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This article is devoted to the problematic aspects of the implementation of the extradition procedure when providing legal assistance. The author set a goal to investigate the main reasons for refusing to extradite a person in the context of ensuring human rights. The novelty elements are: it is substantiated that in modem conditions, under no circumstances should extradition violate human rights, which is determined by the anthropocentric vector of development of both domestic legal systems and international legal systems; it is proposed to distinguish between two types of extradition: interstate and international; the author proved that control over the observance of human rights by the extraditing state can include the following: the right to check the state of observance of human rights, the right to meet with the extradited person in order to find out his real situation, the right to demand a report from the requested state about the state of compliance with the rights of the extradited person, the right to demand the return of the extradited person in case of violation of his rights; a proposal was made to introduce at the level of the internal national legislation of states the extradition of all individuals, including their own citizens, who are suspected of committing international crimes or convicted of such crimes on the basis of a court verdict, which will contribute not only to making the situation impossible avoidance of the guilty from responsibility, but will also serve as a certain preventive measure. It is concluded that the extradition procedure is quite complicated, which may be accompanied by certain difficulties in practice, but this does not under any circumstances mean that the participants of such relations should level human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the issue of violence against judicial officials in Central America, with a particular focus on Honduras. It highlights the dangers faced by individuals seeking justice and the high number of assassinations of judicial officials in the region. The article also explores the different motives behind these attacks, including targeting officials who prosecute or defend criminals, as well as human rights defenders. It emphasizes the urgent need for increased protections for judicial officials and the detrimental impact of violence on the rule of law and the judicial system. [Extracted from the article]

The criminal action's prescription suspension arises from the configuration of an obstacle that turns the criminal prosecution procedure impossible to continue, as it follows from the Criminal Code, article 84, first paragraph. Before this norm's modification by Law N.° 31751, a typical moment of termination was expressly established. However, it is after this that, through its new second paragraph, the controversy about the duration of the suspension term due to contumacy and extradition processes came to an end, imposing a one-year legal material term for this purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whereas corporate insiders at U.S.-listed, U.S.-domiciled companies must disclose their stock sales electronically within two business days on Form 4, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) exempts insiders at U.S.-listed, foreign-domiciled companies from this requirement. Instead, these "foreign insiders" report their sales on a paper form mail-filed with the SEC. Using a unique data set compiled from digitized versions of thousands of paper forms, we examine the stock sales of foreign insiders and compare their trading to that of their U.S. counterparts. Consistent with a lack of public scrutiny facilitating opportunism, we show that foreign insiders' stock sales are highly opportunistic and opportunistic trading is concentrated in companies that are domiciled in nonextradition countries beyond the reach of U.S. legal authorities: specifically, Russia and China. The average stock sale by foreign insiders affiliated with companies domiciled in these countries is more than four times larger than that of U.S. insiders and occurs prior to stock price declines of at least −18%. In our sample, we estimate that insiders at these companies have traded to avoid losses of more than $9 billion. Collectively, our results suggest that corporate insiders associated with Chinese and Russian companies listed on U.S. exchanges trade in a highly opportunistic and abusive manner. The SEC's decision to exempt these insiders from Form 4 reporting requirements prevents much needed public scrutiny of their trading and, in turn, prevents market forces from disciplining their trading. This paper was accepted by Suraj Srinivasan, accounting. Funding: We thank our schools and the Dean's Research Fund at Wharton for financial support. Supplemental Material: The data files are available at https://doi.org/10.1287/mnsc.2022.02131. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the violence and displacement experienced by the Garífuna people in Honduras, particularly focusing on the recent forced disappearance of several individuals. It highlights the larger pattern of displacement and disappearance faced by the Garífuna community and the lack of protection they receive. The article also delves into the historical context of land theft and the role of U.S. banana companies in the displacement of the Garífuna people. It emphasizes the need for justice and respect for the rights of the Garífuna people and their land. [Extracted from the article]

Between 1958 and 1973, hijackings between Cuba and the US surged, prompting Cuban officials in the early 1960s to propose an extradition agreement for hijackers. However, the US, leveraging its superpower status, dismissed these initiatives, viewing hijackers as political asylum seekers rather than criminals. By the late 1960s, as hijackings escalated from the US to Cuba, the American approach shifted, seeking a bilateral agreement to address air piracy, only to be rebuffed by Cuba, which refused to accept the US's categorization of specific hijackers as political asylum seekers while classifying others as criminals. Meanwhile, the US pressed its extradition stance through international bodies like the International Civil Aviation Organization. These diplomatic efforts underscored broader challenges in US–Cuban relations, with negotiations repeatedly missing opportunities for enhanced co-operation. A pivotal shift occurred after a significant incident threatened both nations, leading to a more balanced perspective between the US and Cuba. This change culminated in the 1973 signing of a 'Memorandum of understanding', marking a turning point that significantly curbed hijacking incidents and hinted at potential future improvements in bilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores how and why protestors from the 2019 anti-ELAB (Extradition Law Amendment Bill) movement turned to popular Chinese religious practice for political dissent, and simultaneously tracks the negotiation of emerging sociocultural identities of Hong Kongers in the face of political upheaval. Attempting to pressure the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government into meeting their demands, protestors adopted a wide range of tactics that brought protest activities to previously unaffected residential districts. Although no less hectic than other months during the movement, August 2019 also produced indelible moments of nonviolent innovation that attracted international media coverage. One of the protest events from this fertile period, the Hong Kong–wide Night Assemblies for Freeing Spirits, Almsgiving, Prayers for Merit, and Removal of Evil 全港超幽佈施祈褔除惡晚會, was held on August 9, 2019, in the districts of Wong Tai Sin and Shatin and specifically centered religious practice as a creative and potent source of political expression. To better understand this intersection of religion, politics, and identity in Hong Kong, this article analyzes protestors' ritual utterances and interview responses from the protest event's proceedings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, Hong Kong activists mobilized against the proposed Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) and relied on a mobile chat-app's polling feature to make collective decisions. To understand the chat-app's role in the movement's 'backstage' dynamics — i.e., building coalitions, making decisions, and coordinating action away from public view — I analyzed a series of Telegram polls during the Anti-ELAB movement's airport sit-in/takeover. To generate insights into social movement studies, I combined aspects of a vibrant stream of research known as Communication as Constitutive of Organizing (CCO) with a nuanced use of the affordances concept. To identify the backstage dynamics of the movement, I applied criteria from the organizationality concept to assess the extent to which the movement communicatively exhibited organizational characteristics. Therefore, I addressed how chat-app polling facilitated collective decision-making and cultivated the movement's social address and collective identity. Recognizing chat-app polling as pivotal in transforming voiced concerns to legitimized authority, I identified three authorship affordances that fostered authority practices: anonymity, hyper-temporality, and affectivity. This study makes three contributions: (1) it extends the understanding of backstage organizational dynamics of social movements by adding two additional criteria of collective decision-making and collective actorhood to the extant criteria of collective identity, (2) it refines the affordances concept to explore how chat-apps influence data-related practices in contentious politics, and (3) it provides a novel method of analysis to isolate and investigate the processual dynamics of authority practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article, based on the study of doctrinal developments and the practice of states, reveals the issue of national legislation as a source of the obligation to extradite or prosecute (aut dedere aut judicare). The article highlights the position of the UN International Law Commission on the role of national legislation and state practice in implementing the obligation to extradite or prosecute; the practice of certain states (Finland, Estonia, Macedonia, Azerbaijan, Ukraine) regarding the legal establishment of the obligation to extradite or prosecute is considered; the measures that states should follow at the national level in order to effectively implement the principle of aut dedere aut judicare are defined. The article establishes that the determination of the legal nature and scope of the obligation aut dedere aut judicare is possible through the study of various types of sources in which this obligation is established (treaties, customs, international and national court decisions, national legislation of states). The obligation to extradite or prosecute has traditionally been established by international treaties of various types, the number of which is constantly increasing. The participation of many states in such international treaties (of a universal, regional or bilateral nature) is a reflection of the existing national practice of the states regarding the implementation of the principle of aut dedere aut judicare. It is substantiated that, along with treaties and customary (at least for the most serious international crimes) enshrining the principle of aut dedere aut judicare, national criminal law is an important source of the obligation to extradite or prosecute. The effective implementation of the principle of aut dedere aut judicare in each specific case will depend on the state’s fulfillment of both its international obligations and the implementation of the necessary measures (in particular, regarding the establishment of jurisdiction over offenders and criminal offenses) defined in national legislation with regard to extradition and prosecution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legal framework for extraditing individuals internationally is a vital topic that forms an integral part of international cooperation in combating organized crime and achieving international justice. This research addresses the international and regional legal framework governing extradition processes, focusing on the challenges and recent developments in this field. It reviews the agreements and legal mechanisms available to countries for the extradition of individuals, with an emphasis on the difficulties and challenges that may arise in these processes. The research concludes by emphasizing the need to enhance international cooperation and develop the legal framework for extraditing individuals internationally to combat organized crime and promote international justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aut dedere (extradition) is an erga omnes obligation towards the international community aimed at closing the gate of safe haven so that the international criminal will face the consequence of his heinous act directed at the international community from the requesting state. The term aut dedere has not been used in conventions or treaties until the eighteenth century. This paper examines the necessity of integrating the doctrine of 'aut dedere' (extradition) into International Aviation Conventions to combat civil aviation offenses and seeks to explore its treatment under Islamic law, and the potential for punishment for refusal to extradite offenders. Through doctrinal legal research, the paper reveals that while aut dedere is obligatory under conventional law, it lacks enforceability without associated punishments. Conversely, extradition under Islamic law is deemed mandatory due to its universal nature. The paper underscores the relevance of Islamic jurisprudence in modern international legal frameworks and recommends amendments to International Civil Aviation Organization conventions to enforce extradition provisions and recognize civil aviation crimes as international offences, consistent with Islamic legal principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The global cooperation and cooperation between nations at differing stages in anti-money laundering (AML) is critical. To improve the effectiveness of international cooperation in AML, it is essential to diversify international cooperation mechanisms and improve the capacity of law enforcement officers in the field of preventing this crime. This paper aims to provide a comparative analysis of mutual legal assistance (MLA) and extradition within the AML legal framework in Palestine and Malaysia. It investigates the gaps and weaknesses in Palestine's AML legal framework and offers recommendations to address them. Design/methodology/approach: The present paper is solely legal. The method adopted in this research paper is qualitative research with an emphasis on the doctrinal mechanism. As a result, it concentrates on procedures, protocols, legislation and policies. Findings: The Malaysian AML legal framework offers a clearer and more comprehensive framework for MLAs and extradition than the Palestinian AML legal framework. This framework is supported by laws that meet the basic requirements to support the issues of AML international cooperation. Both countries agree that the absence of a "bilateral or multilateral agreement" is not considered a reason for rejecting international cooperation in the field of AML with foreign countries. Moreover, the Malaysian AML legal framework divides the roles well between the law enforcement agencies and the competent authorities competing to Palestine. Originality/value: This paper would be beneficial for the Palestinian legislative, policymakers and law enforcement agencies to make international cooperation, especially with MLAs and extradition effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sentences of life imprisonment without a prospect of adequate review and release are prohibited in States party to the European Convention on Human Rights. Should the same principle apply when extradition is sought to States not party to the Convention? In Sanchez Sanchez v United Kingdom (2022), the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights applied a less strict standard for potential extraditees facing life without parole. We analyse this decision and its repercussions in light of the history of international cooperation in extreme punishment cases between Europe and the USA and recent interpretations of the new standard. The article concludes with an assessment of the level of proof litigants must present to satisfy the Sanchez Sanchez test and of how the law could continue to prevent inhuman and degrading treatment of extraditees facing life sentences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Iuridica Lublinensia is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Canada's humanitarian tradition has been a pole of attraction to new immigrants and refugees and a source of pride for Canadians. As part of an ongoing research project on changing representations of refugees and immigrants in Canadian mainstream newspapers, this research note focuses on two groups of refugees1 who came to Canada around the time of the American Civil War. We discovered the two historical extradition court cases of refugees who were wanted by the US over allegations of criminality, by thematically analyzing Globe and Mail articles between the years of 1844-1869. Our analysis shows that the dominant ideological and thematic frame of refugee newspaper reporting at the time revolved around what Canada stood for, in terms of values, and who the Canadians were. Even though these two groups of refugees were represented differently, the issue of "the right to asylum" was never questioned and always deemed to be a manifestation of a putative, pre-confederation "Canadian" identity -- which itself, in the newspaper discourse, rested on freedom, humanitarianism and the rule of law. We conclude this research note with contemporary reflections on our findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1 January 2021, the Trade and Cooperation Agreement between the United Kingdom and the European Union has regulated extradition to and from the United Kingdom and Member States of the European Union. A recent judgment of a German court denying extradition of a suspect to the United Kingdom illustrates the subtle differences between the terms and operation of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement Warrant and those of the European Arrest Warrant that had applied previously. This paper notes the absence of mutual trust as an underlying principle in the Trade and Cooperation Agreement, and the failure of the British authorities to grasp and respond to the changed criteria. At the same time, it highlights the implications of a judgment that finds that the treatment of prisoners in British prisons might be so inhuman and degrading that persons should not be extradited to face imprisonment in the United Kingdom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spiral of silence is a traditional communication theory that bridges the gap between micro and macro aspects of public opinion. In the era of Web 2.0, under the strong influence of globalization, we have reason to rethink the theory in the online environment. Following the theory of the spiral of silence, people do not express themselves when they think the climate of opinion is contrary to theirs, with silence increasing over time. Therefore, we ask: Is it possible to identify the phenomena of the spiral of silence in the online environment in the context of Hong Kong's anti-amendment law? Has the public opinion environment affected people's willingness to express themselves about the issue? To address these questions, we chose the Facebook page of the South China Morning Post, the most influential media in Hong Kong, as our object of analysis. Within that, we manually analyzed 76 posts on the South China Morning Post's Facebook website and 2,000 public comments. The results showed that minority opinion holders retained their voices initially but began to express their positions over time, breaking the spiral of silence. Based on the analysis of the context of the movement against the Extradition Law in Hong Kong, we aim to enrich empirical research on Eastern countries and suggest new avenues of research on political participation in social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of this paper is to provide with the analysis of the substantial and procedural aspects of disinheritance under the Slovak law, based on the revision of the Slovak Civil Code and certain selected court decisions. The paper also analyses the procedural aspects of disinheritance disputes, which mostly results in the proceedings before the court and emphasises the different approach of the courts in assessing the various grounds for extradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Română de Drept Maritim is the property of Universul Juridic Publishing House and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article narrates a history of the diplomatic negotiations over the extradition of deserting Gurkha soldiers between Nepal and the British India. It reads the Nepali government's refusal to enter into an agreement for handing over Gurkha deserters to British India as a mechanism of retaining the subjecthood of a valuable labor force to the Nepali state. Locating desertion in the wider history of Nepali labor migration, this article challenges racialized conceptions of Gurkha "loyalty" and "bravery," and charts the multiple avenues of employment pursued by Nepali subjects in India. Exploring how discursive claims over Gurkhas formed an integral part of Nepal's negotiation over power with the British, this article contributes to the literature on Gurkhas as currency for Nepali sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The cornerstone of international refugee law is the principle of non-refoulement , which protects refugees, asylum seekers, and other persons with protection needs from being returned against their will to a place where they risk facing persecution or other fundamental rights violations. A person who is protected against refoulement may, however, return voluntarily. Determining when such returns are truly voluntary is an issue increasingly at the heart of discussions about the lawfulness of returns, including recently in the Lake Chad Basin, East Africa, the Middle East, Southeast Asia, Europe, and Australia. Today, there does not appear to be a generally agreed legal standard to determine when a return is truly voluntary. Likewise, international law does not define a clear line at which State action to 'incentivize' or 'induce' returns amounts to refoulement or an unlawful expulsion. However, recent publications by international law expert bodies and ensuing debate among States have provided some indications as to where international law stands on the issue and the direction in which it might develop. Thus, this article first examines the interplay between voluntary returns and the principle of non-refoulement. Secondly, it analyses recent positions taken by the International Law Commission and the United Nations Committee against Torture concerning legal limits on the measures that States may take to incentivize or induce returns. Thirdly, the article considers certain measures taken by States to incentivize or induce the 'voluntary' return of a person and indicates when such measures may amount to acts of coercion or force in violation of international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to a theoretical formulation of techno-nationalism as the cultural logic of infrastructural capitalism by revisiting Debord and Situationist International's discussion of Spectacle and digital struggles. We deconstruct the concept of techno-nationalism into three interlocking but contradictory media events: techno-nationalism as the "integrated Spectacle," signifying the power of the state and capital; the disintegrative forces of media spectacles that highlight the ruptures and contradictions of global infrastructural capitalism; and digital resistance through the creation of "cyber-situations." The case of Huawei's Meng Wanzhou exemplifies how techno-nationalism emerges as an integrated ideological Spectacle with the help of media spectacles and yet undergoes a disintegration process due to inescapable contradictions and labor conflicts. This research not only analyses China as a case to understand the tactical deployment of the cultural logic of techno-nationalism with a focus on both domestic and international dimensions as political economic and social forces but also on the inherent contradictions and digital struggles in global infrastructural capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Universal jurisdiction is a principle of international law that maintains the right to try an accused for serious crimes that are globally recognised. The offences are defined in international customary law and include the breach of the jus cogens norms. The liability for breach of the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Civil Aviation ('Montreal Convention') was invoked in the case of suspects from Libyan Arab Jamahiriya in the Lockerbie air disaster. The United Kingdom and the United States made a separate request to the UN Security Council to take certain provisional measures against Libya, calculated to coerce or compel it to surrender the accused individuals to any jurisdiction outside Libya. The judgment led to a miscarriage of justice as the accused were tried under Scottish law and the issue is whether a 'third alternative' could be added to the traditional aut dedere aut judicare principle – aut transferere. The argument here is that in order for the principle to be sustained there should be recognition of the principle of universal jurisdiction and the ambit of the Suppression Conventions should be extended so that a trial can be conducted in the domestic courts of a foreign defendant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1581 and 1584, Giovanni Francesco Bonomi represented the Pope and Roman Curia at the Imperial court of Rudolf II. His official correspondence is currently in preparation for publication. The spectacular case of Giacomo Paleologo, who was wanted by the Roman Inquisition, played a special role in the papal diplomat's agenda. After his arrest in Moravia and imprisonment in Klosterneuburg, Paleologo was handed over to the Roman authorities by Rudolf II at the urging of the Nuncio. The article deals with Paleologo's long stay in the Habsburg lands which was marked by numerous upheavals; the problem of his transfer from the Empire to the Roman „Tribunal of the Faith" (with an overview of other comparable prominent cases of extradition from a sovereign state – for example, Spain, Venice, Tuscany); and the course and organisation of the prisoner's transport to the Papal States where Paleologo was finally executed in 1585. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attends to the belongingness of a group of ethnically diverse young people in Hong Kong. The quest for belonging is no less intense for them during the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) movement in Hong Kong. Resulting from such sociopolitical climate are paradoxical questions of who might (not) count as Hong Konger. This study draws on focus groups with ethnically diverse young people conducted at the height of the Anti-ELAB protests. It considers how belonging is segmented across racial lines and different temporal locations. The analysis illustrates tacit links between ethnically diverse young people's non-belonging resulting from their past experiences of structural racism and belonging realized in the collectivity that sits with the movement's sociopolitical climate. The precarity of belongingness, we argue, is contingent upon an acute consciousness and redrawing of cultural membership in Hong Kong's shifting sociopolitical realm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ius Novum is the property of Sciendo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper intends to investigate how the differentiation between traditional and alternative media is reinforced through the mutual attention among journalists, based on field theory. It further argues that a significant social movement can serve as a critical event which intensifies mutual monitoring among journalists. Focusing on the anti-extradition law amendment bill movement in Hong Kong, this study conducted interviews with 20 reporters from traditional and alternative media. The analysis revealed two mechanisms of mutual monitoring: (a) direct monitoring at protest sites and (b) monitoring published works. Such monitoring activities reinforce the differentiation between traditional and alternative media through encouraging boundary work exercised by traditional media journalists and providing cues for alternative media reporters to cover important perspectives which are missing in the mainstream coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Jurídica (0103-3506) is the property of Revista Juridica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Studies surrounding transnational repression have taken an interest in the relationships between targeted citizens and their countries of origin, such as strategies used against individuals, and the legitimacy of exercising such extraterritorial powers. However, the role of the host state in facilitating this transnational repressive control is yet another area that requires greater academic attention. This article argues that a host state's policy silence and legal loopholes regarding the protection of political exiles against transnational repression practices can allow the country of origin to aggressively exercise control over the diaspora population beyond borders, causing spatial encroachment symbolically and materially in the host state. We use Thailand as a case study by examining certain areas of policy spaces that have potential impacts on the growth of transnational repression practices. The study concludes that the host state's reactions to such practices have strong implications for the expansion of repressive transnational powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the little known Longchamps Affair, this article explores the interaction between state and national, and popular and legal, conceptions of American citizenship during the founding era. In 1784, French migrant Charles Julien de Longchamps attacked a French diplomat on the streets of Philadelphia, sparking a national debate on what it meant to be an American citizen. While the French government demanded his expatriation, in an unexpected turn of events, Longchamps alleged that he had been naturalised as a citizen of Pennsylvania the day before the attack, and consequently had the right to stand trial in the United States. The affair became a national referendum on the nature of American citizenship. Officials employed a state-centric, legal vision of membership inherited from the colonial period to argue that Longchamps was not an American citizen and advocate for his removal. These claims were disputed in newspaper coverage across the United States, which instead contended that Longchamps' commitment to revolutionary values proved his citizenship, invoking a broader national community. The public perceived Longchamps' fate as inherently tied to their own, demonstrating that a shared sense of belonging across the United States was equally as important as state membership in shaping how citizenship was understood in real terms. The Longchamps Affair provides a window into the ambiguous and contested nature of membership during the founding decades, both in determining what constituted American citizenship, and how the rights conferred by citizenship differed for native-born Americans and naturalized migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 2019 to 2020, Hong Kong faced public unrest due to the Anti-Extradition Bill Movement. Political graffiti became a prevalent way to express dissent and different perspectives. This study uses linguistic landscape theory to examine the sociolinguistic and political characteristics of the graffiti that emerged during the protests. The goal is to highlight the counter-narratives that developed during this time. The findings, based on primary data (photos of graffiti) and secondary data (newspaper reports and social media posts on graffiti) collected from August 2019 to February 2020, suggest that protesters aimed to push forward the discourse on Hong Kong as a global economic hub that is succumbing to 'mainlandization.' As a result, much of the graffiti was written in English and other global languages. Although many of these messages were insightful and timely, some promoted radical ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]