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Little is known about online behaviours of violent extremists generally or differences compared to non-violent extremists who share ideological beliefs. Even less is known about desistance from posting behaviour. A sample of 99 violent and non-violent right-wing extremists to compare their online patterns of desistance within a sub-forum of the largest white supremacy web-forum was analysed. A probabilistic model of desistance was tested to determine the validity of criteria set for users reaching posting desistance. Findings indicated that the criteria predicted "true" desistance, with 5% misidentification. Each consecutive month without posting in the sub-forum resulted in a 7.6% increase in odds of posting desistance. There were no significant differences in effects for violent versus non-violent users, though statistical power was low. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the contributions of 'formers', individuals who were previously affiliated with groups advocating violent extremism but who now work as researchers and practitioners in the P/CVE field. There are a limited number of studies assessing the value added of formers to P/CVE programs. We make two significant contributions to the body of work. First, we examine how formers can contribute not only to P/CVE practice, but to academic research of terrorism, and how their insights and experience can be employed for improving research designs and interview completion rates and responses. Second, none of the extant works incorporates the views of formers themselves in the assessments. Four of the co-authors of this article are formers who publish peer-reviewed and policy institute research, and they present their perspectives on who counts as a former, and how their individual backgrounds inform and bolster their research and praxis. We encourage researchers of political violence to emulate other fields of social science and incorporate appropriately trained formers as subject-participants to improve research in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media platforms have become a prominent feature in modern-day communication, allowing users to express opinion and communicate with friends and likeminded individuals. However, with this revolutionary form of communication comes risks of exploitation and utilisation of these platforms for potentially illegal and harmful means. This article aims to explore the community guidelines and policies of prominent social media sites regarding extremist material, comparing the platform's policies with the user experiences. To measure social media user experience and user exposure to extremist material, this article pilots the use of a new scale: The Online Extremism Exposure Scale (OECE), which measures both the user's exposure to extremist communication and hate speech online. Users reported varied levels of exposure to both hate speech and extremist communication, with. the results indicating that users in the sample are being exposed to extremist material approximately 48.44% of the time they spend on social media daily. The results of this pilot study highlight potential failings by prominent social media platforms in their efforts to reduce users being exposed to extremist material. Limitations, future research, and implications are discussed in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For over two decades, France's Muslim population has faced a series of legal measures and hostile public narratives aimed at problematizing their faith. Notable examples include the 2004 national ban on "ostentatious religious symbols" in state schools, which prohibits obligatory religious dress in various settings. These individual instances are compounded by more recent broader policies, decisions, laws, and executive statements that negatively impact Muslim life. This paper examines France's trajectory from a new perspective: A Muslim legal viewpoint. It argues that the French approach constitutes a two-step process of institutionalized Islamophobia, understood here as hostility towards Islam as a faith. First, the state redefines mainstream Islamic orthopraxy as "extreme", pitting ordinary religious practices against averred Republican values. Second, it seeks to promote an alternative concept of a "French Islam"—one that aligns with France's secular principles and is stripped of its religious essence—positioning it as the only acceptable framework for Muslims to practice their faith in France. We argue that this process is not about upholding laïcité or state neutrality; rather, invoking the latter serves as a smokescreen for the state's Islamophobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mass destruction of heritage sites by Islamic State (IS) led to significant advances in the legal and normative frameworks governing global responses to heritage destruction in conflict. However, despite the scale and intensity of these efforts, the overwhelming majority of mandates and resolutions on heritage destruction are gender-blind. By applying a feminist International Relations perspective, we seek to answer the following research questions: how, and to what extent, do gender and heritage destruction intersect in conflict, and what explains the omission of gender in multilateral responses to heritage destruction? To answer these questions, we analyse the responses of key global agencies to the destruction carried out by IS and juxtapose them against results from in-depth semi-structured interviews conducted with a diverse group of Syrian and Iraqi women, all of whom were directly affected by attacks on their heritage. In doing so, we demonstrate the complex ways that women experience heritage destruction in conflict, thereby highlighting the systemic failures of the international community to grasp the gendered implications of such destruction. We also demonstrate how the absence of gender in institutionalized responses to heritage destruction is indicative of the relegation of feminized identities and experiences in contemporary accounts of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do voters view cooperation between mainstream and radical parties differently when it occurs at the European as opposed to national level, and if so, why? Using an original survey experiment with over 8000 respondents from Germany and Italy, this paper explores how voters react to cooperation with radical political parties at the national and EU levels once they are made aware that such cooperation is occurring. Our results show that voters react negatively to cooperation with radical political parties. We find that when voters are aware of such cooperation, they express similar levels of disapproval regardless of whether it occurs domestically or in the EU. These results have implications for our understanding of domestic and EU political processes, and point to the role of information as a fundamental factor enabling accountability at the European level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What position do far-right news outlets occupy in contemporary U.S. politics, and how did Trump use the power of the presidency to contribute to their rise among Republican legislators and mainstream American media? We posit that Trump's position as president, in conjunction with his populist communication style that favored far-right outlets, contributed to the legitimation of such outlets. We first analyze Trump's tweets during his presidency (January 2017–January 2021) mentioning three far-right outlets (One America News Network, Newsmax, and Breitbart), conceptualizing these messages as authority signals that symbolically lend legitimacy to the media sources. We then provide rich descriptive information regarding subsequent mentions of the far-right outlets in four national mainstream newspapers as well as appearances by GOP (Republican) members of Congress in the far-right outlets. We find significant and positive correlations between Trump's tweets and mainstream media coverage of One America News Network (OANN) and Newsmax, and significant and positive correlations between Trump's tweets and GOP Congressional interviews on OANN and Newsmax. Together, these results represent an example of presidential authority signals that bolster far-right outlets and aid in their legitimization among legislators and the mainstream press. The findings shed light on the role of political leaders in the recent mainstreaming of the far-right across many democratic countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the January 6 insurrection on the US Capitol, we sought to explore how two social media platforms were being used concurrently to disseminate far-right memes and discourse. Our study employs a mixed-methods approach to collect a large data set of images from 4chan/pol/ and using the "#stopthesteal" hashtag on Twitter between 1 January 2021 and 13 January 2021. Our findings reveal how each platform influenced the usage of memes toward identity building and far-right activism in the days leading up to and immediately after the insurrection. Our findings reveal that Twitter was used to mobilize users leading up to January 6 but led to in-fighting among the pro-Trump crowd in the days after. Meanwhile 4chan/pol users took advantage of the Overton window of the Insurrection to disseminate far-right ideology and attempt to recruit and radicalize disgruntled Trump supporters after the insurrection was deemed a failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores what it is to explain extremism. Rather than providing yet another explanation of extremism, it takes a bird's eye point of view at existing explanations of extremism. What is it that scholars are doing in seeking explanations of extremism? This article answers this question by considering four issues. First, exactly what is the explanandum for explanations of extremism, what is it that we seek to explain? Second, what is it to explain extremism rather than describing, interpreting, understanding, or predicting it? Third, how can explanations of extremism be categorized and what does that mean for the extent to which can they be combined? Fourth, what semantics is useful in construing an explanation of extremism? It turns out that most insights equally apply to explanations of related yet distinct phenomena, such as fundamentalism, fanaticism, conspiracy theorizing, and terrorism. The article concludes by providing five concrete guidelines that will help fine-tune and compare various explanations of extremism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In America’s New Racial Battle Lines, King and Smith offer a compelling framework for understanding contemporary American politics through two polarized racial policy alliances – “repair” and “protect.” Building on their foundational insights, I explore how these concepts can be expanded to better capture the complexity of the coalitions, messages, and policy goals they describe. I propose three complementary frameworks to deepen our understanding of the strategic dilemmas facing America’s racial policy alliances during Trump’s second term: (1) the selection and framing of historical narratives in policy and messaging; (2) the balance between offensive and defensive strategies; and (3) the tension between systemic overthrow and preservation. These frameworks extend King and Smith’s arguments about the dynamics of racial policy in modern America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Leadership has long been acknowledged as a crucial feature of social movement activity. Theorisation has delved into the types of leadership and, more recently, the activities performed by leaders. However, comparative research on leadership and detection of any changes over time is scant. Our paper attends to these tasks by looking at the activities of two German-speaking far-right leaders. For many years, Christian Worch was one of the most active and influential neo-Nazi leaders in Germany, communicating much of his activity and strategy in the mid-2000s through a regular circular (Rundbriefe). Similarly, Martin Sellner, both as leader of the Identitarian movement and independent activist, today exercises an outsized role in the German-speaking far-right scene, including through his regular publications in the magazines Compact and Sezession. Our paper uses data of Worch’s and Sellner’s writings, scraped from webpages and gathered from archives, in a mixed-methods comparative design to identify the tasks performed by these leaders, and how frequently. Quantitative text analysis techniques guide the qualitative evaluation of leaders’ activities and reveal shifts – and continuities – in far-right movement leadership. The paper thereby contributes to scholarship on an important aspect of contemporary far-right movements as well as broader social movement literature on the topic of leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the modem capabilities of certain types of forensic examinations in combating crimes that encroach on the information security of Ukraine. Attention is drawn to the need to protect the information structure of the state, which is designed to ensure security and, as a result, stability and stability of the main spheres of life, in particular, state and military administration, economy, science, as well as public consciousness from dangerous destabilizing and destructive informational influences. It is emphasized that the dissemination of destructive materials poses a threat to the national interests of Ukraine, as it can provoke significant social conflicts in the economic, political, religious and other spheres of public life, as well as encroach on the constitutional order, territorial integrity and independence of the state, and the national consciousness of its population. It is noted separately that the text and non-verbal components of extremist materials are the main subject of research and the main source of evidence in criminal proceedings about crimes against the information security of Ukraine. A forensic linguist determines whether a specific text actually contains exhortations and what their content is, their direction, what their nature is and what audience they are intended for, etc. In addition, determining the semantic direction of the disputed text is a preliminary and mandatory condition for the legal assessment of the act as illegal and this provides grounds for conducting a pre-trial investigation. Interpretation and interpretation of the meaning of an oral statement or a written text requires the mandatory involvement of special linguistic knowledge not only in cases of using manipulative techniques of speech influence on the audience, but also to identify propaganda reflected by the audience, calls to commit certain actions, threats and incitement, justification or substantiation of the need to carry out illegal activity. The opinion is expressed that before the experts involved in the pre-trial investigation, the question arises not only of establishing the content of the text, but also its direction, the used specific means of influencing the reader or the audience with the aim of inciting certain illegal actions that harm the interests of the state. That is, issues of psychological influence are resolved by publicizing appeals using speech media. The article draws attention to the expediency of a comprehensive psycho-linguistic study of communication objects. It is emphasized that in the psycholinguistic examination it is necessary to form questions to the expert in such a way that it reflects the linguistic and psychological aspects of those phenomena which in law have a name that is conveyed in verbal form and in a certain way. It is noted separately that the expert opinion of both linguistic and psycho-linguistic expertise should in no case contain a legal assessment, which can be exercised only by the pre-trial investigation body, the defense and the court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the field of Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) male clients are overwhelmingly represented, which reflects the key and complex significance 'masculinity' has for understanding susceptibility to violent extremism, processes of radicalisation and related issues. This article analyses the perspectives of 12 CVE Intervention Practitioners (n = 8 female, n = 4 male) in Australia and their views on the role gender plays in their work. We focus on the practitioners' experiences with male clients and how they understood the relationship between gender, rapport building and (de)radicalization. The practitioners highlight how a common aspect of their clients' ideology involved either explicit misogyny or quite rigid opinions regarding the roles of men and women in society. They often mentioned their male clients experienced difficulties in expressing and understanding their own masculinity. However, while it is important to identify commonalities within the gendered dynamics present in CVE work, the data suggest the interaction between practitioner and client continues to be quite varied. We argue that this highlights not only how masculinities are discursively produced, but how male clients may shift between identity positions during deradicalization depending on their interpersonal interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this review essay is to examine four monographs that study the far-right and discuss their approaches as is relevant to the international level of analysis. This essay argues that these monographs engage with international analysis but do so in a way that has generally not been covered by the mainstream political science approaches to the far-right. This essay will first cover the mainstream political science approaches and international approaches of the far-right. Then this article will explore two overlooked approaches: (1) The statist approach to the far-right explores the transnational and domestic development of far-right ideology in specific states. (2) The radicalization approach focuses on the space and place of the far-right. This review essay will consider the international implications of these approaches and highlight key themes and methodologies that may prove useful to international far-right scholarship. This article concludes with the place of these monographs in the international far-right literature and the scope of this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note proposes a strategic conceptual model for countering terrorism and extremism in the UK both now and in the future. In particular, the model aims to address three challenges that the authors argue have yet to be adequately resolved: i) the conceptual paradox of labelling certain non-violent but extremist ideologies as 'conducive' to or linked to terrorism; ii) the related problem of the merging of extremism of method and extremism of thought in the UK that has arguably blurred the remit of counter-terrorism; and iii) the challenge as to where to draw the distinction between so-called 'terrorist-related' extremism and 'non-terrorist-related' extremism. The proposed dual model emphasises the distinction between extremism of thought and extremism of method and outlines the implications that this has for response. The model allows for the possibility of extremist thought that does not lead to violence and the possibility of extremism of method (including terrorism) in pursuit of non-extremist ideology. Terrorism, rather than being viewed as separate from extremism, can, therefore, be seen as a subset of extremist methods. The hope is that this model represents an initial step in providing greater conceptual clarity and a clearer framework from which to tackle both terrorism and extremism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been established by leaders of the Australian national security community, such as the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation and the Australian Federal Police, that young people are being increasingly recruited into extremism. To date, few Australian studies have examined this issue using primary source data. This article seeks to understand the conditions which may make vulnerable young Australians more susceptible to recruitment, recruitment pathways, and forms of recruitment. To address this, primary sources were consulted, and frontline countering violent extremism (CVE) practitioners were interviewed. It was found that there is no typical pathway for young Australians to be recruited to extremism and that recruitment can be both foreign (informed by transnational networks and organisations) and/ or familiar (within the immediate domestic environment of the young person). We identified the continued significance of online vectors, but further established the ongoing relevance and power of offline engagement for the recruitment of young people. Finally, we suggest that multiple intersecting vulnerabilities render young people more susceptible to recruitment, with data that suggests they may be naïve to their being recruited in the first place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Anbar University for Law & Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Drawing its strength from the UN Charter and UDHR, human rights ethics is a beacon of hope and a promise that requires continuous reaffirmation during these turbulent times. These two documents, with their unwavering faith in 'fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small,' have shaped our understanding of human rights as global and universal ethics. However, this faith is now being severely tested by four countercurrents: extremism, exclusionism, selectivism, and populism. These countercurrents pose significant and urgent human rights threats that activists, academics, and policymakers must confront by reasserting the basic core values of the UN Charter and UDHR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of memes has become increasingly widespread in political discourse. However, there is a dearth of philosophical discussion on memes and their impact on political discourse. This paper addresses this gap in the literature and bridges the divide between the empirical and philosophical work on memes by offering a functionalist account which allows for a more in-depth analysis of the role memes play in political discourse. We offer a taxonomy of the eight key characteristics of memes: 1. humor; 2. fostering in-group identity; 3. caricatures; 4. replicability; 5. context collapse; 6. hermeneutical resources; 7. low reputational cost; 8. signaling. On the positive side, the propensity memes have to foster in-group identity and to function as a hermeneutical tool for people to make sense of their own experiences are a boon especially to marginalized communities. On the flipside, the creation of an in-group/out-group dynamic can also be exploited by sinister political actors, especially since the low reputational cost of circulating memes allows for plausible deniability. We use the analysis in this paper to jumpstart a discussion of how we should understand memes and debate which norms should govern the novel speech act of posting a meme given its impact on political discourse. Based on our findings, we end with a call to adopt stricter norms for the act of posting a meme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Radicalization—as a complex process of adopting extremist attitudes—includes maladaptive responses to the transformative power of globalization. Globalization contains sociocultural disruptive and acculturative processes, initiating exclusionary and integrative reactions. These reactions have dissimilarly been associated with aspects of extremism. In seven preregistered studies (N = 2,161), we draw on various methods combining naturalistic circumstances, cross-sectional, longitudinal, experimental, and representative data to scrutinize the complex globalization–radicalization nexus within the contexts of the United States, the United Kingdom, and Pakistan. Our results provide empirical support for the hypothesis that insecure life attachment (i.e., experience of contextual safety, inclusiveness, reliability, fairness, and facilitating well-being) and globalization perceived as a threat can lead to extremism through defensive reactions to globalization. Specifically, we found ethnic protection to be a central mechanism connecting sociocultural disruption and threats with extremism. Globalized radicalization ascends as a contemporary phenomenon reflecting the dark side of global interconnectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November 2024, Europol published an intelligence notification on the recruitment of minors in EU countries into criminal networks, including extremist ones. Criminal recruiters often adopt language and communication styles similar to those of social media influencers. Illegal tasks can be presented as «challenges» or «missions», making them more attractive and less frightening to minors. This approach, known as gamification, resonates with a young audience familiar with online games. At the same time, gaming and adjacent platforms themselves are increasingly becoming platforms for recruiting minors. The European Radicalization Awareness Network provides recommendations for law enforcement on countering gamified recruitment. The author analyzes the extent of the threat and the current EU approach to combating it. It has been established that the threat of recruiting younger perpetrators into criminal networks has increased in the European Union in recent years. The gamification of this recruitment occurs through a wide range of manipulative techniques – from recruiters copying the language of subcultures to exploiting such needs of young people as the need for recognition and belonging to a group.

Existing research highlights the imperative nature of addressing inherent tensions when implementing organizational openness, necessitating actors to navigate explicit or implicit emergent closure mechanisms. However, certain literature warns against the absolute conception of openness prevalent in academic and practical spheres. This article thus explores what occurs in organizations that eschew closure mechanisms in favor of openness. I draw on the ethnographic inquiry of Managers du 21e siècle, a non-profit organization championing openness as a pivotal organization tenet, whose existence has come under threat amidst escalating crises. The metaphor of organizational necrosis serves to highlight that an extremist pursuit of open principles can hamper action by fostering depersonalization, to align with extremist open values, and triggering disempowerment, through strategies that deflect conflicts of value. My first contribution emphasizes the detrimental repercussions of an extremist openness paradigm on organization sustainability. The second explores how medical metaphors can assist in grasping organizational decline.

This study examines whether the neighborhood effect on vulnerability to radicalization can be mitigated by the density and diversity of social service organizations. In this study, vulnerability to radicalization is composed of perceived discrimination, distrust of democracy, and authoritarianism. To this end, data from surveys conducted in the three German cities of Dortmund (n = 1,900), Bonn (n = 1,986), and Berlin (n = 2,060) is combined with data on social structure and the size, density, and heterogeneity of local social service organizations at the neighborhood level in hierarchical models. Although the findings show no clear preventive effects of organizational ecology on vulnerability to radicalization, they suggest that local social service organizations are more likely to be effective depending on the extent of local challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an attempt to explain “who, how and why comes to terrorism?”, the research hypothesis that radicalisation is a predictor of terrorism emerged at the beginning of the 21st century. From this moment, the formation of a new scientific research direction on the phenomenon of radicalisation began and dynamically developing interdisciplinary field of study in the second decade of the 2 st century. The article presents the results of radicalisation research current state scientometric analysis the in the Russian and foreign research field, identifies trends and directions, outlines the opportunities and limitations of the development of scientific direction in Russia. The choice of the time period for the analysis (2014-2023) is due to the fact that the second decade of radicalisation research is the most active and productive. In Russia, radicalisation studies appeared only in this period. Based on the results of quantitative and qualitative analysis of Russian and foreign publications, the specific characteristics of the research current state are outlined. The key conclusion is that in the study of radicalisation, Russian researchers lag behind by at least a decade, the reasons for the lag and opportunities for the development of scientific direction in Russia are outlined.

The article aims to provide some answers based on scientific data to two questions that deeply disturb the current Romanian society, namely: whether “It was better before 1989”; and, subsequently, whether “It would be better outside the European Union”. These are also the favorite themes exploited by the misleading propaganda of Russian-inspired Romanian extremist groups and parties. According to data and economic evaluations provided by specialized national and international institutions and the relevant academic literature, the answers to both questions are categorically negative.

Analysing DC’s role in preventing and countering internal or external extremism is not an easy task, despite the natural link between diplomacy, aimed at mutual knowledge, balance, consensus and negotiation and countering extremism. Transmitting a cultural experience stimulates a culture of understanding and empathy and respect for different ways of thinking, thus a culture of reconciliation. The definition of extremism itself, as sets of attitudes, contents, actions, in its multitude of forms of manifestation, is a difficult approach. The subject itself of external representation through institutionalized or non-institutionalized public diplomacy, aspects related to branding, intercultural communication, cultural diplomacy in general and public diplomacy, external communication, in particular, is relatively recent, firstly approached around two decades ago and still unsettled.

The management of the international migration or refugees flows is a crucial challenge facing states in a globalized international security environment. In this context, trying to put into perspective the relationship between migration and violent extremism is important. It is necessary to analyze the links between migration and violent extremism for several reasons: first, there have been isolated incidents of violent extremism perpetrated by migrants and it is necessary to understand why they occurred; second, it is important to bring data and evidence to bear on an often misinformed public debate; and last, there are links between migration and violent extremism, but not the ones that normally attract attention. Finally, looking ahead, the risk of radicalization among migrants may increase if comprehensive policies to prevent violent extremism are not developed as we speak. The issues addressed in this paper require a global, integrated and multidimensional framework combined with country-specific regional analyzes and initiatives. While regional and country-level solutions are needed, it is equally important to provide a global strategic framework and policy guidance to support progress and a coordinated long-term response. In this sense, international cooperation on migration and border control is essential in order to maintain a state’s ability to regulate population flows and is therefore a vital component of a state’s national security policy.

Moldova’s aspiration to join the European Union is on the rise, but at the same time the extremist parties in member states are gaining support. Given that the EU’s enlargement policy is contested by extremists, and that a state’s accession also depends on the vote of its current members, we analyze trends in French political discourse regarding the association agreements, EU enlargement and the Republic of Moldova.

Right-wing extremism is a form of political extremism. In recent years, strengthening far-right forces has been an unnoticeable trend and a global problem. The main aim of the study will be to find out whether and to what extent the inclination of the respondents living in the territory of the Prešov and Košice regions is related to the views and attitudes of the extreme right in Slovakia in the context of the above-mentioned socio-political developments related to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. In addition to the theoretical definition of the basic terminological background, the paper includes the interpretation of the results of quantitative research aimed at determining the degree of acceptance of right-wing radicalism and extremism and identifying the manifestations of covert and overt support for these phenomena in eastern Slovakia in the context of the war in Ukraine. The article uses analytical and descriptive methods and a representative survey by a questionnaire.

Faris ibn Haatam Qazvini was one of the trusted lawyers of Imam Hadi (A.S.) who suffered deviations. The kind and the extent of his deviation as well as the how of Imam Hadi (A.S.) dealing with him requires a new investigation. The present research is to discover the how of his deviation and to historically investigate the stages of Imam Hadi dealings with him. Moreover, it tries to analyze and explain the beginning point and the kind of his deviation, his deviant activities, as well as the how of Imam Hadi (A.S.) dealing with him in a chronological order.The result of this research illuminates that Faris ibn Haatam Qazvini turned to religious deviations after the financial deviations with the assistance of some relatives of Imam Hadi (A.S.). However, his assassination ordered by Imam Hadi (A.S.) cannot be proven and what is obtained from the historical sources is that Imam (A.S.) called the Shiites to curse him and stay away from him.

Radicalisation had long been seen as something foreign, belonging more to Western Europe than to post-communist Central Europe. Considering the recent events in the Czech Republic and the 2022 Bratislava shooting, the article investigates the Concept of the Fight against Extremism and Prejudicial Hatred 2021–2026 to explore the currently involved stakeholders in its efforts to detect radicalised individuals vis-à-vis possible radicalisation-related threats emerging from its contemporary extremist landscape. As the document solely centres on the Police, Prison Service and the Probation and Mediation Service, it turns to similar institutions and services in Slovakia and Germany to outline potential inspiration and solutions for the Czech Republic. By synthesising this with the reasoning about the effective detection of radicalised individuals of predecessor Czech scholars, the article concludes that the MoI’s 2025–2026 action plan should incorporate three other stakeholders, i.e. 1) teachers, 2) children, teenagers and young people, and 3) the general public, to more appropriately meet the B2-specific objective and, crucially, to more adequately address the contemporary complexity of radicalisation.

The main content of the research is the analysis and identification of contradictions in the improvement of legal regulation in the field of combating terrorism and extremism. The article presents an analysis of the views of contemporary scholars, which allowed the identification of the main content and directions of activities in the organized and managed process in the field of combating terrorism and extremism, as well as the unresolved problems of this activity to date. The normative legal acts forming the state policy in the field of combating terrorism and extremism are examined. The study aims to substantiate the relevance of the process of combating terrorism and extremism, which is an important factor in ensuring the military security of the state. In the context of ensuring military security, countering extremism plays an important role since terrorism is an extreme form of extremism. Terrorism, the essence of which is a threat to humans and society, including Kazakh society, is one of the threats in the modern world. Taking thousands of human lives, it is closely linked to the threat of unleashing a new world war and a nuclear catastrophe and is a crime against humanity. Conclusions are drawn that international terrorism is a form of terrorism that can confidently be identified within the framework of global "evil", which has been acquiring global dimensions over the past decades, as well as the need to improve the regulatory and legal framework in the field of combating extremism and terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how a preexisting far-right social movement organization responded to the COVID-19 pandemic, focusing on the case of the Patriotic Europeans against the Islamization of the Occident (PEGIDA) in Germany. We show that PEGIDA quickly adapted its previous immigration-related collective action frame, now predominantly portraying itself as a defender of democracy, constitutionality, and civil rights, while accusing the German government of installing a 'Corona dictatorship'. In addition to improving our understanding of the development of a key far-right social movement organization during the pandemic, our article contributes to the study of far-right ideology more broadly. Examining a critical case of far-right activism, our analysis of PEGIDA underscores the need to review the conventional scholarly distinction between radical and extreme right ideology based on formal pro- and anti-democracy stances. While claiming to espouse the idea of democracy, activists sharply attacked democratic institutions and their main representatives as 'totalitarian' or 'dictatorial' – a key extremist feature of contemporary far-right discourse particularly visible during the pandemic. Indeed, PEGIDA's discursive shift during the pandemic seems to be in line with broader developments of far-right ideology in the protest arena and in party politics, where formal support of democracy goes together with a rhetoric of delegitimization of contemporary democratic institutions and their representatives. Methodologically, we draw from original empirical data collected with the tools of (virtual) ethnography and protest event analysis that we analyze through a frame-analytical lens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the legal instruments that address organized right-wing extremism in Europe, proscription is one of the most severe. Yet there is scant comparative work on where, how frequently, and against which right-wing extremist organization proscriptions have been applied. This article presents a new dataset on Proscribed Right-wing Extremist Organizations (PREOs) in Europe. A typology of countries' proscriptive regimes illuminates how proscription by executive decrees is more frequent than proscription by judicial ruling, and how proscription by executive decrees appears to be more responsive to high-profile incidents of extremist violence. We complement this descriptive overview with a close investigation of patterns in Germany, the state that has most frequently used proscription against right-wing extremist organizations. Furthermore, the article presents paired case studies of the proscriptions of Blood & Honour in Germany (by executive decree) and the Nordic Resistance Movement in Finland (by judicial ruling), which point to the causal factors underlying proscription of right-wing extremist organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing research highlights the imperative nature of addressing inherent tensions when implementing organizational openness, necessitating actors to navigate explicit or implicit emergent closure mechanisms. However, certain literature warns against the absolute conception of openness prevalent in academic and practical spheres. This article thus explores what occurs in organizations that eschew closure mechanisms in favor of openness. I draw on the ethnographic inquiry of Managers du 21e siècle, a non-profit organization championing openness as a pivotal organization tenet, whose existence has come under threat amidst escalating crises. The metaphor of organizational necrosis serves to highlight that an extremist pursuit of open principles can hamper action by fostering depersonalization, to align with extremist open values, and triggering disempowerment, through strategies that deflect conflicts of value. My first contribution emphasizes the detrimental repercussions of an extremist openness paradigm on organization sustainability. The second explores how medical metaphors can assist in grasping organizational decline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I will analyze how the conceptualization of the term ‘Basqueness’, and the meaning of ‘being Basque’, have been instrumental in determining the way in which citizens of the Basque Autonomous Community (BAC) have chosen to identify themselves. What it means to be Basque has experienced a significant evolution from its ethnic and linguistic origins to being a matter of feeling and doing; however, the way Basque citizens felt about Basqueness, and what actions participated in Basqueness, was substantially influenced by the climate of political polarization, the appropriation by nationalism of Basque symbols and features and the violence of terrorist organization ETA, as well as the justification of its crimes. Working from the semantic theory of Brandomian inferentialism, I want to show how these factors functioned as inferential relations that constituted the meaning of Basqueness. As these inferences changed with the dissolution of ETA and the easing of political polarization, what it means to be Basque has subsequently changed its meaning, which might contribute to explaining why in recent years an increasing number of people in the BAC have incorporated Basqueness into their mixed or liminal identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research paper titled "Results of State Programs Aimed at Preventing Extremism and Terrorism in Ensuring National Security and Stability" examines the policy of ensuring religious stability, based on the principles of Kazakhstan's secular state, which began to form since the country gained independence. The paper focuses on the peaceful approach that underlies the policy aimed at ensuring religious stability. The theoretical analysis of the objectives of state programs, which are implemented step by step, is provided, along with new conclusions. Additionally, the paper discusses the impact of religious extremism, terrorism, and radicalism on society, especially on youth, their consequences, and prevention methods. This includes conducting religious studies expertise, analytical conclusions, and the development of conceptual documents and proposals for regulating these issues. The study scientifically analyzes the outcomes of state projects and programs aimed at improving security in the religious sphere and assessing the effectiveness of the measures taken. The paper is focused on evaluating the effectiveness of government activities aimed at improving security in the religious sphere and systematically reviewing measures for the prevention of extremism and terrorism. An important aspect of the research is the implementation of the strategic vision of the country's leadership regarding the stability of the religious situation in Kazakhstan, as well as the formation of legal foundations to prevent the influence of various ideologies. The goal of the research is to analyze the results of state policy, based on various programs and legislative acts adopted in the country, and to develop proposals for improving the system of preventing religious extremism and terrorism. Overall, the paper provides an in-depth analysis of the development and results of Kazakhstan's national security in the area of maintaining religious stability and preventing extremism and terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the representation of radical and anti-radical ideologies among German Islamic TikTok creators, analyzing 2983 videos from 43 accounts through qualitative content analysis. The results reveal two main content clusters: religious practice involving social/lifestyle issues and political activism around Muslim grievances. Victimization, found in 150 videos, was the most common indicator associated with radicalization and emerged as a source of political activism and subversive discourse. Overall, indicators of radicalism were scarce, suggesting that visible mainstream Islamic creators do not exhibit high levels of radical ideology. However, this also reflects a selection bias in the design of this study, which systematically overlooks fringe actors. In addition, religious advocacy was the most common topic (1144 videos), serving as a source of guidance and motivation, but was occasionally linked to sectarianism and rigid religious interpretations. Male creators posted more religious/theological videos; female creators posted more lifestyle videos. However, gender distinctions are limited due to the low representation of female creators (6). Some topics, such as the hijab, served as an intersection between religious practice and politicized narratives. This study highlights TikTok's role in promoting diverse ideological views and shaping community engagement, knowledge sharing, and political mobilization within Germany's Muslim digital landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a lack of research examining how right-wing extremist groups justify their key claims online to reach a broader audience. This question is even more worrisome when considering a Canadian context, given Canada's state policies on multiculturalism and intolerance of hateful rhetoric. My research draws on the gaps within the literature of right-wing extremism, online spaces, and justification of discourse by conducting a content analysis of 300 Facebook and Twitter posts from the accounts of three Canadian right-wing extremist groups, ID Canada, Soldiers of Odin BC, and Yellow Vests Canada. This article proposes the use of French theorist Boltanski and Thévenot's sociology of critical capacity common worlds to help explain how right-wing extremist groups make arguments that are quite extreme to a broad audience of people on social media. Such claims include advocating for a homogenized Canadian identity and Canadian values, promoting a belief in social decay, and supporting authoritarianism. However, these claims are not overt; rather right-wing extremist groups discuss apolitical topics to mask controversial views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars and journalists frequently use the term "Alt-right" to encapsulate a broad collection of identities and ideologies within the political right. Although early interpretations of the "Alt-right" provide a valuable foundation for understanding the range of (far)-right ideologies that have grown in recent decades, current characterizations remain fraught in the wider literature. To sharpen understandings of the "Alt-right" in academic discourse, I offer a typology outlining five common approaches scholars use to portray it, showing how scholarship routinely lacks definitional clarity. Consequently, I argue that the continued use of the term in academic literature is ill-advised. Specifically, the term normalizes and perpetuates the white supremacist ideologies entrenched within the broader history of academia; it hinders historically and theoretically grounded examinations of (far)-right variations and their situatedness within spectrum of far-right ideologies worldwide; and it blurs crucial distinctions between them that precludes the meaningful evaluation of their extremist tendencies and material threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In the post-Cold War world order, the African Continent has been a stage for some of the most violent intra-state conflicts arising from natural resources and land distribution. These contestations have often been inter-communal and take the violent extremism route. The consequences of these devastating contestations have been apocalyptic in most of these conflicts. In Kenya's Mount Elgon Region, the emergence of extremism Sabaot Land Defence Forces and counter-extremist groups is rooted in a long historical struggle for equitable distribution of land rights. Despite efforts by state and non-state actors, sustainable peace remains a distant mirage. Socio-economic determinants have emerged as fundamental determinants in these extremist contestations, yet, extant literature has been silent on this subject matter. This paper sought to interrogate socio-demographic determinants as pathways for homegrown extremism in the Mount Elgon Region. Study findings revealed strong support for the interplay between ownership of land, source of income, level of education, and sustenance of homegrown extremism over land-use conflicts in the study area. The paper recommends the need for the Ministry of Lands to expedite the management of the historical land question to contain the socio-demographic determinants as pathways for homegrown extremism in the study area. The findings underscore the importance of land tenure security in pursuit of peaceful, just, and inclusive societies as advocated for in the Sustainable Development Agenda 2030. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines a cohort of persons aged 14 to 25 years referred to a threat assessment centre in Australia due to concerns regarding their potential for extremist or other grievance-fuelled violence. It examines the demographic features, clinical comorbidities and threat profile of this cohort and compares cases with and without a diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD). The findings suggest that young people with ASD are significantly overrepresented, compared to the population rate, with late diagnosis and complex, unmet needs. The services required to mitigate risk were predominantly mainstream disability and mental health programs, not specialised forensic interventions. These exploratory findings have broader implications for improved provision of autism-specific services to prevent this vulnerable group entering the justice system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]