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A series of survey-based experiments of ex-combatants who are in the Colombian National Reintegration Agency's (ARN) economic reintegration process.

El objetivo de esta investigación fue precisar, desde la perspectiva de la psicología jurídica crítica, los tipos de afectaciones y daño psicológico que presentan los excombatientes del conflicto armado en el marco del Derecho Internacional Humanitario, tanto de grupos ilegales como de las fuerzas públicas del Estado, para ello se contó con la participación de cuatro excombatientes de las FARC-EP y seis excombatientes de las fuerzas públicas en condición de discapacidad a causa de heridas de guerra, principalmente de la Policía Nacional. Por medio de una investigación cualitativa de tipo fenomenológico, se realizaron diez entrevistas semiestructuradas a profundidad, codificadas y analizadas en base a cinco categorías principales: historia de vida, daño vivido en la vinculación, permanencia y desvinculación, proceso de reintegración-rehabilitación, relación con el Estado y la sociedad y proyecto de vida. Se encontró que el daño psicológico de los participantes es transversal a todas las categorías, especialmente a la historia de vida, la relación con el Estado y el proceso de reintegración-rehabilitación. Se construyó el concepto de víctima-excombatiente para todos aquellos participantes del conflicto armado que obtienen perjuicios físicos y psicológicos a causa del mismo. Se propone que las víctimas-excombatientes sean vistas como víctimas del conflicto y sean involucradas en los programas de reparación, preferiblemente a partir de medidas de rehabilitación, satisfacción y garantías de no repetición. Palabras clave: conflicto armado, trauma psicosocial, daño psicológico, víctimas, reclutamiento, reintegración, excombatientes. The objective of this investigation was to determine, from the perspective of critical legal psychology, to determine the types of psychological damage and afflictions suffered by former combatants of the armed conflict within the framework of International Humanitarian Law, both from illegal groups and from the State's public forces. To this end, four former combatants of the FARC-EP and six former combatants of the public forces who were disabled due to war wounds, mainly from the National Police, participated in the study. By means of a qualitative phenomenological research, ten semi-structured in-depth interviews were carried out, which were codified and analyzed based on five main categories: life story, damage experienced in the bonding, permanence and detachment, reintegration-rehabilitation process, relationship with the State and society, and life project. It was found that the psychological damage of the participants cuts across all categories, especially life story, relationship with the State and the reintegration-rehabilitation process. The concept of victim-ex-combatant was constructed for all those participants in the armed conflict who suffer physical and psychological harm as a result of the conflict. It is proposed that victim-combatants be seen as victims of the conflict and be involved in reparation programmes, preferably on the basis of rehabilitation measures, satisfaction and guarantees of non-repetition. Key words: conflict, war, psychological trauma, victims, child soldier, reintegration, recruitment, excombatants. Magíster en Psicología Jurídica Maestría

RESUMEN Este trabajo corresponde a una investigación cualitativa cuyo objeto de estudio fue explorar actitudes hacia la reconciliación social con exvictimarios, presentes en víctimas del conflicto interno armado. Participaron 400 víctimas que gestionaban su proceso de reparación integral en el Departamento del Atlántico durante los años 2014 y 2015. Entre los hallazgos a resaltar, se destaca la presencia de diferentes y contradictorias categorías de mínima coexistencia y confianza; cuyos contenidos no coinciden en su totalidad con características de una convivencia pacífica, avizorando dificultades para avanzar hacia el perdón y para establecer lazos de confianza. Finalmente, se ofrecen reflexiones a considerar para formular una política pública del perdón. ABSTRACT This work corresponds to a qualitative investigation whose object of study was to explore attitudes towards social reconciliation with excombatants felt by victims of internal armed conflict. 400 victims were interviewed, they were processing their integral repair in the Department of the Atlantic during 2014 and 2015. Between the findings to stand out, the presence of different and contradictory tendencies of coexistence and confidence stands out; whose contents do not agree in their totality with characteristics of a pacific coexistence, watching difficulties to advance towards the forgiveness and establish confidence bond. Finally, reflections are offered to consider to formulate a public policy of the forgiveness.

Este trabajo corresponde a una investigación cualitativa cuyo objeto de estudio fue explorar actitudes hacia la reconciliación social con exvictimarios, presentes en víctimas del conflicto interno armado. Participaron 400 víctimas que gestionaban su proceso de reparación integral en el Departamento del Atlántico durante los años 2014 y 2015. Entre los hallazgos a resaltar, se destaca la presencia de diferentes y contradictorias categorías de mínima coexistencia y confianza; cuyos contenidos no coinciden en su totalidad con características de una convivencia pacífica, avizorando dificultades para avanzar hacia el perdón y para establecer lazos de confianza. Finalmente, se ofrecen reflexiones a considerar para formular una política pública del perdón. This work corresponds to a qualitative investigation whose object of study was to explore attitudes towards social reconciliation with excombatants felt by victims of internal armed conflict. 400 victims were interviewed, they were processing their integral repair in the Department of the Atlantic during 2014 and 2015. Between the findings to stand out, the presence of different and contradictory tendencies of coexistence and confidence stands out; whose contents do not agree in their totality with characteristics of a pacific coexistence, watching difficulties to advance towards the forgiveness and establish confidence bond. Finally, reflections are offered to consider to formulate a public policy of the forgiveness.

La Comisión de la Verdad y la Reconciliación (CVR) de Sudáfrica ha sido presentada como una herramienta ejemplar en temas de formación de memoria y esfuerzos por lograr la reconciliación; sin embargo, varias críticas se han formulado frente a sus resultados. En este ensayo se hace énfasis en la crítica relacionada con la exclusión de ciertos discursos en el resultado final de la CVR, especialmente el discurso de las mujeres, el de los excombatientes y el de los desplazados forzosamente. Estos discursos, más allá de estar ausentes en los resultados de la CVR, han encontrado diferentes herramientas para darse a conocer y, a través de esto, han logrado generar una historia de Sudáfrica y una visión del apartheid más completa que la que se dedujo solamente de la comisión. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) has been presented as an exemplar tool related to subjects as memory reconstruction or reconciliation; none the less, several criticisms have been made in relation to its results. This essay focuses on the criticisms related to the exclusion of some discourses from the end results of the TRC, such as those from women, ex combatants and forced removals. Those discourses, whether they were absent form the conclusions of TRC, have found different ways to expose themselves, completing with this, the version of South African history and apartheid deduced from the Commission. La Commission de Vérité et Réconciliation (CVR) d'Afrique du Sud a été présenté comme un outil exemplaire en matière de formation des efforts de mémoire et de réconciliation. Cependant, plusieurs critiques ont été formulées contre ses résultats. Cet article met l'accent sur les critiques relatives à l'exclusion de certains discours dans le résultat final de la CVR, en particulier le discours des femmes, les ex-combattants et des déplacements forcés. Ces discours, en plus d'être absent sur les résultats de la CVR, ont trouvé des outils différents pour se faire connaître et, ce faisant, ont créé une histoire de l'Afrique du Sud et une vision plus complète de l'apartheid que celle apparue de la seule de la commission. A Comissão de Verdade e Reconciliação (CVR) da África do Sul foi apresentada como um instrumento exemplar para o esforço de formação da memória e da reconciliação. No entanto, diversas críticas foram feitas contra os seus resultados. Este artigo incide sobre as críticas quanto à exclusão de certos discursos no resultado final da CVR, no discurso do particular das mulheres ex-combatentes e deslocamento forçado. Esses discursos, além de estar ausente nos resultados da CVR, encontraram diferentes ferramentas de comunicação e, ao fazê-lo ter criado uma história da África do Sul e uma visão mais completa do apartheid, que parecia que o único da comissão.

The National Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Program (NDDRP) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) was implemented over a period of seven years (2004- 2011) with the World Bank's support and funding. The NDDRP had three objectives: 1) disarmament of all combatants willing to be granted a status of demobilized person; 2) demobilization of all ex-combatants who met the conditions for a return to civilian life through a downsizing process of armed forces or groups; and 3) reintegrate the demobilized in the social and economic practices of the community of their choice with opportunities and conditions similar to those of other members of the community. To achieve these objectives, the DRC government initially established a National Commission of Demobilization and Reinsertion (CONADER, 2003), then established the NDDRP (2004), and finally created a new NDDRP Implementation Unit (IU-NDDRP, 2007). NDDRP was divided into three distinct phases, each capitalizing on the gains as well as the mistakes of the past. Economic reintegration of demobilized ex-combatants represented four out of five demobilized as recorded by the program. At the program's conclusion, the implementing partners decided to support the creation, legalization, and strengthening of demobilized persons' economic associations. This model of economic and social reintegration developed by the NDDRP can serve as a model framework for future rehabilitation and reintegration processes in DRC as well as in other countries. Finally, as the results were not as high as expected in regard to the number of women as well as wounded and disabled veterans demobilized, the NDDRP can be lauded for successfully reaching and reintegrating a highly significant number of Children Associated to Armed Forces and Groups (CAAFG) through special projects executed by different implementing partners.

The eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is poised on the edge of a machete blade. Despite the achievement of considerable peace-building successes throughout much of this central African state in recent years, the current activities of armed groups and the Congolese armed forces in North Kivu, South Kivu, and Ituri, have the potential to further destabilize the eastern provinces, and possibly even neighboring countries. Former combatants are prominent in the security and stability equation in the eastern DRC. The reason is that if this section of society has not been effectively disarmed, demobilized and reintegrated into civilian life, then they have the potential to return to arms. In this region, over 100,000 ex-combatants have been demobilized over the past decade in successive waves of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) interventions. Assessments and speculation about the reintegration of ex-combatants in North Kivu, South Kivu and Ituri have suggested that these individuals have become marginalized, and their reintegration into civilian society is precarious, thus making them vulnerable to further recruitment by armed groups. Some reports have even suggested that numerous former fighters have remilitarized in the mining areas in order to access mineral wealth. Consequently, research on the socio-economic reintegration of ex-combatants in the eastern DRC was undertaken by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), and funded by the Transitional Demobilization and Reintegration Program (TDRP) of the World Bank. North Kivu, South Kivu and Ituri were the three geographical areas of focus, given the volatility and potential pivotal role of these areas in promoting and consolidating peace in the eastern DRC. The specific objectives of the research were to: 1) assess the processes of the socio-economic reintegration of former combatants into civilian life; 2) analyze the causes and dynamics of the current security situation (or lack thereof) in the three areas, and the implications for current and future DDR processes; and 3) evaluate the extent to which demobilized former combatants have been re-recruited into armed groups, including motivating and resilience factors. The research took place between February and September 2011, with the findings and analysis being presented in this report.

The purpose of this study was to provide a better understanding for policy makers and service providers of mobility and migration among ex-combatants and the effectiveness of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programming in Uganda. The study followed a scoping study on migration in Uganda conducted in March 2011 by the Transitional Demobilization and Reintegration Program (TDRP) of the World Bank. This study had the following specific objectives: 1) to analyze push/pull migration factors of ex-combatants in Uganda, with a specific focus on social as well as economic factors both within communities of origin and at new communities of re-settlement; 2) to explore any impact of DDR programming on migration of ex-combatants in Uganda; 3) to increase the understanding of the impact of migration by ex-combatants on the effectiveness of past and current DDR programming, specifically on reintegration efforts; and 4) to generate recommendations on how to improve DDR programming, taking into account findings from other related studies.

A key driver of Liberia's re-emergence from utter destruction, between 2004 and 2008, was the willingness of international actors to accept the responsibility and risks associated with stabilization. This was accomplished by confronting these risks directly, even at the cost of temporarily filling institutional voids and sharing sovereignty with the Liberian transitional authorities. The main international diplomatic representations and aid agencies on the ground came to accept from their varying perspectives that peace in Liberia was fragile and that the Accra Comprehensive Peace Agreement (ACPA) of September 2003 was only the beginning of a protracted stabilization effort. The domestic market for consultants and goods did not exist, requiring the World Bank to innovate with new modes of delivering assistance. Thus, peace consolidation compelled international partners to simultaneously (i) prevent full state capture by corrupt elites in advance of elections and (ii) secure a peace dividend to vulnerable groups which could most directly threaten peace (young ex-combatants and refugees). Building on a solid UN-World Bank partnership, the international community found the internal consensus to address each of the two complementary peace consolidation challenges, adopting two highly innovative instruments: (i) an anti-corruption scheme labeled Governance and Economic Management Assistance Program (GEMAP), involving such robust measures as expatriate co-signing authority, and (ii) a short-term employment-generation scheme now known as roads-with- United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), centered on a rare direct collaboration between the Bank and the engineering units of the UN's military peacekeeping force on the ground. This paper examines these two instruments more closely, in their successes and failures as well as from the perspective of temporary shared sovereignty and co-production.

This report aims to assess the steps taken during Rwanda's transition following the genocide against the objective of the long-term durability of domestic peace. Its principal conclusion is that peace is most likely to endure if Rwanda's political space is gradually opened up to allow: (i) Rwanda's formal state institutions to establish greater autonomy from the current regime; and (ii) Rwandan political and civil society, its political opposition and media in particular, to evolve as mature and independent counterweights to the ruling party. Incremental political liberalization will encourage an important shift in Rwanda's political culture to one which encouraged accountability for the subordination of institutional rules to personal, party, or ethnic interests. It falls on the regime to show the way forward to Rwanda's civil and political society by demonstrating its tolerance for genuine political pluralism, dissent, and inclusion. It is in the regime's long-term strategic self-interest to encourage such a change in political culture and increase its legitimacy in order to discourage attempts to bring about regime change extra-constitutionally.

Violent conflict is the multifaceted and cyclical problem that the international community is trying to grapple with. To date, there has been a clear hierarchy concerning what forms of violence are seen to matter most, with political violence that threatens the state taking pole position. In examining this argument, this paper sets out a number of issues relating to security and justice definitions. It will then examine some of the problems associated with placing conflict into a box-set typology: mass violence associated with war and genocide carries unique features but also spawns new challenges which are often being ignored. The paper will then examine in brief some of the measures used by communities, governmental actors and international partners in contending with violence before outlining some key conclusions and recommendations. In reading this paper two further points need be borne in mind: 1) this does not provide a comprehensive overview of violence and security - that is the role of the World Development Report (WDR) itself, and 2) this paper does not present fresh research, but more an overview, along with the other papers in the security-justice series, of some of the key issues confronting policy makers in the domain of security and development.

This paper documents significant differences in the impacts the war in Aceh had on ex-combatants and civilians and how these differences shaped the post-war decision-making processes of their households. Because of the overwhelming percentage of the ex-combatant population in rural areas (over 90 percent), particular attention is paid to the agricultural sector. The second section provides summary statistics of former combatants' household and individual characteristics, and economic conditions. In order to place the economic conditions of former combatants in context, the section will include a comparison of former combatants with civilians. After the end of the war, ex-combatants were found to have fewer assets, more injuries, and lower educational attainment than civilians. After providing an overview of the economic welfare of former combatants and civilians, an analytical framework is developed in the third section that will be used to understand the variation in economic outcomes of former combatants. The framework will draw connections between the varying degree to which war affects individuals and communities to the post-war decisions and processes that lead to differences in ex-combatants' economic outcomes. In the fourth section, field data from nine village case studies from three districts in Aceh will be marshaled to place the analytical framework in the context of Aceh. In particular, the framework and field data suggest that the more limited physical and human capital endowments constrained the choices of former combatants since they had to maintain enough liquidity to meet their consumption needs rather than being able to invest in more productive activities. The fifth section will outline various hypotheses that emerge from the analytical framework as well as from the qualitative data and section six will assess the various hypotheses on the statistical evidence from the ARLS data. Thus, section six will provide a broad assessment of the observable implications of the analytical framework developed in sections three and four. In particular, ex-combatants with fewer assets and a lack of access to capital were more likely to have lower incomes and to engage in quickly maturing, but lower return, economic activities. The paper will conclude with an examination of the implications of the findings for reintegration and development policy in Aceh as well as for other post-war contexts elsewhere.

La Comisión de la Verdad y la Reconciliación (CVR) de Sudáfrica ha sido presentada como una herramienta ejemplar en temas de formación de memoria y esfuerzos por lograr la reconciliación, sin embargo; varias críticas se han formulado frente a sus resultados. En este ensayo se hace énfasis en la crítica relacionada con la exclusión de ciertos discursos en el resultado final de la CVR; especialmente el discurso de las mujeres; el de los excombatientes y el de los desplazados forzosamente. Estos discursos; más allá de estar ausentes en los resultados de la CVR; han encontrado diferentes herramientas para darse a conocer y; a través de esto; han logrado generar una historia de Sudáfrica y una visión del apartheid más completa que la que se dedujo solamente de la comisión. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) has been presented as an exemplar tool related to subjects as memory reconstruction or reconciliation, none the less; several criticisms have been made in relation to its results. This essay focuses on the criticisms related to the exclusion of some discourses from the end results of the TRC; such as those from women; ex combatants and forced removals. Those discourses; whether they were absent form the conclusions of TRC; have found different ways to expose themselves; completing with this; the version of South African history and apartheid deduced from the Commission