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• This paper focuses on the relation between Marx's and Sraffa's treatments of prices of production. • Sraffa turns out to be right that empirical aggregates have essentially the same magnitudes in prices and labor values. • However, Sraffa's emphasis on the curviness of individual prices is not supported by the data. Rather, empirical prices are mostly near-linear and can be extremely well approximated by a simple quadratic form. This paper examines three propositions: Sraffa's comment that Marx was "of course" right in thinking that labor value and "Sraffa price" (prices expressed relative to Sraffa's standard commodity) aggregates are essentially the same: empirical deviations of various aggregate components of total output are around five percent. This should be reflected in small representative models. Second, Pasinetti is correct that actual Sraffa price paths are generally simpler than those in the theoretical literature – as confirmed by the 403 industry price curves of the US 2002 input-output matrix. Third, as has been often demonstrated, Marx's transformation procedure is an iterative procedure for deriving Sraffa prices. Bienenfeld derives powerful first and second iterates, each beginning and ending at the corresponding individual Sraffa price curves. The simple nonlinear form of the second iterate provides excellent fits for the 403 Sraffa price curves. It is therefore an empirically sufficient general form of such price curves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article introduces the ongoing debate surrounding workers' rights, highlighting concerns about coercive employment contracts and their impact on workers' ability to quit, voice concerns, and seek legal recourse. It discusses the challenges faced by federal agencies in enforcing labor and employment protections, including inefficiencies and delays in administrative processes. It advocates for their proactive enforcement of state laws and protection of workers' rights.

Previous research has shown that trade unions have resorted to a number of rhetorical tools to make their arguments and ensure the voice of their members was heard. In a time in which union membership is declining and many have questioned trade unions' representation role, the recourse to figurative language – e.g. metaphors – might contribute to getting unions' messages through, restoring trust among affiliates. Against this backdrop, this paper examines the metaphorical devices employed in trade union discourse, with a view to appreciating the way they are utilised in employee relations and highlighting the values unions intend to promote through these figures of speech. To this end, discourse analysis is carried out on a data corpus consisting of documents issued by the Trades Union Congress (TUC) in a given timeframe, in which metaphorical language is employed. The analysis focuses on a specific topic, i.e. platform workers and the protection of their rights. The findings reveal that metaphors are used by trade unions to convey different meanings, which are intended to generate narratives aimed at safeguarding the rights of platform workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about the free speech rights of public employees in Florida. Topics include the evolution of this First Amendment right over the years, its application in the 1968 case Pickering v. Board of Education of Township High School District, the limitation of the First Amendment protection to speech made on matters of public concern in the case Connick v. Myers, and the employee rights implicated in the Stop Wrongs to Our Kids and Employees Act (Stop-WOKE Act) passed in Florida.

A global shortage of chefs and cooks currently exists within the hospitality industry, exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic. Migrant cooks are essential to the culinary industry, yet remain relatively anonymous within the academic literature, a research gap which this original paper seeks to address. Using a phenomenological epistemology, combined with the theoretical framework of hospitality and practice theory, this qualitative research focused on investigating the lived experience of the professional lives and identities of immigrant cooks working in Paris, France, the birthplace of the restaurant. Extant literature was reviewed, and a focus group with migrant cooks explored themes within and missing from the literature, followed by eight in-depth semi-structured interviews with migrant cooks. Thematic analysis of the transcribed interviews revealed two main themes: challenges and attitude. The 'Challenges' theme had two sub-themes: (1) integration and segregation, and (2) human resource issues. The second theme 'Attitude' also had two sub-themes: (1) what it means to be a cook, or 'agency' and (2) gastronomy. The findings should be of interest to hospitality professionals, policy makers, academics, and advocates for migrant workers' rights. We conclude that the hospitality industry should be more hospitable toward its staff – particularly toward migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The object of the research is the transformative impact of digital platforms on traditional market structures. Qualitative research is used to gain a deep understanding of how traditional market structures are impacted by digital platforms. Interviews with eight participants highlight the shift towards gig and freelance work, the erosion of traditional employment protections, and the emergence of new business models facilitated by technological advancements. The study adopted thematic analysis to analyze the collected data. The study reveals that digital platforms have significantly lowered barriers to market entry and fostered economic inclusion. As a result, the initial costs of starting a business have significantly decreased. However, they have also introduced complexities surrounding labor rights and necessitated a re-evaluation of regulatory frameworks to address monopolistic practices and ensure fair competition. This is due to the lack of labor regulations protection for freelance workers compared to traditional employment. The study stresses the need for agile, forward-looking, and internationally coordinated regulatory approaches to effectively govern digital platforms, balancing innovation with the protection of consumer and worker rights. Such an approach should aim to address the current challenges but also anticipate future developments by ensuring that regulations evolve in tandem with technological advancements without stifling innovation. Furthermore, fostering technological literacy among lawmakers, adopting adaptive regulatory frameworks, and ensuring the inclusion of diverse perspectives are crucial steps towards achieving effective governance of digital technologies. The findings contribute to the ongoing dialogue on digital governance, offering insights for policymakers, regulators, and stakeholders in crafting regulations that harness the benefits of digital platforms while mitigating their negative impacts on society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The level of nurses' job performance has always been of great concern, which not only represents the level of nursing service quality but is also closely related to patients' treatment and prognosis. The aim of this study was to analyze the relationship between perceived organizational justice and job performance and to explore the mediating role of organizational climate and job embeddedness among young Chinese nurses. Methods: A cross-sectional survey of 1136 young nurses was conducted between March and May 2023 using convenience sampling. Data were collected using the Job Performance Scale, Organizational Justice Assessment Scale, Nursing Organizational Climate Scale, and Job Embeddedness Scale, and the resulting data were analyzed using SPSS 25.0 and AMOS 26.0. Results: There was a significant positive correlation between job performance and perceived organizational justice (r = 0.477, p < 0.01), organizational climate (r = 0.500, p < 0.01), and job embeddedness (r = 0.476, p < 0.01). Organizational climate and job embeddedness acted as chain mediators between perceived organizational justice and job performance. The total effect of perceived organizational justice on job performance (β = 0.513) consisted of a direct effect (β = 0.311) as well as an indirect effect (β = 0.202) mediated through organizational climate and job embeddedness, with the mediating effect accounting for 39.38% of the total effect. Conclusions: Organizational climate and job embeddedness play a chain mediating role between perceived organizational justice and job performance, so hospital managers should pay attention to the level of perceived organizational justice among young nurses, and develop a series of targeted measures to improve their job performance using organizational climate and job embeddedness as entry points. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the intersection of consumer protection and worker rights legislation, particularly focusing on New York City. It highlights the trend of localities, including New York City, utilizing consumer protection agencies to enforce labor standards and equity ordinances. It discusses how licensing regimes historically inhibit non-traditional employment and earnings, impacting groups like temporary workers and jobseekers.

The article focuses on the role of local governments in protecting workers' rights, particularly in the context of increasing state-level preemption efforts aimed at curtailing local policymaking. It discusses how localities have implemented various strategies and initiatives to promote workers' rights despite legal constraints and resistance from higher levels of government. It emphasizes the importance of local activism, creativity, and persistence in advocating for labor protections.

Local governments have emerged as key players in advancing and protecting workers' rights in a growing number of jurisdictions in the United States. They have enacted cutting-edge laws; created local labor agencies: established worker boards or councils to provide input into policy; placed standards-either high-road practices or at least mandating compliance - on government contractors as well as licensees and permit holders: improved conditions for their own local government employees; and otherwise stood up for working people. Localities have played this role despite escalating abusive state preemption in many states, which have stripped powers from local government in a manner that is undemocratic and exacerbates racial inequities. Localities are also limited by #deral preemption, including notably the National Labor Relations Act. Despite these limitations, local governments can take action -and many have -to creatively leverage their proprietary, budgetary, public leadership, licensing, and convening authorities to advance workers' rights. This Article lays out a vision for how doubly-preempted local governments can nonetheless exert a meaningful impact on behalf of working people, This Article concludes by outlining possibilities for resisting abusive state preemption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Precarity is often interpreted as a neoliberal management strategy to maximize profits in private companies through the endorsement of insecure jobs, inadequate wages, and limited rights for workers. This interpretation, however, is unsuitable to analyse situations where the State endorses precarity in non-profit public organizations, for example, State-sponsored universities. We hypothesize that in these situations, the 'precarity paradox' is particularly prone to manifest. Such a paradox can be defined as the endorsement of precarity to induce organizational productivity and flexibility that, instead, leads to overwhelming inefficiencies and productivity losses. To test this hypothesis, we conducted empirical research at the faculty of engineering of a Portuguese public university where precarious contracts are dominant among researchers. Based on the analysis of the quantitative and qualitative data collected, it is concluded that productivity- and flexibility-oriented precarities reduce the productivity of researchers while jeopardizing the capacity of the faculty to rationally employ its human resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has established that the success of strikes, and social movements more broadly, depends on their ability to garner support from the public. However, there is scant published research investigating the response of the public to strike action by healthcare workers. In this study, we address this gap through a study of public responses to UK nursing strikes in 2022–2023, using a data set drawn from Twitter of more than 2300 publicly available tweets. We focus on negative tweets, investigating which societal discourses social media users draw on to oppose strike action by nurses. Using a combination of corpus‐based approaches and discourse analysis, we identified five categories of opposition: (i) discourse discrediting nurses; (ii) discourse discrediting strikes by nurses; (iii) discourse on the National Health System; (iv) discourse about the fairness of strikers' demands and (v) discourse about potential harmful impact. Our findings show how social media users operationalise wider societal discourses about the nursing profession (e.g., associations with care, gender, vocation and sacrifice) as well as recent crises such as the Covid‐19 pandemic to justify their opposition. The results also provide valuable insights into misconceptions about nursing, strike action and patient harm, which can inform strategies for public communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article demonstrates for the first time how civil servants check and restrain presidential power through collective bargaining. The executive branch is typically depicted as a top-down hierarchy. The President, as chief executive, issues policy directives, and the tenured bureaucracy of civil servants below him follow them. This presumed top-down structure shapes many influential critiques of the modern administrative state. Proponents of a strong President decry civil servants as an unelected "deep state" usurping popular will. Skeptics of presidential power fear the growth of an imperial presidency, held in check by an impartial bureaucracy. Federal sector labor rights, which play an increasingly central role in structuring the modern executive branch, complicate each of these critiques. Under federal law, civil servants have the right to enter into binding contracts with administrative agencies governing the conditions of their employment. These agreements restrain and reshape the President's power to manage the federal bureaucracy and impact nearly every area of executive branch policymaking, from how administrative law judges decide cases to how immigration agents and prison guards enforce federal law. Bureaucratic power arrangements are neither imposed from above by an "imperial" presidency nor subverted from below by an "unaccountable" bureaucracy. Rather, the President and the civil service bargain over the contours of executive authority and litigate their disputes before arbitrators and courts. Bargaining thus encourages a form of government-wide civil servant "resistance" that is legalistic rather than lawless, and highly structured and transparent rather than opaque and inchoate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the gender-differentiated effects of improved land property rights on labor reallocation in China, using quasi-exogenous variation in the timing of the implementation of the Rural Land Contracting Law, which allows farmers to lease out their land. We find that while men and women tend to shift labor from the agricultural into non-agricultural sector following the land reform, women lag behind men. Our findings reveal a noticeable gender gap in the growth of off-farm labor participation (+16.69 % among men; + 1.95 % among women) and hours worked in off-farm sectors. The gender-differentiated effects on off-farm employment are likely caused by disadvantaged labor market conditions for women. These findings underscore the importance of improved land property rights in fostering rural structural transformation. Moreover, our results suggest that implementing land reforms without accompanying changes to address the root causes of gendered differences in off-farm employment could limit their full potential. This study has significant policy implications for the rural transformation of developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The International Labor Organization (ILO) labor standard is crucial for ensuring labor rights, making it imperative for member states to adopt labor policies that align with and comply with the ILO. With this in mind, this manuscript addresses three key questions: First, what does the term 'labor standard' mean under the ILO? Second, does Bangladesh's labor policy align with the ILO? Third, how can compliance with labor policy be improved to safeguard labor rights in Bangladesh? This qualitative study employs an interdisciplinary pure legal research methodology, as established by Arthurs in 1983, within the academic constituency. The findings reveal that labor legislation in Bangladesh often deviates from the ILO labor policy. In many cases, there is a lack of effective inspection mechanisms to enforce labor laws, and the penalties, incarceration, and other sanctions for labor law violations are inadequate. This leads to insufficient implementation of the law in Bangladesh, resulting in numerous violations of workers' rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Farmworkers in Michigan face precarious and exploitative labor conditions that affect their access to affordable, fair, and quality housing, which are key social determinants of health. We sought to assess the health, working conditions, and housing access, affordability, and quality of farmworkers living in and outside of employer-provided housing during the COVID-19 pandemic. We conducted a mixed methods cross-sectional study in collaboration with community partners from the Michigan Farmworker Project and the Michigan Department of Civil Rights. We assessed housing, labor conditions, and general health through in-depth phone interviews with seasonal, migrant, and H-2A farmworkers (n = 63) during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic (2020–2021) in Michigan. Descriptive analyses of these data included comparisons by type of farmworker and type of housing (employer-provided or other). The majority of farmworkers interviewed were women and seasonal farmworkers and spoke primarily Spanish. A significant share of farmworker participants reported living in poverty (38.3%) and had low or very low food security (27.0%). Nearly half of farmworkers (47.6%) rated their health as "fair" or "poor" during the year prior to the interview, and more than a third reported 3 or more chronic conditions (39.6%) and lack of health insurance coverage (38.7%). Among the 43 workers tested, 25.6% reported testing positive for COVID-19. Farmworkers reported experiences of objectification and dehumanization. Three-quarters of workers reported feeling that they were treated as less than human by supervisors and one-third reported verbal abuse. Farmworkers also experienced challenges exacerbated by their social vulnerability that impeded them from finding affordable, quality housing. Regarding housing quality, the majority of workers (80.6%) reported one or more environmental hazards around their residence, and about a third reported not having air conditioning (33.%) and lacking a functioning washing machine (33.9%). Concerns about the quality of drinking water accessible to workers and exposure to chemicals were shared by participants. This study adds valuable knowledge to the understanding of the systemic barriers to housing and work conditions for female and male seasonal, migrant, and H-2A farmworkers in Michigan. Shortcomings in the regulatory and policy environment result in precarious housing and work conditions, including exploitative labor practices. These conditions negate equality, fairness, and health equity, important tenants for public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though a great deal of research has examined the economic and political consequences of natural resource wealth, its implications for labor remain empirically under-examined. In this article, we contend that resource abundance undermines labor rights due to the inelastic demand for resource-intensive products, which serves to insulate these states from internal and external pressures to protect these rights. In addition to this direct linkage, we posit that resource wealth indirectly undercuts labor rights through its adverse impact on civil society and bureaucratic capacity. Examining these linkages across 148 countries for the years 1994–2010, we find that resource wealth has a negative and significant impact on labor rights practices, though not on labor rights laws. Results from a causal mediation analysis show that resource wealth also undermines labor rights through its negative impact on labor organizations and bureaucratic capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to get an insight into the major sectors with a green job potential in Delta State and to further analyze the argument that job creation is one of the important benefits of green growth policies - that is, policies to foster economic growth and development while ensuring that natural assets continue to provide the resources and environmental services on which our well-being relies (Bowen and Kuralbayeva, 2015). The claims that the greening of economies is a net generator of decent jobs - good jobs that offer adequate wages, safe working conditions, job security, reasonable career prospects and worker rights (UNEP (2011). There is a great need to promote and create lots of green jobs to make Delta State a better place for future generations. The potential areas of green jobs in Delta State has revealed by the studies include among others: Rubber plantations, cassava (manioc), fish, palm oil and kernels, yams, and plantains, flour-milling plant, sawmilling, solar, wind, geothermal, biomass and water, tourism, building sectors, forestry activities, waste management, railways, health sector, government bodies, education sector, Escravos Gas-to-Liquids (EGTL) plant, an integrated steel plant in Aladja, small enterprises and the market within SMEs. The study recommends that for green jobs to thrive in Delta State, there needs to be an increased appreciation for green and sustainable practices; Individualistic efforts from different agents, like governmental agencies, private sector, policymakers, employers, and employees are very important towards the creation of a Green Economy; better integration of employment needs and research programs; and a specific regulatory framework to promote green businesses, and a competitive ecosystem that creates green jobs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) relations between developing and developed countries can lead to ratcheting-up of labor standards. Past research, however, has relegated developing countries to a passive role in the global economy while simultaneously largely ignoring variation between developed countries' degree of protection of labor rights. In this study, we consider FDI by developing countries into Europe and how it can lead to labor upgrading. We argue that the obligations to upgrade implied by Europe's regulatory environment will pressure developing country firms with strategic asset-seeking FDI to upgrade their practices which can subsequently diffuse in their home countries. We tease out this specific mechanism from others through a comparative research design juxtaposing FDI into high standard social Europe and the relatively low standard United States for a panel of 122 developing countries in the period 2001–2010. Our analysis compares how FDI into each location affects both collective and individual labor rights, finding that FDI into "Social Europe" leads to the improvement of labor standards, particularly trade union rights and substantive rights relating to working conditions, while there is no such upgrading effect for FDI into the United States. These findings are robust to multiple specifications, including an innovative application of the measurement strategy in studies on trading-/investing-up effects. This research helps us to understand two underappreciated facets of this latest phase of globalization: the rise of developing countries as agents of global integration and how regulatory disparities between potential economic partners can affect labor upgrading in those same developing countries. Any weakening of the European social model should consider its external consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Workplace violence in ambulatory care is less controlled than in inpatient settings due to a variety of factors, including location, patient population, volume of visits, hours of operation, physical environment, and availability of resources. Personal knowledge, skills, and ability, as well as data and organizational resources, are needed to mitigate events. Continued research, publication of evidence-based practice, and advocacy for laws protecting health care workers in ambulatory care are necessary. The development of workplace violence risk assessments, violence screening questions, and national nursing quality indicators are needed to help move the prevention needle in ambulatory care settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Works Council (EWC) Directive provides the establishment of a social partnership forum within Multinational Companies (MNCs). The directive gives employees the right to information and consultation with the supra-national group management. The aim of this concept paper is to contribute to the debate on the Europeanization of Industrial Relations (IR) in the European Union. Specifically, it assesses the influence that EWCs, a novel institution within certain Euro-companies, have on the convergence of industrial relations among the member states. This critical topic can be evaluated from the standpoint of the current theory and its practical implications in order to draw the perspectives for a European system of IR both within MNCs and the rest of the companies. Our conclusions indicate that EWCs contribute to Europeanization in several aspects of employee relations, although this contribution has been limited to those issues that are wished for by the MNCs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The financial performance of enterprises has always been the key to their survival and development, especially for high-tech enterprises. Evaluating the financial performance of high-tech enterprises is beneficial for the management department to accurately understand the financial situation of the enterprise, timely identify financial problems, and study solutions based on this; On the other hand, the scientific evaluation of enterprise performance also provides useful assistance for other stakeholders such as the government, creditors, and enterprise employees to exercise their rights. With the development of the times and the progress of society, high-tech enterprises have developed rapidly. Studying the financial performance of high-tech enterprises has important theoretical and practical significance. The financial performance evaluation of high-tech enterprises is a classical MAGDM problems. Recently, the TODIM (TODIM) and (grey relational analysis) GRA technique has been employed to cope with MAGDM issues. The interval neutrosophic sets (INSs) are employed as a tool for characterizing uncertain information during the financial performance evaluation of high-tech enterprises. In this manuscript, the interval neutrosophic number TODIM-GRA (INN-TODIM-GRA) technique is implemented to solve the MAGDM under INSs. In the end, a numerical case study for financial performance evaluation of high-tech enterprises is employed to validate the proposed technique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumen: En este artículo se estudia el impacto de la crisis de la COVID‐19 en las trabajadoras domésticas del Brasil, a partir de los datos de una encuesta realizada con la Federação Nacional das Trabalhadoras Domésticas (FENATRAD). Los resultados del análisis, centrados en el empleo y los ingresos, la seguridad y salud en el trabajo y la vulneración de derechos, muestran la extrema polarización entre quienes perdieron su fuente de sustento y quienes tuvieron que seguir trabajando a costa de la salud y de los derechos humanos básicos. Más allá de las circunstancias excepcionales, las autoras sostienen que esta situación fue posible por las condiciones preexistentes de exclusión jurídica y precariedad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumen: En los dos decenios siguientes a la adopción del Pacto Internacional de Derechos Económicos, Sociales y Culturales, la OIT aplicó un enfoque realista al defender que el ejercicio de la seguridad y salud en el trabajo (SST) como derecho fundamental pasaba por garantizar ciertas condiciones económicas previas. El presente estudio histórico‐comparativo pasa revista a la actuación de la OIT en ese contexto, a la luz del nuevo complejo de incertidumbre sanitaria mundial y de la incorporación de la SST al marco de principios y derechos fundamentales en el trabajo. Se analiza también la aplicabilidad de un enfoque de realismo vigilante a la labor actual de la OIT en este campo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the author's book "Management Divided," which presents a synthetic organizational political economy theory. It highlights the skepticism of some scholars, particularly from the Bravermanian school, regarding the author's lean production arguments. It reports the differentiates between Bravermanian theory and orthodox Marxism, and it emphasizes the rejection of production forces' autonomy and capitalist production relations' influence on technological change.

There is a rich narrative on the new dynamics of organizing among informal workers wherein citizenship claims rather labour rights become the basis for negotiation. However, putting citizenship claims at the centre puts migrants at a relative disadvantage. Migrants share their vulnerabilities with other informal workers, but they have additional disadvantages rooted in them being 'non-citizens'. Ironically, migrants are often treated in existing literature as an undifferentiated part of informal labour. Situated in the aftermath of COVID-19, this article locates migrant workers' vulnerability within their inability to organize as a unique group rather than just as trade-based associations of informal workers. Specifically, the paper asks; what explains the lack of organization among migrant workers? What is the role of trade unions in this regard? And, how has an NGO-led initiative during the outbreak of Covid-19, unfolded opportunities for migrant street vendors to organize? Based on a qualitative study using, primary data from two districts in India, it is found that migrants are occupationally designed to remain de-organized, whereas trade unions represent a case of moral hazard. In fact, part of this disadvantage persists because migrants' mobilization is yet to figure as a direct agenda of the trade unions. Alongside, a civil society organization, through iterative negotiations initiates a process that, though unintended, can address the citizenship question for migrants. This process mirrors the dynamics of alternative organizing. However, it also signifies that any claims to organize migrant workers must accommodate their distinct positioning within informal workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the employee right to disconnect. Topics discussed include the growth of ICT and the COVID-19 pandemic which resulted to the rise of work from home options, the development of workplace technologies and the launch of telework regulations which helped drove the evolution of the right to disconnect in Europe, and political and constitutional challenges to the development of the right to disconnect in the U.S.

The integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into various sectors is crucial for economic development and social progress. Even though AI brings many advantages, it still entails numerous challenges and concerns regarding its use and the consequences of such use. First and foremost, this concerns a fundamental change in the labour market, all labour relations, and the rights of employees and employers. This study aims to examine the implications of AI adoption in labour practices and the adaptability of European countries' legal systems to it. The study provides insights into effective approaches to regulating AI and protecting labour rights by analysing the experiences of Germany, Finland, and Poland. The findings indicate that Germany and Finland adopt proactive approaches to AI regulation, prioritising stakeholder engagement and balanced frameworks. Conversely, Poland's emphasis on upskilling workers and Ukraine's commitment to aligning with EU standards underscore the significance of addressing labour rights and economic competitiveness in the context of AI integration. The study highlights the significance of proactive legislation, stakeholder engagement, and skill development initiatives in addressing the challenges and maximising the benefits of AI in the labour sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) has proposed a rule to ban post-termination non-competition agreements between employers and employees, but it would not apply to agreements between franchisors and franchisees. Some states have already enacted bans or restrictions on non-competition agreements, particularly for low-wage employees, and recent court cases in Delaware have shown increased scrutiny of these agreements. The proposed rule is likely to face legal challenges and raises concerns about businesses' ability to protect trade secrets and confidential information. The FTC's proposed ban has both supporters and opponents, and there are questions about the agency's authority to enact such a ban. [Extracted from the article]

Every year the number of Moroccan women who travel temporarily to Spain to work in the berry farm grows. In the year 2022 there were 19,000 women. However, this activity is accompanied by labor irregularities, complaints of sexual abuse and other problems that have drawn the attention of international organizations. The aim of this article is to expose the existing breach of labor rights based on the construction of a recruitment profile and the emerging response and attitude of resistance on the part of migrant women in the province. The methodology starts from a feminist point of view and an ethnographic study is carried out, from February to April 2022, where the main axis will be the stories of Moroccan women. Among the conclusions we discover how the search for a recruitment profile based on discriminatory elements that guarantee the return of women workers leads to serious consequences such as the systematic breach of their labor rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Counselor's right to utilize assessment, appraisal, and tests, and diagnose has substantive implications for professional counseling, counselor education, the provision of evidence‐based practice, and supporting client development across the life span. We identified documents detailing licensure rules and regulations for counselors' use of these clinical tools within the contiguous United States, Washington, DC, Alaska, Hawaii, and inhabited U.S. territories. Proportion comparisons over time, Fisher's exact test, and related effect sizes were computed to identify changes over time, as well as trends associated with regional professional association. Our results indicated increased representation over time of privileges allowing for the use of assessment, appraisal, and tests, and diagnosis within counselors' scope of practice and educational requirements, but modest representation of normal assessment use and allowable/nonallowable assessments and tests. Furthermore, we identified statistically significant differences in the regional representativeness of diagnostic privileges. Implications for counselor education and individual and association‐level advocacy are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite being popular with the public and preventing racial and economic inequality, states often preempt their local governments' ability to adopt workers' rights laws. We test several competing theories of preemption (ideology, political institutions, interest group involvement, demographics, and policy diffusion) using a time-series, cross-sectional approach. Using data on state legislative activity from 1993 to 2018, we find that increasing legislative conservatism, and more unified political control of the state government, regardless of party, are associated with a higher risk of preempting local workers' rights laws, all else equal. Our focus on legislative ideology, a more precise measure than party control at the subnational level, as the nexus of preemption activity helps clarify prior contradictory results in the literature. For those looking to prevent or overturn workers' rights preemptions, the most direct approach appears to be to change the ideology of state legislatures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic workers were one of the most negatively affected groups by COVID‐19 in Latin America, yet they have also been resisting and mobilizing in impressive and innovative ways. This article shows that domestic workers' organizations were able to adapt to an extremely adverse context in order to protect their members and defend their rights. Furthermore, their mobilizations provide an alternative vision of society grounded on love and solidarity and offer concrete ways forward to "build back better." Indeed, their core campaign, "Care for those who care for you", demands the recognition of care work as real work and fair treatment for those who provide this care. Based on an analysis of this campaign, I have identified 3 repertoires of care‐resistance: the promotion of self‐care and well‐being, concrete practices of solidarity through the distribution of humanitarian aid, and legal mobilizations for the recognition of care as a fundamental right. I argue that these forms of action contribute to feminist ethics and theories of care and that putting forward the right to care and be cared for in times of crisis is an act of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers news brief related to Digital Library of Georgia highlighting recent exhibits added to their Georgia Exhibits site, Georgia K-12 Social Studies Resources, and National History Day Georgia 2024 program. Topics include LGBTQ+ art history, African American landownership, and labor rights in the American South.

Educator and labour leader Nannie Helen Burroughs and her colleagues at the National Association of Colored Women's Clubs (NACW) experienced 'organized anxiety' during the early twentieth century as they worked to establish a comprehensive labour reform movement in the United States. Burroughs' colleague and NACW leader Fannie Barrier Williams coined the term 'organized anxiety' to describe Black women's politicized emotions that fuelled their expansive organization as they worked to build a truly democratic society. NACW members, such as Burroughs, integrated their fight for labour rights into their larger movement for women's suffrage and civil rights. Burroughs established a school and women's organizations to challenge ideologies and institutions that confined Black women to low-wage service work and denied them full citizenship rights. In this article, I draw from Hochschild's emotional labour theory, which brings women's 'invisible' work into view, and Williams' organized anxiety concept to examine Burroughs' unrecognized, yet critical work of developing and leading a labour reform movement for Black women in a country that denied their very humanity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Georgia Phillips-Amos's review of Laura Raicovich's book, "Culture Strike: Art and Museums in an Age of Protest," addressing issues such as precarious labor conditions in the arts, arbitrary funding processes, and the myth of narrative neutrality. Topics include challenges faced by U.S. institutions, the need for discourse on internal work relations, and the importance of recognizing labor rights.

Competing arguments surrounding the relationships between inequalities and labor rights have persisted over time. This paper explores whether labor rights increase or decrease two types of wage inequalities: vertical inequality and horizontal inequality. Vertical inequalities reflect inequalities in wealth or income between individuals, while horizontal inequalities reflect inequalities between social, ethnic, economic, and political groups which are usually culturally defined or socially constructed. By broadening the scope beyond traditional indicators of inequality (i.e., vertical inequality) to include horizontal inequality, we test whether government respect for labor rights can help reduce inequality. We find that as labor rights and practices improve, countries see a decrease in horizontal inequality. Furthermore, as stronger protections for labor rights improve within countries, this also serves to reduce individual levels of inequality (i.e., vertical inequality). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Work inclusion of people with disabilities is an emerging issue in organizations from the perspective of rights and corporate social responsibility, it is important to have measuring instruments to evaluate the development of this process. It is intended to determine the psychometric properties of the Scale of Labor Inclusion of People with Disabilities. Under an instrumental design, with a sample of 512 workers, the majority were women (62.9%), the sectors with the highest participation were commercial (28.5%) and services (27.9%). The psychometric qualities of the scale are assessed from exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis. The results reflect properties adjusted to the instrument with adequate internal consistency. The reliability index of the factors Support and connection was 0.94, Permanence 0.90 and Progress 0.84. A three-factor solution model is obtained, whose goodness of fit was sχ²/df = 2.58, CFI = 0.98, TLI = 0.98, RMSEA = 0.079 (90% CI: 0.062 - 0.096), indicating that it is guaranteed construct validity. According to the exploratory factor analysis, an adequate sample adequacy index is observed. Likewise, the confirmatory factor analysis shows that the relationship model has an adequate level of adjustment. The scale can be applied to populations in similar contexts to identify levels of implementation of labor inclusion practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of the gig economy has generated a new class of workers who are categorised as independent "partners" instead of employees with rights to labour protection. Triggered by observations of a protest movement by platform-based delivery riders in Thailand, we engaged in seven months of digital ethnographic research of riders' interactions online to understand the emergence of informal groups facilitating mutual aid and collective action. Civil society research has neglected to analyse such groups within the gig economy. The study finds that social media is a site for the development and contestation of identity narratives. We observed a "Hero" narrative that glorifies delivery riders' independent status and a "Worker" narrative that challenges riders' conditions. We argue that these collective identity narratives crucially facilitate or inhibit the emergence of labour-oriented civil society organisations, thus contributing to third sector research that examines civil society in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research sought to establish precipitants of ineffective labor act enforcement in the Gokwe area in Zimbabwe. A quantitative approach was used in this study. A survey study design was utilized through the use of a structured questionnaire. The stratified sampling method was used to select 80 participants. What emerged as major precipitants of ineffective labor act enforcement in the country, were lack of education, the legal cost involved, lack of representation, contradictions between Labor Officers and Designated Agents, and the bias of labor act enforcers as well as the distance traveled to seek labor justice. To ensure workers are more conscious of their rights, there should be a rollout of labor act educational campaigns in the country to inform employees and employers of their rights and their boundaries. The Government should remove application costs paid by the winning party at the labor court. To reduce the distance, the government should revisit the labor act, particularly on the issue of designated agents to grant labor officers some power within the jurisdictions of the designated agents to stimulate labor act enforcement and good practices. The dispute resolution system should be less expensive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past few years, the online scam industry has undergone seismic changes. After emerging in Taiwan and mainland China in the 1990s, in the 2010s scam operations began to relocate servers and offices to Southeast Asia, especially Cambodia and the Philippines. While initially the majority of operations were small-scale and largely hosted in apartments, villas, and hotel rooms, in the second half of the decade they began to assume industrial dimensions, coalescing into bigger walled compounds often hosting dozens of companies, many staffed by workers held against their will and forced to perform scams. Drawing from extensive fieldwork and a set of in-depth interviews conducted with survivors of scam compounds in Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos, this paper offers the first in-depth examination of the political economy of Southeast Asia's scam industry, arguing that these operations should be framed as part of compound capitalism, a new manifestation of predatory capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2013, Argentina promulgated Law 26844, transforming household workers' juridical status from "servants," with almost nonexistent labor rights, to "workers," with rights virtually equal to all other workers under the law. This article examines how household workers in Buenos Aires who share amicable or kin‐like relationships with their employers and the people they care for experience the transition from a discriminatory normative order of patronage and servanthood into an egalitarian normative order of full labor rights. The article shows, first, that rather than adopting a purely contractual rationality of labor rights and obligations, workers instead often make claims to labor rights in the registers of reciprocal obligation extant in their relationships with their employers and the people they care for. Second, the article shows that, as a type of social capital, the intimate capital that workers accrue in their relationships with their employers and the people they care for, in the form of relational ties with them, sometimes enables workers to access labor rights. Thus, the article demonstrates how household workers claim and access their legal equality against the backdrop of enduring intersectional inequalities between them and their employers in a context of widespread violation of household workers' labor rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies have discussed how and if foreign direct investment (FDI) may improve collective labor rights in host countries. These studies presume FDI is from developed democracies to developing countries. Far less discussed is whether this positive effect of FDI on labor rights holds when FDI originates from a developing economy with oppressive labor conditions. The rapid rise of China as a new source of FDI provides an opportunity to examine this question. Using a time-series cross-sectional data set covering 123 countries from 2003 to 2017, I test how Chinese FDI is associated with collective labor rights of host countries in both developing and developed regions and whether the effect of Chinese FDI differs from that of FDI from other countries. I find that FDI from China is negatively associated with collective labor rights in host countries, while non-Chinese FDI does not show such a negative association. The negative association between Chinese FDI and collective labor rights is more pronounced in host countries in developing regions than in developed regions. Existen diversos estudios que han analizado cómo y si la inversión extranjera directa (IED) puede contribuir a mejorar los derechos laborales colectivos en los países receptores. Estos estudios parten de la base de que la IED procede de democracias desarrolladas y de que se destina a países en desarrollo. Sin embargo, se ha analizado en mucha menor medida si este efecto positivo de la IED sobre los derechos laborales se mantiene cuando la IED procede de una economía en desarrollo con condiciones laborales opresivas. El rápido ascenso de China como nueva fuente de IED constituye una oportunidad para estudiar esta cuestión. Comprobamos, mediante el uso de un conjunto de datos transversales de series cronológicas que abarca 123 países de 2003 a 2017, cómo influye la IED china en los derechos laborales colectivos de los países receptores, tanto en regiones en desarrollo como en regiones desarrolladas, y si el efecto de la IED china difiere del de la IED de otros países. Los resultados muestran que la IED procedente de China se asocia de forma negativa con los derechos laborales colectivos en los países receptores, mientras que la IED no china no tiene un efecto tan negativo. El impacto negativo de la IED china sobre los derechos laborales colectivos es más pronunciado en los países receptores de las regiones en desarrollo que en países receptores de regiones desarrolladas. Des études ont porté sur comment et si les investissements directs à l'étranger (IDE) peuvent améliorer le droit du travail dans les pays hôtes. Ces études supposent que les IDE proviennent des démocraties développées et sont dirigés vers des pays en voie de développement. On s'est beaucoup moins intéressé au maintien de cet effet positif des IDE sur le droit du travail quand ils proviennent d'un pays en développement aux conditions de travail oppressives. La montée rapide de la Chine en tant que nouvelle source d'IDE fournit une opportunité d'analyse de cette question. À l'aide d'ensembles de données chronologiques transversaux couvrant 123 pays de 2003 à 2017, j'évalue l'influence des IDE chinois sur le droit du travail des pays hôtes, tant dans les régions développées qu'en développement, et si celle-ci diffère de l'influence des IDE d'autres pays. J'observe que les IDE de la Chine entraînent des effets négatifs sur le droit du travail des pays hôtes, quand les IDE d'autres pays n'ont pas de tels effets négatifs. Les conséquences négatives des IDE chinois sur le droit du travail sont plus marquées chez les pays hôtes de régions en développement que de régions développées. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]