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Cinco años después de la firma del acuerdo de paz en Colombia la implementación no se ha detenido a pesar de numerosos obstáculos durante estos años se cimentaron los procesos de construcción de paz con el fin de construir una base sólida para transformaciones sostenibles en el largo plazo, si se compara con otros procesos de paz en el mundo alcanzar el quinto año de implementación del acuerdo final es un hito fundamental , en este ensayo se presenta el estado actual de la implementación del acuerdo final abordando los 6 puntos del acuerdo 5 años después de la firma del acuerdo final, se hacen reflexiones desde el monitoreo a la implementación , se hace un análisis cuantitativo y cualitativo apoyado de las publicaciones del Instituto KROC, INDEPAZ, Congreso de la republica, UNMVC, acción contraminas, entre otros sobre la implementación de las 578 disposiciones desde el inicio del acuerdo diciembre del 2016 a noviembre de 2021,así mismo resalta las fortalezas retos y oportunidades que presenta el acuerdo actualmente, además se señala que el ritmo de la implementación debe aumentar para que logren completarse todos los compromisos del acuerdo final para año 2031, 15 años después de su firma a noviembre de 2021. Por otra parte se analiza el por que las disidencias de las Farc no ingresaron al acuerdo de paz y como están actualmente en la parte armada y política. Five years after the signing of the peace agreement in Colombia, implementation has not stopped despite numerous obstacles. During these years, peacebuilding processes were laid in order to build a solid foundation for long-term sustainable transformations. if it is compared with other peace processes in the world reaching the fifth year of implementation of the final agreement is a fundamental milestone , this essay presents the current status of the implementation of the final agreement addressing the 6 points of the agreement 5 years after the signing of the final agreement, reflections are made from monitoring to implementation, a quantitative and qualitative analysis is made supported by the publications of the KROC Institute, INDEPAZ, Congress of the Republic, UNMVC, countermine action, among others on the implementation of the 578 provisions from the beginning of the agreement December 2016 to November 2021, it also highlights the strengths, challenges and opportunities that The agreement is currently presented, it is also pointed out that the pace of implementation must increase so that all the commitments of the final agreement can be completed by the year 2031, 15 years after its signing in November 2021. On the other hand, it is analyzed why the FARC dissidents did not enter the peace agreement and as they are currently in the armed and political part. Especialización

Resumen Los procesos de paz en Colombia en los siglos XX y XXI estipulan múltiples estrategias de asentamientos para excombatientes, que vinculan servicios sustitutivos y reconciliatorios al domicilio, por la pérdida de beneficios de ser combatiente y para su reinserción a la vida civil. Servicios a manera de programas de reintegración para la seguridad física, económica y política de los desmovilizados, lo que revela grados de compromiso del gobierno nacional en la construcción de paz. Los desafíos persisten: procesos de paz en medio de hostilidades, control territorial por grupos al margen de la ley, pérdida violenta del hábitat, desplazados internos y excombatientes viviendo en áreas residenciales con amplias carencias socioespaciales. No obstante, la permanencia en colectivo de excombatientes y sus familias en asentamientos, es una apuesta territorial para la construcción de paz de poblados en posacuerdo en medio del conflicto. Abstract The peace processes in Colombia in the XX and XXI centuries stipulate multiple settlement strategies for ex-combatants, which link substitute and reconciliatory services to being domiciled, for the loss of benefits of being a combatant and for their reinsertion into civilian life. Services in the form of reintegration programs for the physical, economic and political security of demobilized combatants, which reveals the degree of commitment of the national government in peace building. Challenges persist: peace processes in the midst of hostilities, territorial control by illegal groups, violent loss of habitat, internally displaced persons and ex-combatants living in residential areas with extensive socio-spatial deficiencies. However, the collective permanence of ex-combatants and their families in settlements is a territorial bet for the construction of peace in post-agreement villages in the midst of the conflict. Resumo Os processos de paz na Colômbia nos séculos XX e XXI estipulam múltiplas estratégias de povoações para ex-combatentes, que ligam os serviços de substituição e reconciliação ao domicílio, pela perda dos benefícios de ser um combatente e pela sua reintegração na vida civil. Serviços sob a forma de programas de reintegração para a segurança física, económica e política dos combatentes desmobilizados, revelando graus de empenhamento do governo nacional na construção da paz. Os desafios persistem: processos de paz no meio de hostilidades, controlo territorial por grupos armados ilegais, perda violenta de habitat, deslocados internos e ex-combatentes que vivem em zonas residenciais com grande privação sócio-espacial. No entanto, a permanência coletiva de ex-combatentes e das suas famílias em colonatos é um desafio territorial para a construção da paz em povoações em pós-conflito no meio do conflito. Résumé Les processus de paix en Colombie aux XX et XXI siècles prévoient de multiples stratégies de règlement pour les ex-combattants, qui lient les services de substitution et de réconciliation au foyer, pour la perte des avantages liés au statut de combattant et pour leur réintégration dans la vie civile. Des services sous forme de programmes de réintégration pour la sécurité physique, économique et politique des combattants démobilisés, révélant le degré d'engagement du gouvernement national dans la consolidation de la paix. Les défis persistent: les processus de paix au milieu des hostilités, le contrôle territorial par des groupes armés illégaux, la perte violente d'habitat, les personnes déplacées et les ex-combattants vivant dans des zones résidentielles avec une privation socio-spatiale étendue. Cependant, la permanence collective des ex-combattants et de leurs familles dans des établissements constitue un défi territorial pour la construction de la paix dans les villages post-accord en plein conflit.

Since 2014, Ukraine experiences armed conflict on the territory of its eastern part. The Ukrainian government had announced the anti-terrorist operation (ATO) to combat the separatists. This paper reports on research exploring the social needs of ex-combatants in Ukraine and pathways for social reintegration available to them. The research data reached theoretical saturation by interviewing ten ex-combatants and 11 representatives of different services (social workers, psychologists, psychotherapists, priests etc.). Additionally, field notes and grey literature were also considered for the analysis. To triangle, the data received from an interview the analysis of national legal acts on social protection of ex-combatants were analysed. The following emerging themes came from the study: 1) expectations vs ambivalent attitudes and needs; 2) needs in social workers vs lack of social services. First, the study demonstrates that the primary need of the ATO (OOS) participant after returning home is social and psychological support. ATO participants say they have high expectations for the family and society, not from the state. However, some of the ex-combatants face ambivalent and hostile attitudes. Conducted interviews reveal that social support to ATO veterans is reduced mainly to material benefits: privileges, subsidies, cash payments, etc. There is still no single model of social support for ATO participants that is legally defined. In addition, there is no prescribed standardised mechanism for providing social services to combatants. The Ukrainian legislation includes several acts related to providing various benefits and guarantees of social protection for veterans. However, the ex-combatants stated that they filled unprotected. Opportunities for employment, education and good quality of life overall without the support promised by the legislation was rather tricky. Data suggest that transition to civilian life for ex-combatants is undermined by inadequate procedures, lack of support, and complicated administrative demands. Based on the study findings, the recommendations to amend the state program of physical, medical, psychological rehabilitation and re-adaptation of ATO participants were proposed. The changes to the program might include the introduction of social and psychological support to be provided by all centres and services for ATO veterans. Furthermore, social participation and inclusion of ex-combatants concerning the DDR (Disarmament –Demobilisation and Reintegration) concept and resilience-based approach should be a core idea of social work approach instead of paternalistic social welfare approaches inherited by Ukraine from the Soviet model of social assistance. The findings indicate pitfalls in the protective framework of war veterans. Currently, the available social support comes down to material benefits: benefits, subsidies, cash payments and more. Respondents point out the need to develop comprehensive social work interventions for combatants. This paper concludes that more needs to be done to enhance the social services for the new group of social work clients, including services that could enable ex-combatants to develop the skills they need to reintegrate within their community.

La presente investigación busca explicar los factores que impulsan o restringen la reincidencia de actividades ilegales en excombatientes desmovilizados de grupos armados ilegales en Colombia, a partir de la teoría de las fuerzas de conducción o restricción de Kaplan y Nussio, y de los factores emergentes identificados desde la realización de entrevistas a profundidad a excombatientes. Enmarcando estos resultados en un esquema denominado “la interacción de cargas contextuales e individuales”. Por último, se propone una jerarquización general de estos factores y se diagrama su operación basado en tres categorías generadas por el perfil de los excombatientes en la guerra: ex mando, excombatiente de base y ex miliciano. Excombatientes de grupos armados ilegales This research seeks to explain the factors that drive or restrict the recurrence of illegal activities in demobilized ex-combatants of illegal armed groups in Colombia, based on the theory of the driving or restraining forces of Kaplan and Nussio, and the emerging factors identified since conducting in-depth interviews with ex-combatants. Framing these results in a scheme called "the interaction of contextual and individual loads". Finally, a general hierarchy of these factors is proposed, and their operation is diagrammed based on three categories generated by the profile of ex-combatants in the war: ex-commander, ex-base combatant and ex-militiaman. Magíster en Estudios de Paz y Resolución de Conflictos Maestría

RESUMEN Los procesos de reintegración competen tanto a las personas que se encuentran en ellos como a la sociedad que está pasando por tal coyuntura. Tras el análisis de la Ruta de Reintegración aplicada en el lapso 2003-2006 para la desmovilización paramilitar en Colombia, surge el interrogante acerca de sus implicaciones en el momento en el que alguien se enfrenta a un cambio de realidad y la forma en la cual la sociedad es partícipe en este proceso. Mediante un estudio cualitativo, se analizan cuatro historias de vida tomadas del programa de radio “La Reintegración, el camino hacia la paz”, las cuales se contrastan con las dimensiones para la reintegración: personal, habitabilidad y ciudadanía, diseñados desde el enfoque individual en el papel de los excombatientes y el enfoque comunal en la disposición de la sociedad. Como resultado, se argumenta que es necesario incorporar una articulación sistémica para el éxito del proceso. ABSTRACT Reintegration processes are as much a matter for the people who are going through them as for the society that is living such a conjuncture. After the analysis of the Ruta de Integración (Reintegration Route) applied between 2003 and 2006 for the paramilitary demobilization in Colombia, a arises about its implications at the moment in which someone faces a change of reality and about the way in which the society participates in this process. With a qualitative study, four life stories taken from the radio program “La Reintegración, el camino hacia la paz” (Reintegration, the path to peace) are analyzed and contrasted with the dimensions for reintegration: personal, habitability and citizenship. The mentioned dimensions are designed from an individual perspective on the role of ex-combatants and a communal approach regarding society’s disposition. As a result, we argue that it’s necessary to incorporate a systemic articulation for the process to be successful. RESUMO Os processos de reintegração competem tanto às pessoas que participam de les quanto à sociedade que está passando por tal conjuntura. Após a análise da Rota de Reintegração aplicada no intervalo de 2003-2006 para a desmobilização paramilitar na Colômbia, surge a questão sobre suas implicações no momento em que alguém encara uma mudança de realidade e a forma na qual a sociedade é partícipe nesse processo. Por meio de um estudo qualitativo, quatro histórias de vida do programa de rádio “La Reintegración, el camino hacia la paz” (A Reintegração, o caminho para a paz) são analisadas. Tais histórias são contrastadas com as dimensões para a reintegração: pessoal, habitabilidade e cidadania, desenhadas a partir da abordagem individual no papel dos ex-combatentes e na abordagem municipal na disposição da sociedade. Como resultado, argumenta-se que é necessário incorporar uma articulação sistêmica para o sucesso do processo.

La presente investigación tiene como propósito comprender el cambio en la construcción narrativa de la identidad de familias que han pasado por un proceso de reintegración de las FARC-EP, contando con la participación de 3 grupos familiares, residentes en la ciudad de Bogotá o municipios aledaños, en el que al menos uno de sus miembros se haya reintegrado. Para el desarrollo de la misma, el fenómeno de investigación fue abordado desde la metodología cualitativa de segundo orden, a través de la técnica de escenarios conversacionales reflexivos, visibilizando los diferentes relatos que las familias han construido a lo largo de su vida y a partir de la experiencia del proceso de reintegración. La información obtenida fue interpretada por medio de un análisis categorial, en el cual se clasificaron los relatos en tres categorías (Cambio narrativo, construcción narrativa de la identidad familiar y experiencia del proceso de reintegración) que a su vez contenían 6 subcategorías (organización familiar, creencias y significados, redes comunitarias, singularidad, institucionalidad y acciones de transformación social). Como resultados se reconoce la construcción de modelos familiares más allá de cánones tradicionales, así como la importancia del establecimiento de redes comunitarias, que permiten la emergencia de relatos posibilitadores, flexibilizando sus pautas de relación tras el proceso de reintegración. Además, frente la insuficiencia institucional que perciben, se resalta la agencia de los excombatientes desde acciones transformadoras que contribuyen a la reconciliación y reparación del tejido social. The purpose of this research is to understand the change in the narrative construction of the identity of families that have gone through a process of reintegration of the FARC-EP, in which three family groups, resident in the city of Bogotá participated or neighboring municipalities, in which at least one of its members has been reinstated. For the development of the same, the phenomenon of investigation is approached from the qualitative methodology of second order, through the strategy of reflexive conversational scenarios, making visible the different stories that the families have constructed throughout their life and from the experience of the reintegration process. The information obtained was interpreted by means of a categorical analysis, in which the stories were classified into three categories (narrative change, narrative construction of the family identity and experience of the reintegration process) which in turn contained 6 subcategories (family organization, beliefs and meanings, community networks, uniqueness, institutionality and social transformation actions). As results, it is recognized the construction of family models beyond traditional canons as well as the importance of the establishment of community networks, which allow the emergence of enabling stories, making their relationship patterns more flexible after the reintegration process. In addition, in view of the institutional insufficiency that they perceive, the agency of the ex-combatants is highlighted from transformative actions that contribute to the reconciliation and repair of the social fabric. Psicólogo http://unidadinvestigacion.usta.edu.co Pregrado

Este trabajo de investigación buscó identificar las actitudes que algunas víctimas, trabajadores de la paz y excombatientes de las FARC –EP tienen frente al componente de reparación propuesto en el acuerdo final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera, definido por el gobierno de Colombia y las FARC en el año 2016. Para ello el presente estudio se desarrolló bajo la pregunta ¿Cuáles son las actitudes de las víctimas, trabajadores de la paz y excombatientes de FARC frente a la propuesta de reparación presentada en los acuerdos de paz? La investigación se realizó desde un enfoque cualitativo orientado por el análisis del discurso como herramienta técnica para abordar la información obtenida mediante la realización de 26 entrevistas semiestructuradas aplicadas a víctimas de estado, víctimas de las FARC, excombatientes de las FARC desmovilizadas en el marco de los acuerdos, trabajadores de la paz vinculados a entidades estatales y organizaciones no gubernamentales. Como resultado del proceso de investigación, se evidenciaron importantes hallazgos en cada uno de los actores ya mencionados, teniendo en cuenta las categorías de análisis cualitativos presentados en la metodología (componentes cognitivo, afectivo y conductual de la actitud), frente al componente de reparación establecido en el acuerdo de paz. Adicionalmente, se identificaron actitudes políticas frente a los pilares de la Justicia Transicional (Verdad, Justicia, Reparación, Garantías de no repetición) y la reparación colectiva. This research work focused on identifying the attitudes that victims, peace workers and ex-combatants of the FARC-EP have against the reparation component proposed in the final agreement for the end of the conflict and the construction of a stable and lasting peace, defined by the Colombian government and the FARC in 2016. To this end, the study was conducted under the question: ¿What are the attitudes of the victims, peace workers and ex-combatants of the FARC in the face of the proposed reparation presented in the peace accords? The research was conducted from a qualitative approach guided by discourse analysis as a technical tool to address the information obtained through 26 semi-structured interviews applied to victims of the state, victims of the FARC, ex-combatants of the FARC demobilized within the framework of the agreements, peace workers linked to state entities and non-governmental organizations.As a result of the research process, important findings were evidenced in each one of the aforementioned actors, taking into account the categories of qualitative analysis presented in the methodology (cognitive, affective and behavioral components of the attitude), compared to the established repair component. in the peace agreement. Additionally, political attitudes were identified against the pillars of Transitional Justice (Truth, Justice, Reparation, Guarantees of non-repetition) and collective reparation. Magíster en Psicología Jurídica http://unidadinvestigacion.usta.edu.co Maestría

Reintegration processes are as much a matter for the people who are going through them asfor the society that is living such a conjuncture. After the analysis of the Ruta de Integración(Reintegration Route) applied between 2003 and 2006 for the paramilitary demobilization inColombia, a arises about its implications at the moment in which someone faces a change ofreality and about the way in which the society participates in this process. With a qualitativestudy, four life stories taken from the radio program “La Reintegración, el camino hacia lapaz” (Reintegration, the path to peace) are analyzed and contrasted with the dimensions forreintegration: personal, habitability and citizenship. The mentioned dimensions are designedfrom an individual perspective on the role of ex-combatants and a communal approachregarding society’s disposition. As a result, we argue that it’s necessary to incorporate a systemicarticulation for the process to be successful. Os processos de reintegração competem tanto às pessoas que participam deles quanto àsociedade que está passando por tal conjuntura. Após a análise da Rota de Reintegraçãoaplicada no intervalo de 2003-2006 para a desmobilização paramilitar na Colômbia, surge aquestão sobre suas implicações no momento em que alguém encara uma mudança de realidadee a forma na qual a sociedade é partícipe nesse processo. Por meio de um estudo qualitativo,quatro histórias de vida do programa de rádio “La Reintegración, el camino hacia la paz” (AReintegração, o caminho para a paz) são analisadas. Tais histórias são contrastadas com asdimensões para a reintegração: pessoal, habitabilidade e cidadania, desenhadas a partir daabordagem individual no papel dos ex-combatentes e na abordagem municipal na disposiçãoda sociedade. Como resultado, argumenta-se que é necessário incorporar uma articulaçãosistêmica para o sucesso do processo. Los procesos de reintegración competen tanto a las personas que se encuentranen ellos como a la sociedad que está pasando por tal coyuntura. Tras el análisis dela Ruta de Reintegración aplicada en el lapso 2003–2006 para la desmovilizaciónparamilitar en Colombia, surge el interrogante acerca de sus implicaciones en elmomento en el que alguien se enfrenta a un cambio de realidad y la forma en lacual la sociedad es partícipe en este proceso. Mediante un estudio cualitativo,se analizan cuatro historias de vida tomadas del programa de radio “La Reintegración,el camino hacia la paz”, las cuales se contrastan con las dimensionespara la reintegración: personal, habitabilidad y ciudadanía, diseñados desde elenfoque individual en el papel de los excombatientes y el enfoque comunal enla disposición de la sociedad. Como resultado, se argumenta que es necesarioincorporar una articulación sistémica para el éxito del proceso.

La presente investigación se desarrolló con las mujeres excombatientes de las FARC-EP durante los años 2017 y 2018 del espacio territorial de capacitación y reincorporación Jaime Pardo Leal en Colinas Guaviare. El objetivo principal consiste en dar cuenta del agenciamiento político de la mujer fariana dentro y fuera de la organización, para ello se elaboró el presente texto que se encuentra compuesto de tres capítulos, el primer capítulo da cuenta de la historia de las FARC-EP que permite identificar los cambios de la organización y de la guerrillera como agente participante; el segundo capítulo analiza el imaginario social que se ha construido entorno a la mujer fariana y brinda argumentos sociológicos y filosóficos que la posicionan como agente político activo, en el tercer y último capítulo reivindica y da voz a las excombatientes para que narren su agenciamiento político dentro de la organización a partir de su propia experiencia. The present investigation was developed with the ex-combatant women of the FARC-EP during the years 2017 and 2018 of the territorial space of training and reincorporation Jaime Pardo Leal in Colinas Guaviare. The main objective is to account for the political agency of the Fariana woman inside and outside the organization, in order to do so the following text was elaborated, which is divided in three chapters, the first chapter gives an account of the history of the FARC-EP that allows to identify the changes of the organization and the guerrilla as a participating agent; the second chapter analyzes the vision constructed by society towards the Fariana woman, this chapter also provides sociological and philosophical arguments that label her as an active political agent, the third and last chapter vindicates and gives voice to the ex-combatants to tell their political perspective and actions within the organization from their own experience.

Al pensar en la guerra, el imaginario colectivo enaltece el papel de los hombres en la lucha, se piensa en héroes y veteranos. Sin embargo, existe una historia poco contada: la de las mujeres combatientes (Álvarez, 2011). La percepción de que solo el hombre es el protagonista, dificulta determinar cómo fue la vida de estas mujeres, en qué se ocupaban, cómo lo hacían y cómo fue subsistir después de participar activamente en un conflicto armado. Según la literatura, el proceso de readaptación a la vida civil de un desmovilizado resulta ser distinto si se es hombre o mujer (Jiménez, 2014a; Ramírez, 2011). Escasas investigaciones abordan el tema de las mujeres militantes, su decisión política de empuñar las armas y su papel dentro de los ejércitos, y más aún, aquellas que abordan las dinámicas de las mujeres excombatientes en su proceso de reincorporación a la vida civil (Boer, 2015; Díaz, 2008; Schwitalla & Dietrich, 2007). Por consiguiente, no se tiene en cuenta la condición de "ser mujer" en la guerra y la razón por la cual muchas eligieron el camino de las armas como opción política y medio de subsistencia. Estas mujeres se adaptaron y aprendieron a convivir en un entorno de guerra; otras por el contrario han sufrido discriminación de género, violencia física y emocional, algunas no han sido dueñas de sus cuerpos obligándolas a sobrellevar embarazos y abortos forzados, abusos, reclutamiento y explotación sexual, entre otras situaciones desobligantes que tuvieron que enfrentar las combatientes (Jiménez, 2014a). Magíster en Política Social Maestría

This paper assesses the impact of the demobilization, reinsertion and reintegration program in post-war Burundi. Two major rebel groups benefited from cash and in-kind transfers, the CNDD-FDD from 2004, and the FNL from 2010. A panel data of households collected in 2006 and 2010 is combined with official records from the National Commission for Demobilization, Reinsertion and Reintegration. Regression analysis shows that the cash payments received by FNL demobilized households had a positive impact on consumption, nonfood spending and investments. The program also generated positive spillovers in the villages where FNL combatants returned. Ex-combatants indeed spent a large part of their allowance on consumption goods and clothing, thereby generating a short-run economic boom in villages. However, the long-run evolution of consumption indicators is negative for CNDD-FDD households, as well as for villages where CNDD-FDD combatants returned, suggesting that the direct impact and the spillovers of the program vanished in the long run.

Research has identified appetitive aggression, i.e., the perception of committed, violent acts as appealing, exciting and fascinating, as a common phenomenon within populations living in precarious and violent circumstances. Investigating demobilized soldiers in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) demonstrated that violent offending is associated with appetitive aggression and not necessarily with symptoms of posttraumatic stress. In the present study, we sought to replicate these results in an independent and larger sample of demobilized soldiers from Burundi. As with the Congolese ex-combatants, random forest regression revealed that the number of lifetime perpetrated violent acts is the most important predictor of appetitive aggression and the number of lifetime experienced traumatic events is the main predictor for posttraumatic stress. Perpetrated violent acts with salient cues of hunting (pursuing the victim, the sight of blood, etc.) were most predictive for perceiving violent cues appealingly after demobilization. Moreover, the association of violent acts and appetitive aggression as well as traumatic events and posttraumatic stress remains strong even years after demobilization. Patterns of traumatic events and perpetrated acts as predictors for posttraumatic stress and appetitive aggression seem to be robust among different samples of ex-combatants who fought in civil wars. Psychotherapeutic interventions that address these complementary facets of combat-related disorders-namely, posttraumatic stress and appetitive aggression-are indispensable for a successful reintegration of those who fought in armed conflicts and to achieve a successful transition to peace. published

This report is structured in three parts. Part one is a summary document, including: (i) an executive summary (ii) an introduction; (iii) a review of core concepts of reintegration that will be referred to in this study; (iv) a meta-analysis of reintegration process¬es in the Great Lakes Region (GLR) vis-à-vis the conceptual discussion; and (v) conclusions to the summary document. Part two (annex one) comprises an in-depth review and analysis of data on the reintegration process-es of ex-combatants across the GLR. Part three (annex two) is an in-depth analysis of community dynamics across the GLR. In brief, part one of the study is a meta-analytical and knowledge-focused piece that reflects more broadly on the detailed analysis of the datasets presented in annexes one and two, therefore, this part can be read as a freestanding report. However, it’s worth noting that any reading will benefit significantly from exploring the detailed findings in annexes one and two.

The National Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Program (NDDRP) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) was implemented over a period of seven years (2004- 2011) with the World Bank's support and funding. The NDDRP had three objectives: 1) disarmament of all combatants willing to be granted a status of demobilized person; 2) demobilization of all ex-combatants who met the conditions for a return to civilian life through a downsizing process of armed forces or groups; and 3) reintegrate the demobilized in the social and economic practices of the community of their choice with opportunities and conditions similar to those of other members of the community. To achieve these objectives, the DRC government initially established a National Commission of Demobilization and Reinsertion (CONADER, 2003), then established the NDDRP (2004), and finally created a new NDDRP Implementation Unit (IU-NDDRP, 2007). NDDRP was divided into three distinct phases, each capitalizing on the gains as well as the mistakes of the past. Economic reintegration of demobilized ex-combatants represented four out of five demobilized as recorded by the program. At the program's conclusion, the implementing partners decided to support the creation, legalization, and strengthening of demobilized persons' economic associations. This model of economic and social reintegration developed by the NDDRP can serve as a model framework for future rehabilitation and reintegration processes in DRC as well as in other countries. Finally, as the results were not as high as expected in regard to the number of women as well as wounded and disabled veterans demobilized, the NDDRP can be lauded for successfully reaching and reintegrating a highly significant number of Children Associated to Armed Forces and Groups (CAAFG) through special projects executed by different implementing partners.

The eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is poised on the edge of a machete blade. Despite the achievement of considerable peace-building successes throughout much of this central African state in recent years, the current activities of armed groups and the Congolese armed forces in North Kivu, South Kivu, and Ituri, have the potential to further destabilize the eastern provinces, and possibly even neighboring countries. Former combatants are prominent in the security and stability equation in the eastern DRC. The reason is that if this section of society has not been effectively disarmed, demobilized and reintegrated into civilian life, then they have the potential to return to arms. In this region, over 100,000 ex-combatants have been demobilized over the past decade in successive waves of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) interventions. Assessments and speculation about the reintegration of ex-combatants in North Kivu, South Kivu and Ituri have suggested that these individuals have become marginalized, and their reintegration into civilian society is precarious, thus making them vulnerable to further recruitment by armed groups. Some reports have even suggested that numerous former fighters have remilitarized in the mining areas in order to access mineral wealth. Consequently, research on the socio-economic reintegration of ex-combatants in the eastern DRC was undertaken by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), and funded by the Transitional Demobilization and Reintegration Program (TDRP) of the World Bank. North Kivu, South Kivu and Ituri were the three geographical areas of focus, given the volatility and potential pivotal role of these areas in promoting and consolidating peace in the eastern DRC. The specific objectives of the research were to: 1) assess the processes of the socio-economic reintegration of former combatants into civilian life; 2) analyze the causes and dynamics of the current security situation (or lack thereof) in the three areas, and the implications for current and future DDR processes; and 3) evaluate the extent to which demobilized former combatants have been re-recruited into armed groups, including motivating and resilience factors. The research took place between February and September 2011, with the findings and analysis being presented in this report.

The implementation of effective Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) programmes in countries emerging from violent conflict are essential for building and maintaining peace and security. In many instances the disarmament and demobilisation of former combatants was achieved, but reintegration remained a challenge, due to the long-term focus and the substantial resources that are required for such a process to be successful. Reintegration processes are, nonetheless, often implemented in fragile environments, that include fragmented economies, in which most income generating activities are informal or unreported. Such economies are often characterised by unregulated, illicit activities, in which official governance is weak. This report is comprised of three parts. Part one includes a review of the literature on the reintegration of former combatants and the informal economy in Africa; a synopsis of post-conflict economies; and an outline of the analytical framework. Part two presents the findings of the case study research, focusing on the economies and DDR processes in each of the three countries, as well as assessing the reintegration process in relation to the informal economy. The third component of the report provides a comparative analysis of, and conclusions from, the research findings.

The purpose of this study was to provide a better understanding for policy makers and service providers of mobility and migration among ex-combatants and the effectiveness of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programming in Uganda. The study followed a scoping study on migration in Uganda conducted in March 2011 by the Transitional Demobilization and Reintegration Program (TDRP) of the World Bank. This study had the following specific objectives: 1) to analyze push/pull migration factors of ex-combatants in Uganda, with a specific focus on social as well as economic factors both within communities of origin and at new communities of re-settlement; 2) to explore any impact of DDR programming on migration of ex-combatants in Uganda; 3) to increase the understanding of the impact of migration by ex-combatants on the effectiveness of past and current DDR programming, specifically on reintegration efforts; and 4) to generate recommendations on how to improve DDR programming, taking into account findings from other related studies.

A key driver of Liberia's re-emergence from utter destruction, between 2004 and 2008, was the willingness of international actors to accept the responsibility and risks associated with stabilization. This was accomplished by confronting these risks directly, even at the cost of temporarily filling institutional voids and sharing sovereignty with the Liberian transitional authorities. The main international diplomatic representations and aid agencies on the ground came to accept from their varying perspectives that peace in Liberia was fragile and that the Accra Comprehensive Peace Agreement (ACPA) of September 2003 was only the beginning of a protracted stabilization effort. The domestic market for consultants and goods did not exist, requiring the World Bank to innovate with new modes of delivering assistance. Thus, peace consolidation compelled international partners to simultaneously (i) prevent full state capture by corrupt elites in advance of elections and (ii) secure a peace dividend to vulnerable groups which could most directly threaten peace (young ex-combatants and refugees). Building on a solid UN-World Bank partnership, the international community found the internal consensus to address each of the two complementary peace consolidation challenges, adopting two highly innovative instruments: (i) an anti-corruption scheme labeled Governance and Economic Management Assistance Program (GEMAP), involving such robust measures as expatriate co-signing authority, and (ii) a short-term employment-generation scheme now known as roads-with- United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), centered on a rare direct collaboration between the Bank and the engineering units of the UN's military peacekeeping force on the ground. This paper examines these two instruments more closely, in their successes and failures as well as from the perspective of temporary shared sovereignty and co-production.

Although official warfare in the Republic of Congo stopped more than eight years ago, the pool region has continued to feel the collateral effects of war until now at a scale largely ignored by the general public. The pool region is where the Ninjas, a group of local militias, originated during the civil strife and retreated to afterwards. Peace and recovery did not gain traction in the area until 2010/11. Key findings of this analysis of the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) process include: The lack of a public security presence: the pool region has largely been deprived of public security forces over the past thirteen years (1998-2010), which led to power abuse. Until recently, several Ninja bases remained throughout the pool region, led by free-riding commanders operating independently of any official Ninja structure. The recognition of intra-regional disparity: warfare affected localities very differently. While the southern districts have been calm for the past eight years, abuse was regularly reported along the railroad prior to 2011. The economic situation of ex-combatants: There have been many self-demobilizations in the past decade, and many ex-combatants have already learned to cope. The heterogeneity of ex-combatants: ex-combatants do not constitute a homogeneous group. Therefore, their reintegration needs differ. The consulting team developed a typology to help understand the profiles of all ex-combatants. Non-targeted assistance: the consulting team recommends pairing recent governmental disarmament operations with community driven reconstruction programming to provide closure to the population affected by the war. The main focus of programming should be to reenergize local economies destroyed by the war, especially medium-scale agriculture and animal husbandry, and to open up the region to development. The objective of this study was to analyze the extent of reintegration of ex-combatants in the pool region and to formulate recommendations for potential future action.

Ce mémoire s’intéresse aux récits des ex-combattants des groupes paramilitaires Autodéfenses unies de Colombie sur leur participation au conflit armé. Ces narrations, construites dans un contexte de réintégration à la société, permettent de réfléchir à la construction de la vérité par les ex-combattants dans les contextes post-conflit. Nous avons analysé les histoires de vie de 18 ex-combattants qui participaient au Programme de réintégration à la vie civile à Bogota. Nos interviewés ont adopté une position de victimes, en élaborant des discours justificateurs visant à se déresponsabiliser. Ces discours montrent une normalisation de la violence qui revient à la notion de « banalité du mal » d’Hannah Arendt. Nos interviewés ont employé plusieurs rhétoriques des groupes paramilitaires afin de justifier la violence. Ces rhétoriques font partie de la construction psychologique de l’ennemi par les groupes et elles invitent à analyser le rôle du langage dans la construction d’une culture paramilitaire. Néanmoins, certains interviewés ont condamné la violence exercée par leur groupe. Nous avons observé qu’il existe plusieurs interprétations de la manière dont nos interviewés disaient avoir réagi aux contextes de violence de masse, ce qui nous a amenés à réfléchir aux notions de culpabilité morale et juridique., This paper studies the interpretations of the ex-combatants of the paramilitary groups United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia about their participation in the internal conflict. These discourses, created in a context of social reintegration, are used to discuss the recreation of the truth brought by the ex-combatants in post-conflict contexts. We analyzed the life stories of 18 ex-combatants who were part of the reintegration to civil life Program held in Bogota. Our interviewees have adopted a position of victims, creating discourses of legitimation of the violence in order to avoid the according responsability. In there, it suggests a normalization of violence, remembering the concept of the “banality of evil” brought by Hannah Arendt. Our interviewees have used the paramilitary rhetoric to justify violence. This rhetoric belongs to the psychological construction of the enemy by the groups and it reveals the role of language in the construction of a paramilitary culture. Although, we found that there are other interpretations that don’t concede and justify violence. There are different interpretations of their reactions in the contexts of mass violence. From there we discussed the notions of moral and legal guilty., Esta investigación se interesa por las interpretaciones de los excombatientes de los grupos paramilitares Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia sobre su participación en el conflicto armado interno. Estas narraciones, creadas en un contexto de reintegración social, permiten reflexionar sobre la construcción de la verdad por los excombatientes en los contextos post-conflicto. Analizamos las historias de vida de 18 excombatientes que participaban en el Programa de Reintegración a la Vida Civil en Bogotá. Nuestros entrevistados adoptaron una posición de víctimas, construyendo discursos justificatorios buscando des-responsabilizarse. Estos discursos muestran una normalización de la violencia que recuerdan la noción de “banalidad del mal” de Hannah Arendt. Nuestros entrevistados emplearon varias retóricas de los grupos paramilitares para justificar la violencia. Estas retóricas hacen parte de la construcción psicológica del enemigo por los grupos e invitan a analizar el rol del lenguaje en la construcción de una cultura paramilitar. Sin embargo, no todos utilizaron discursos justificatorios. Encontramos que existen varias interpretaciones de la manera en que nuestros entrevistados decían haber reaccionado a los contextos de violencia de masa, lo cual nos condujo a reflexionar sobre las nociones de culpabilidad moral y jurídica.

Violent conflict is the multifaceted and cyclical problem that the international community is trying to grapple with. To date, there has been a clear hierarchy concerning what forms of violence are seen to matter most, with political violence that threatens the state taking pole position. In examining this argument, this paper sets out a number of issues relating to security and justice definitions. It will then examine some of the problems associated with placing conflict into a box-set typology: mass violence associated with war and genocide carries unique features but also spawns new challenges which are often being ignored. The paper will then examine in brief some of the measures used by communities, governmental actors and international partners in contending with violence before outlining some key conclusions and recommendations. In reading this paper two further points need be borne in mind: 1) this does not provide a comprehensive overview of violence and security - that is the role of the World Development Report (WDR) itself, and 2) this paper does not present fresh research, but more an overview, along with the other papers in the security-justice series, of some of the key issues confronting policy makers in the domain of security and development.

This paper documents significant differences in the impacts the war in Aceh had on ex-combatants and civilians and how these differences shaped the post-war decision-making processes of their households. Because of the overwhelming percentage of the ex-combatant population in rural areas (over 90 percent), particular attention is paid to the agricultural sector. The second section provides summary statistics of former combatants' household and individual characteristics, and economic conditions. In order to place the economic conditions of former combatants in context, the section will include a comparison of former combatants with civilians. After the end of the war, ex-combatants were found to have fewer assets, more injuries, and lower educational attainment than civilians. After providing an overview of the economic welfare of former combatants and civilians, an analytical framework is developed in the third section that will be used to understand the variation in economic outcomes of former combatants. The framework will draw connections between the varying degree to which war affects individuals and communities to the post-war decisions and processes that lead to differences in ex-combatants' economic outcomes. In the fourth section, field data from nine village case studies from three districts in Aceh will be marshaled to place the analytical framework in the context of Aceh. In particular, the framework and field data suggest that the more limited physical and human capital endowments constrained the choices of former combatants since they had to maintain enough liquidity to meet their consumption needs rather than being able to invest in more productive activities. The fifth section will outline various hypotheses that emerge from the analytical framework as well as from the qualitative data and section six will assess the various hypotheses on the statistical evidence from the ARLS data. Thus, section six will provide a broad assessment of the observable implications of the analytical framework developed in sections three and four. In particular, ex-combatants with fewer assets and a lack of access to capital were more likely to have lower incomes and to engage in quickly maturing, but lower return, economic activities. The paper will conclude with an examination of the implications of the findings for reintegration and development policy in Aceh as well as for other post-war contexts elsewhere.

This article examines the construction of gender agendas in left-wing populist movements that mobilise for armed struggle, by focusing on the case of the Maoist movement in Nepal. Feminist scholarship has highlighted how left-wing populism, when appealing to a generalized "people", tend to produce homogenizing discourses that erase inequalities and difference, even when such movements integrate a gender dimension. Examining the trajectory of the Maoist movement over time, we argue that this 'sameness' may become contested and utilized by women participating in the lower echelons of the movement, as the political reality shifts from conflict to post-conflict context. As our main contribution, we develop a bi-directional approach that employs the concept of collective identity and allows us to examine the construction of populist agendas as a two-way interaction between the leadership of a movement and its grass roots supporters. Through this approach we show how the gender dimension was not merely a bi-product but central to both the construction of the Maoist movement's war time 'progressive' identity, and the fragmentation of this identity and the movement’s populist appeal in the post-conflict context.