborations conducted by the Blum Center on Poverty, Social Enterprise, and Participatory Governance, a campus-based research center at the University of California, Santa Cruz. This account is provided in the spirit of sharing observations, insights, and lessons learned about CER, generated through its practice in a range of community-based research projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Qur'anic term and principle of "qist"—generally defined as fairness, equity, and giving each his/her due share—occurs twenty-two times and forms a particular intentional discourse against social and economic privilege and against power in its various dimensions. These occurrences, their contexts, and fields of meaning demonstrate its distinctive place within the Qur'anic moral worldview, at the nexus between private virtue ethics and collective praxis. Qist is presented not merely as an abstract ideal, but as a specific, concrete social and economic goal for the marginalized and disempowered of any community. Especially in the domains of gender relations, poverty conditions, and authorial power, the divine injunction for applying equality in lived contexts becomes a call for liberation from "zulm" (injustice) and "taghut" (false deities). Can the examination of this concept and its affiliates form the basis for a scriptural theorization on an Islamic theology of social and economic justice, of resistance to tyranny and unjust constructions of privilege and superiority? Towards an answer to this inquiry, one can argue that qist directs attention to the practical ways of applying the overarching, comprehensive value of shari'ah, al-'adl (justice), as well as to its defining features of collectivity and distributiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Achieving economic justice is a key objectives in the economic resistive policies, Further the goals, strategies & implementing policies are indicated in articles 1,4,5 and 19 of the mentioned policies explicitly. The present paper aimed to achieving the economic justice based on the macro-objectives, critical success factors & key performance indicators, conceptual modeling of economic justice upon an approach of policies of the resistive economy and efforts have been concentrated for strategic evaluation. The research findings reveals economic justice objectives in the mentioned policies have not been achieved. Furthermore, assessing of KPI shows the implementing strategies for achieving to the goals have not had the effective consequences. The paper results .he third place and factors related to the implementation context ranked fourth with a weighted factor of 0.121. According to the results of the research, in order to institutionalize the policy of work conscience in the country's administrative system, managers should focus on the factors identified in this research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Invest Journal of Sharia & Economic Law is the property of Invest Journal of Sharia & Economic Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to provide a global view of the significance and state of the art of women´s economic empowerment and economic justice in post conflict settings for achieving not only gender equality but also the Women, Peace and Security Agenda as a broader goal in the framework of the 22th anniversary of the UNSCR 1325, the challenges this goal faces, opportunities, recommendations and future lines of research. Gender equality, human rights, poverty, development, climate change and peace are very closely linked. As a consequence, gender inequality is particularly severe in conflictaffected and post conflict settings. The inequality that women suffer in these contexts increase several times over because of the structural discrimination they experience (as problems to access to education, health care, decent works and lacks of representation in political and economic decision-making processes) added to their situation as victims of violence. But above all these issues, women should not be just considered as victims as it seems to have been the case often throughout the years. It is indispensable to recognize them as leaders, referents and agents of change and to ensure they count with the required tools to achieve their full or wished potential. Women’s economic empowerment, economic justice and inclusive economic growth are critical to reaching gender equality and human rights, sustainable peace and development and resilient societies. The consequences of gender inequality in these contexts not only affect women and their families but also the whole of society and countries, leading to a huge loss of their collective potential which impacts on every political systems, social welfare, economy and workforce for generations. In this regard, the COVID-19 increased poverty, insecurity, gender inequality and vulnerability all around the world, but especially in conflict, post conflict and humanitarian settings.

Starting from the assumption that the world needs a restart, large transformations that ensure the continuity of economic growth, the present research takes into discussion the problem of climate change as a consequence of global greenhouse gas emissions in the context of economic justice. In this perspective, it is necessary to take prompt measures that must take into consideration the moral criterion, to have as goal to correct the deficiencies, the inequalities and to reduce the injustices. Consequently, in this paper we propose to analyse the countries' contribution to the carbon footprint in the last decades, to make comparisons and to highlight the long-term trends of the greenhouse gas emissions.

This essay expands upon the current theoretical construction of colonialism to make settler-colonial societies' economic strategies more explicit. These strategies, which I term economic violence and economic hegemony, have been used by US federal and state governments to subvert the inherent sovereignty of Native Nations in order to access their resources. This essay also proposes and illustrates six categories of economic hegemony – debt creation, underfunding, mismanagement of funds and resources, blackmail, taxation jurisdiction, and regulation – to clarify the types of tools that settler-colonial states, like the United States, have available to accomplish their goals. Significantly, however, the illustrative examples also foreground Native Nations' agency in countering and even anticipating US federal and state governments' aggressions across time and geographies. Incorporation of these strategies into political and economic discourse leads to a more precise analysis of settler-colonial incursions while emphasizing the many ways in which Native Nations exert their sovereignty to forward economic justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Housing and a suitable place to live have always been among the first human needs that try to increase the sense of satisfaction and improve the quality of life of people. Housing directly and indirectly has social consequences and harmful psychological effects. Data obtained from the questionnaires were analyzed by statistical analysis of Spearman correlation and regression tests in SPSS software. Multivariate regression analysis was used to investigate the research hypothesis. The statistical population is the neighborhoods of District 12 of Tehran and according to field studies, 383 sample volumes were randomly selected according to the Cochran's formula. The results show that out of 10 indicators of quality of life that have entered the regression test, 5 indicators of economic justice, personal well-being, satisfaction with access, quality of environment and housing have entered the model and explain 46% of the changes related to the dependent variable. This relationship is significant in all 12 mentioned neighborhoods with a calculated significance of less than 0.05 and the relationship between the quality of housing variable and the quality of life in Darvazeh Shemiran neighborhood with a significance of 0.0574 and more than 0.05 is not significant. Quality of life, next round Economic and environmental were directly related to the variable of housing quality; the positive relationship of three dimensions of physical, environmental and welfare and comfort with the variable of quality of life was established.

This article points out the benefits of free competition for the agenda of the current national government. It examines the possible role of the Superintendence of Industry and Commerce in achieving policy objectives such as economic, social, and environmental justice. It first synthesizes the pillars of the transformation blocks proposed by the government and then shows that adequate enforcement of competition policy contributes to achieving some social goals such as equitable distribution of resources, equality, promotion of an economy integrated by small and mediumsized enterprises, and improvement of the quality of life of the population. It then argues that the rigorous application of the competition regime is fundamental to maintain the direction of the country's economic agenda in the next four years and some reflections derived from the analysis are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Financial literacy education is often narrowly conceptualized as teaching students how to manage their finances. Furthermore, few studies have investigated teachers' beliefs and approaches to teaching financial literacy beyond whether they have the knowledge and capacity to deliver personal finance lessons. This case study explores the ways in which self-identified critical teachers in Ontario and Québec, Canada swim against the current of traditional financial literacy teaching. I present data from two rounds of in-depth qualitative interviews and one round of deliberative inquiry focus groups conducted in 2019 and 2020. Findings detail the specific skills, knowledge, and pedagogical strategies teachers use to reframe conventional financial literacy toward a critical economic literacy education that asks broader questions about the political economy and intersecting systems of oppression. This study complicates the ways in which financial literacy education is conceptualized and researched and suggests the need for further research with teachers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are serious doubts about whether it has short- or long-term negative effects on employment and wages for low-SES residents, as well as whether these costs are significant.[24] For example, while the dominant narrative is that low-wage immigration contributes to unemployment for low-wage residents, Ruth Milkman argues that the causal chain is inverted. However, this still leaves open the possibility that low-SES residents could be harmed by skill-selection, even if they themselves endorse it. 14 This is in addition to role skill-selection can play in reinforcing stereotypes and biases toward low-SES residents in the broader community, as well as in undermining equality of opportunity. Research shows that SES-based status harms exist and that both low-SES residents and others in society are aware of the biases and stereotypes surrounding low-SES. Moreover, if low-SES residents come to recognize a division between domestic status hierarchies and immigration policies such that their social status is not implicated, and if they desired skill-selective policies based on (perceived) economic benefits, then such policies might be permissible. The economic interests of low-SES residents I have argued that generalized skill-selection harms low-SES residents of high-income receiving societies. [Extracted from the article]

In 2018 the conservative government in Australia yielded to a sustained campaign of public pressure to remove the goods and services tax (GST) on menstrual products. The campaign is regarded by many as an unequivocal success – an unjust tax was removed from a class of product purchased almost exclusively by women at a minimal cost to revenue. In the process it forced attention to women's bodies, women's rights and furthered the burgeoning menstrual rights movement. However, this article contends that this optimistic assessment is premised on an unduly narrow frame. A broader assessment of the relevant costs and gains of the campaign shows that the victory was neither complete nor costless. The narrow liberal concern of equal treatment on a single issue – the removal of the GST on menstrual products – left the underlying political and economic structures that subordinate women mostly unchallenged including in relation to key concerns of the menstrual rights movement such as the removal of menstrual stigma. Moreover, this singular focus on a narrow end through the pursuit of an anti-tax campaign runs the risk of undermining exactly the types of collective action required to address women's economic subordination within the tax and transfer system as well as the broader economy and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a critical analysis of Ingrid Robeyns' "economic limitarianism" (2017, 2019, 2022), the suggestion that there is a moral case against allowing people to be richer than they need to be in order to achieve full flourishing. Wealth above a certain "riches line" lacks value and should be capped at that level. Robeyns claims that limitarianism is justified as a partial theory of economic justice, since vast wealth is a threat to political equality and the revenue raised from taxing wealth can be used to meet urgent needs. She also claims that limitarianism is problem-driven philosophy and should be judged by its capacity to address problems in the world as it is. The argument in this article is that limitarianism fails on its own premises, both as partial theory of justice and as guide to decision-making. The arguments invoked in its favour as theory does not provide reasons to support it over other redistributive schemes. As guide to practical action, it runs counter to what empirical research reveals about how attitudes to economic inequality works in that people's acceptance of inequality adjusts: the more unequal a society is, the more inequality is accepted as fair. By disregarding inequalities below the riches-line as well as the economic system that produces them, limitarianism has no tools for countering this adjustment and risks legitimating a politics of inequality. Anyone who shares Robeyns' concerns about economic inequality have reason to be wary of limitarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing practice of community-engaged research (CER) creates new opportunities for practitioners, both to affirm the importance of critical approaches to CER and to strengthen our work by reflecting on the concepts and practices of our research. We offer reflections on the meanings of “community,” “engagement,” and “research” in the context of on-the-ground community–university collaborations conducted by the Blum Center on Poverty, Social Enterprise, and Participatory Governance, a campus-based research center at the University of California, Santa Cruz. This account is provided in the spirit of sharing observations, insights, and lessons learned about CER, generated through its practice in a range of community-based research projects.

The Qur’anic term and principle of “qist”—generally defined as fairness, equity, and giving each his/her due share—occurs twenty-two times and forms a particular intentional discourse against social and economic privilege and against power in its various dimensions. These occurrences, their contexts, and fields of meaning demonstrate its distinctive place within the Qur’anic moral worldview, at the nexus between private virtue ethics and collective praxis. Qist is presented not merely as an abstract ideal, but as a specific, concrete social and economic goal for the marginalized and disempowered of any community. Especially in the domains of gender relations, poverty conditions, and authorial power, the divine injunction for applying equality in lived contexts becomes a call for liberation from “zulm” (injustice) and “taghut” (false deities). Can the examination of this concept and its affiliates form the basis for a scriptural theorization on an Islamic theology of social and economic justice, of resistance to tyranny and unjust constructions of privilege and superiority? Towards an answer to this inquiry, one can argue that qist directs attention to the practical ways of applying the overarching, comprehensive value of shari’ah, al-‘adl (justice), as well as to its defining features of collectivity and distributiveness.

British Columbia's Community Benefits Agreement that aims to provide jobs in the construction trades for underrepresented groups serves as a case to explore the successes and barriers to distributing the benefits of urban development to Indigenous groups towards the goal of economic justice. Through a content analysis of stakeholder interviews and documents about the agreement, we found that, while there is optimism that the CBA may help advance public discourse on economic justice for Indigenous Peoples, there are significant barriers that have gone unaddressed in this and other labor agreements due to a lack of community engagement. These include lack of transportation, continued marginalization of Indigenous workers into unskilled labor, and the reinforcement of dependence on non-Indigenous economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent work in republican political theory has identified various forms of domination in the structures and relations of capitalist societies. A notable absence in much of this work is the concept of exploitation, which is generally treated as a predictable outcome of certain kinds of domination. This paper argues that the concept of exploitation can instead be conceived as a form of structural domination, understood in republican terms, and that adopting this conception has important implications for republican attempts to theorize modern capitalist societies. Building on existing domination accounts of exploitation, we argue that exploitation is a form of structurally constituted domination that enables a systemic illegitimate extraction of value. However, in contrast to competing accounts, domination is understood here in the republican terms of subjection to arbitrary power. We show that conceiving of domination in these terms not only makes the concept easily accessible from within a republican framework, but has advantages over competing accounts. Our argument also demonstrates why using the concept of exploitation will be useful for republican theorists. We show that a polity based on exploitative relations of production is antithetical to key republican commitments. These asymmetric power relationships undermine the economic and political independence of citizens and, crucially, constrain the political and economic ends that a polity will be effectively able to pursue. As such, exploitation should be a central preoccupation of republican political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present paper, we join the current dialogue in the field of vocational psychology regarding how neoliberal economic trends across the world have influenced the development of theory and approaches to vocational psychology. We propose an alternative perspective, that viewing career development from an economic justice lens, can provide an alternative to the existing neoliberal influence. An economic justice lens may aid us in moving from solely focusing on individual interventions and outcomes to those that help to create community-level change which in turn help create a more just economy for all. This is more than simply providing interventions to individuals in a community but requires shifting the locus of change to the community level. We detail four proposed career outcomes that center community-level change: Networking, Conscientization, Participation, and Liberation. Opportunities to utilize participatory action research, social network analysis, and other practice methods are encouraged. Finally, we offer examples of how vocational psychologists can take active roles in an economic justice approach to vocational psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of the study is that the models of justice in American folklore have never been considered. This work aims at revealing the peculiarities and content of the concept of justice in American folklore and since the American folklore has been made up of the folklore of various ethno-social groups that make up American society, this study aims at revealing the semantic differences in the models of justice of the different races, ethnicities, and cultures that comprise the USA. The research was carried out within the framework of philosophical comparativism, while the approach was analytical-deductive and comparative-historical. The methodological basis of the study was the principle of identifying differences in similarities. I used the method of critical selection of sources as well as the method of content analysis of tales, myths and legends of the largest American ethnic and racial groups, namely Native Americans, African Americans, and European immigrants. The results of the study demonstrate differences in the content of the models of justice of different American ethnic and social groups. The analysis allowed me to create a general formula for the American justice model and the functions of justice in society. This work provides a better understanding of the thinking and worldview of American social groups and American society as a whole. The scientific novelty of the study is the identification of the contents of models of justice in a multi-ethnic American society. The practical significance of the results is that they can and should be applied in the dialogue of cultures. In further research, it is necessary to continue studying the models of justice of different ethnic and social groups and to determine the optimal interethnic models of interaction based on justice.

Assessing the status of social justice is one of the important requirements of national governance in Iran. One of the common tools in this area is to design "composite indicators”. The composite indices as tools of governance have an effective role in identifying the status quo and designing regulatory interventions to achieve the required status. According to designing composite index with respect to Islamic theoretical foundations, this study assesses the sections of composite index for Iran. Weighting is an important part of methodology constructing composite index, which is mainly based on the perspective of the elite or a theoretical foundation. The method of this study for weighting and assessing is Fuzzy Analytic Hierarchy (FAHP). The results of this study show that in 5 sections and three main areas of the composite index, labor market, poverty and education (in the field of economic exchanges), family (in the field of social interactions) and political justice (in the field of political governance) were known as the most influential components in the realization of social justice in Iran.