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Automatic sentiment analysis is used extensively in political science. The digitization of legislative transcripts has increased the potential application of established tools for the automated analyses of emotion in text. Unlike in writing, however, expressing emotion in speech involves intonation, facial expressions, and body language. Drawing on a new dataset of annotated texts and videos from the Canadian House of Commons, this paper does three things. First, we examine whether transcripts capture the emotional content of speeches. We find that transcripts capture sentiment, but not emotional arousal. Second, we compare strategies for the automated analysis of sentiment in text. We find that leading approaches performed reasonably well, but sentiment dictionaries generated using word embeddings surpassed these other approaches. Finally, we test the robustness of the approach based on word embeddings. Although the methodology is reasonably robust to alternative specifications, we find that dictionaries created using word embeddings are sensitive to the choice of seed words and to training corpus size. We conclude by discussing the implications for analyses of political speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sovereignty is an ambiguous concept. It is always saturated with multiple meanings, especially as other concepts are either defined in terms of it or depend on it for their own meanings. It gets more ambiguous as scholars, especially those adopting constructivism as a theory of politics and international relations, move onto divergent paths, creating a gap between theory and practice. The article proposes the sovereignty alignment process as a two-level approach that can clarify sovereignty and its components, including territoriality. The internal level of the alignment process includes disaggregating meanings into frames before aggregating them into master frames that can identify, group and organise different – even contradictory – facets of sovereignty. The external level traces how these sets of meanings interact with the outside world, having its own meaning and discursive opportunity, which can consolidate the actor's repertoire of meanings on sovereignty. The outside world can also be material, helping to enact or operationalise the articulated meanings by other means, including the use of force or diplomacy. The approach has been devised to analyse the developments of the Arab uprisings, examining how state leaders redefined their identities and interests to survive the sweeping waves of protests against their regimes in 2011 and afterwards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2016 European Union referendum campaign has been depicted as a battle between 'heads' and 'hearts', reason and emotion. Voters' propensity to trust their feelings over expert knowledge has sparked debate about the future of democratic politics in what is increasingly believed to be an 'age of emotion'. In this article, we argue that we can learn from the ways that historians have approached the study of emotions and everyday politics to help us make sense of this present moment. Drawing on William Reddy's concept of 'emotional regimes', we analyse the position of emotion in qualitative, 'everyday narratives' about the 2016 European Union referendum. Using new evidence from the Mass Observation Archive, we argue that while reason and emotion are inextricable facets of political decision-making, citizens themselves understand the two processes as distinct and competing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This article explores the link between clemency and obedience within the jurisdictional legal order of Castile and the Indies. We analyze the legitimization of the relationship, founded on the love of the King, between the Monarch and his vassals. Our analysis centers on the decades following the Comunero Rebellion of 1781 in the New Kingdom of Granada. Originality: We explore clemency as an element strengthening the emotional bonds between the King and his vassals, which was questioned because it was considered that rather than achieving its purpose, it had served to make the inhabitants more rebellious. Methodology: Based on the analysis of archival and printed sources that addressed the problem of obedience in the New Kingdom of Granada, to find correlations with the use of royal clemency and the relationship between the King and his vassals. Conclusions: Our analysis shows how clemency was questioned as a virtue that strengthened the emotional bond between vassals and the Monarch. Thanks to the flexibility of the conception of clemency as a part of the dialectic between love and fear of the King, it was considered that while the King could demonstrate his munificence towards his subjects, vassals were responsible for deserving forgiveness only if they acted with blind obedience. This conception, although weakened a few years later, may have helped to build the arguments that represented the Spanish monarchy as a despotic system during the decades thereafter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do citizens decide who to vote for in an election? Traditional answers focus on the role of political knowledge, party identification, and evaluations of the past performance of governments as explanatory variables. In this study we evaluate an alternative argument: the role of emotions. Using data from a survey carried out following the Chilean general elections of December 2017, this article investigates the association of emotions with the vote for Sebastián Piñera, and how emotions interact with other relevant factors that correlate with the vote. We conclude that in Chile, together with party identification and the evaluation of past governments, the emotions aroused by candidates are strongly associated with the voting decision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of emotions in social movements and mobilization has been an important focus of recent research, but the emotional mechanisms producing apathy and non-participation remain under studied. This article explores the thinking and feeling processes involved in the production of apolitical attitudes, paying particular attention to their social and cultural context. Cultural norms of appropriateness and emotional expression can hinder or boost the emotions involved in the mobilizing processes. Based on 60 interviews with young people in two Russian cities, collected during and in the aftermath of the anti-regime protests of 2011–12, I explore the apathy syndrome—a combination of emotional mechanisms and cultural norms that produce political apathy. Personal frustrating experiences develop into long-term cynicism and disbelief in the efficacy of collective action, a process exacerbated by the transmission of apathy in families and educational institutions, as well as by cultural norms of appropriate emotions. Cultural clichés and dissociation from others help people cope with the trap and justify inaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Formulating effective responses to illiberal populism will be possible only if one understands the reasons for its current popularity. The example of postcommunist Europe may be of great help here. This text grapples with three aspects of illiberal populism's success in the twenty-first century and tries to offer possible responses. First, liberals have lost the battle for the legacy of 1989. They cannot offer a satisfactory challenge to populism until they create a more convincing, updated narrative about the democratic breakthroughs that took place in Central and Eastern Europe thirty years ago. Emotions should play a vital role here. Second, the populists have so far been better at crafting their vision of the future. Liberals must prepare their own engaging and convincing story about what is to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of an increasingly divided populace, this article considered how the emotions (enthusiasm and anxiety) partisans feel toward U.S. presidential candidates may heighten or diminish affective polarization. In Study 1 (American National Election Studies [ANES] 2008–2009 panel data), we found that enthusiasm for the in-group candidate and anxiety about the out-group candidate were related to higher levels of affective polarization, whereas enthusiasm for the out-group candidate was related to lower levels of affective polarization. In Study 2 (2016 panel data), we found that in-group enthusiasm was related to higher levels of affective polarization and out-group enthusiasm was related to lower levels of affective polarization, but neither in-group nor out-group anxiety was significantly related to affective polarization. These findings highlight that enthusiasm about out-group candidates may have a unique ability to disrupt affective polarization and that it is important to consider the source of an emotion response, not just the type of emotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While scholars have shown strong interest in the role of emotions in politics, questions remain about the connections between emotions and political intolerance. First, it is not clear which emotion (if any) is likely to produce intolerance toward one's disliked groups, with different studies favoring hatred, anger, or fear. Second, it is unclear whether these effects of emotion are moderated by sophistication, as some conventional political thought argues. Do the less-sophisticated rely on emotions when making judgments, therefore being less tolerant than sophisticates, who rely on reason? Here, we test both hypotheses using a large representative sample Americans. We find that hatred, anger, and fear are significantly but only modestly related to political intolerance. Moreover, the effects of emotions on intolerance are not consistently stronger among the unsophisticated. These findings provide little support for the conventional assumption that the less-sophisticated rely on their emotions in making political judgments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are images, emotions, and international politics connected? This article develops a theoretical framework contributing to visuality and emotions research in International Relations. Correcting the understanding that images cause particular emotional responses, this article claims that emotionally laden responses to images should be seen as performed in foreign policy discourses. We theorise images as objects of interpretation and contestation, and emotions as socially constituted rather than as individual 'inner states'. Emotional bundling – the coupling of different emotions in discourse – helps constitute political subjectivities that both politicise and depoliticise. Through emotional bundling political leaders express their experiences of feelings shared by all humans, and simultaneously articulate themselves in authoritative and gendered subject positions such as 'the father'. We illustrate the value of our framework by analysing the photographs of Alan Kurdi, a three-year-old Syrian-Kurdish boy who drowned in September 2015. 'Kurdi' became an instant global icon of the Syrian refugee crisis. World leaders expressed their personal grief and determination to act, but within a year, policies adopted with direct reference to Kurdi's tragic death changed from an open-door approach to attempts to stop refugees from arriving. A discursive-performative approach opens up new avenues for research on visuality, emotionality, and world politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the emotional regimes of settler colonialism in post‐apartheid South Africa. The focus is on apocalyptic fears of the imagined eradication of whiteness. These fears are articulated in response to postcolonial/decolonial interpellations of abject whiteness, and are made visible in a range of sensational signs that circulate online and offline. The signs cluster around two themes that are central to the ideologies of settler colonialism: land (and its feared loss), and (white) bodies (and their feared disappearance). Following Sarah Ahmed (2004a,b), emotionally charged signs can be seen as actions (akin to words in speech act theory). In contrast to Jürgen Habermas' conception of the public sphere as an idealized place of rational debate, the article argues that a combination of affect‐emotion‐feeling and the performance of 'reason'—what Aristotelian rhetoric refers to as pathos and ethos—are integral for understanding public‐political discourses of whiteness at a time when white privilege has been called out globally (and locally), and white dominance has lost its stronghold. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains rising partisan animosity in the United States? We argue that mass partisans' feelings toward the social group coalitions of the parties are an important cause of rising affective polarization. We first leverage evidence from the American National Election Study (ANES) Time Series to show that partisans' feelings toward the social groups linked to their in-party (out-party) have grown more positive (negative) over time. We then turn to the 1992–96 and 2000–2004 ANES Panel Surveys to disentangle the interrelationship between partisan polarization and social group evaluations. Individuals with more polarized social group evaluations in 1992 or 2000 report substantially more polarized party thermometer ratings and more extreme, and better sorted, partisan identities four years later. Notably, these variables exerted little reciprocal influence on group evaluations. Our study has important implications for understanding affective polarization and the role of social groups in public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to understand the subject formation of Chinese peasant workers by exploring the emotional dynamics of their struggle for social security, in particular, the new political possibilities created by emotional forces, and the complex ways they experience and articulate the distinctive kind of emotional politics that binds peasant workers with the state in their co-production of emotionally charged power relations, identities, and subjectivities. It formulates an analytical framework that explores the emotional politics of fear that plays out in the context of economic restructuring. In contemporary China, the conflict triggered by social insurance contributions has become a component of the ensuing social crisis, where many protest events are triggered by widespread outrage at the violation of legal rights to social insurance and other welfare security. This research focuses on the struggle of a group of peasant workers at a UNIQLO supplier in Shenzhen, exploring how their fears for the future are constituted, and how their emotional feelings of insecurity motivate collective action and reconfigure their emotional identity and subjectivity in the face of extreme risk. Informed by a relational understanding of emotions, this paper investigates the complex ways in which the proliferation of fear, as a result of an anticipated pain in the future, articulates the process of subject-making in the face of increasing instability and precarity. The study attempts to demonstrate the centrality of fear for China's sociopolitical order and the radical action of labor resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political emotion has become one of the most significant components of the ensuing crisis in Hong Kong since it was taken over by China in 1997. By focusing on the highly controversial film Ten Years which was awarded the best film at the 35th Hong Kong Film Awards but heavily criticized for its poor artistic value and intense political implications, this article explores a range of affective cultural practices of fear generated by the film and their social effects on Hong Kong's post-Umbrella movement era. Informed by the perspective of critical cultural studies, the article examines how this political film offers a site of political intervention through which to perform the politics of fear. The article further illustrates how such emotional politics engages with subject formation in the changing political context, and how it produces a site of political intervention against China. Moreover, the article also elaborates what possible dilemma may be evoked by such politics of fear in relation to Hong Kong's nativism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Classical works on persuasive computing have pointed out how technologies attempting to influence the User need to communicate in a competent and also dominant way (Fogg [Ubiquity5 (2002)]; Poggi & D'Errico [in: HBU 2010, Springer, Heidelberg, 2010, pp. 163–174]). Taking an opposite perspective, this study investigates the peculiar communication of a humble politician as a source of persuasion, by using multimodal analysis, also in view of its automatic detection. Psychology of political communication studies have stressed the role of dominance in the self-presentation of politicians, while implicitly excluding the very hypothesis that a political leader can be or can present himself as humble. This work presents three studies on humility and humble politicians. First a survey study investigates how laypeople define humility, trying to extract the defining features of the "humble stance", such as non-superiority, empathy, equality and others. Then a qualitative analysis singles out, in the multimodal communication of four humble leaders, the postures, prosodic features, gaze and facial expressions that specifically convey the semantic features of humility hypothesized by the previous survey. The third study, by means of two software types for automatic detection (I-motions and Vokaturi), explores the emotions most typically expressed by the humble leaders' voice and face. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emotions have been found to underpin the moral hierarchy of values and beliefs within and among groups by restraining undesirable attitudes and behavior. As such, emotions serve as potential indicators for analyzing whether or not certain norms are still deemed relevant. As Jon Mercer puts it: "One way to test for the presence of norms is to look for emotion". While the literature in International Relations (IR) generally accepts the emotional underpinnings of norms, there has been strikingly little elaboration of appropriate methods and criteria for studying the link between emotion and norms in IR. In this contribution, I suggest that socialization processes in a security community involve the internalization of appropriate rules of emotional expression or, in short, emotion norms. I propose that emotion norms can be historically traced via the emotional vocabulary and expressive rules derived from the production of texts. To do this, I searched for documents and treaties that serve as canonical texts for the collective self-conception and self-image of the transatlantic security community. As I hope to show, in these texts one can find substantial evidence of emotion norms, which designates these documents as 'emotional landmarks' that embody the emotional construction of the transatlantic emotional (security) community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussing Foucault's and Deleuze's work on meaning-making, the article argues that we might make better use of the intersubjectivity of a meaning when interpreting emotions. Interpreting emotions in texts remains complicated because discussion on the ontological character of emotions sustains an opposition of emotion to meaning structures. Both Foucault and Deleuze conceive meaning-making through permanent oscillation between the subjective accounts of a meaning and its collective interpretation. These two dimensions are not in conflict but create meaning through their interdependence. On the basis of this interdependence, we can conceive of an interpretive analysis of emotions as a way to study language means that label particular emotions as relevant, legitimized, or useful. This shift of the debate on emotions away from what emotions are and toward what they mean enhances the critical shape of interpretive analysis of emotions because it uncovers conflicts hidden behind the veil of allegedly neutral policy instruments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on electoral violence has focused on its causes as well as its scope, ignoring the implications for citizens trying to practice their political citizenship. Informed citizens are a central part of a functioning democracy. The emotive response to violence may play an important role here. This article contributes to a deeper understanding of how the voter responds to violence. Recent work on the role of emotions in politics has demonstrated its positive role for cognition, as fear can increase the individual’s propensity to amass information and reevaluate attitudes and behavior. This is tested in a hitherto unexamined context, namely, Sub-Saharan Africa, using the Afrobarometer survey (20 different countries). In general, political fear is a significant predictor of political knowledge, but in the opposite direction compared to the hypothesis. The affective intelligence hypothesis only receives partial support using this data, namely, in countries with high levels of political violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When we say that ‘the government should be ashamed’, can we be taken literally? I argue that we can: organisations have duties over their emotions. Emotions have both functional and felt components. Often, emotions’ moral value derives from their functional components: from what they cause and what causes them. In these cases, organisations can have emotional duties in the same way that they can have duties to act. However, emotions’ value partly derives from their felt components. Organisations lack feelings, but can have duties to increase the likelihood that their members have relevant emotions (with the right felt components), in virtue of and in accordance with their role in the organisation. To systematise these conclusions, I provide a taxonomy of organisations’ – and individuals’ organisationally situated – emotional duties. This taxonomy will enable scholars of electoral politics, international politics and public policy to systematically integrate emotions into the study of organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When people learn that demonstrators are being subjected to harsh treatment by the police, sometimes their reaction is to join demonstrations. What explains the potentially mobilizing power of repression? Information-oriented theories posit that repression changes people's beliefs about the likely success of the protests or the type of the government, thus encouraging them to join. Social-psychological theories posit that repression provokes a moral and emotional reaction from bystanders, and these emotional reactions are mobilizing. Our research offers a rare opportunity to test these theories, empirically, against one another. We offer experimental evidence from Turkey after the 2013 Gezi uprising. In this setting, emotional reactions appear to be the link between repression and backlash mobilization. Information-oriented theories of backlash mobilization may be less germane in democracies, in which people already have access to information about their governments, and in highly polarized polities, in which few people's political affinities are up for grabs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1975 and 1981 the Italian Communist Party considerably expanded its network of party schools with the intention to reinforce the training of officials, cadres and public administrators. In that period, the party schools represented not only places of political professionalization and cultural integration, but also environments of identity construction and personal growth. This paper analyses some aspects of communist education during the Seventies, with a particular focus on the party schools students' subjective experiences. Didactic sources and students' or teachers' compositions, able to examine the skills transmitted and acquired and the identities developed by cadres and officials, have been taken into account. In the relationship between politics and emotions, between collective training and individual maturation and between public and private, indeed, it is possible to understand the development of the communist educational policy, and the cultural narrative of the party's pedagogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Th is aft erword off ers refl ections on some major points of this section concerning the generative power linking moral outra ge to political violence. Th e authors have successfully taken up a topic of immense relevance and urgency in contemporary society. Th eir eff orts are a fi rst important step to address this from an empirical, analytical, and theoretical framework. In the aft erword, I seek to add further perspectives to some of the fi ndings, including a focus on moral outrage that situates it not strictly within personality as a preexisting universal that waits for someone to wake it up but rather in an approach to emotions as embedded within cultural understandings with an emphasis on the strategic side of the production of moral outrage in creating both positive and negative change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moral outrage has until now been conceptualized as a call to action, a reaction to injustice and transgressions, and a forceful motor for democratic participation, acts of civil disobedience, and violent and illicit action. Th is introduction goes beyond linear causality between trigger events, political emotions, and actions to explore moral outrage as it is experienced and expressed in contexts of political violence, providing a better understanding of that emotion's generic power. Moral outrage is here understood as a multidimensional emotion that may occur momentarily and instantly, and exist as an enduring process and being-in-the-world, based on intergenerational experiences of violence, state histories, or local contexts of fear and anxiety. Because it appears in the intersubjective fi eld, moral outrage is central for identity politics and social positioning, so we show how moral outrage may be a prism to investigate and understand social processes such as mobilization, collectivities, moral positioning and responsiveness, and political violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relying on archives and testimonies, this article focuses on the emotions expressed by participants in the May–June 1968 events in France and treats those emotions as an object of inquiry in their own right. By exploring the emotional experience of politics from below, this essay demonstrates that emotions helped establish the crisis atmosphere of May '68 and shaped its unfolding dynamic. From joy aroused by the opening of a wide field of possibilities to propulsive anger, mutual hatred, and fear, emotions were at the core of the "protagonism" of people discovering their capacity to influence the course of history and of the antagonisms among political stakeholders. Thus the article emphasizes both the benefits of analyzing moments of crisis through the prism of emotions and the significance of crises for the study of emotions in the social sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text explores the return of the Free French to metropolitan territory in 1944-45. The intense emotions provoked by rediscovering the soil of France and their compatriots were succeeded by more mixed and even bittersweet feelings. Very soon, dreams dreamed far away and for many years met the reality of a country deeply wounded by the defeat of 1940 and by the Occupation. The takeover of administrative and political power, and the beginnings of the purges, provoked clashes with the Allies and even more with the metropolitan Resistance, which were essentially quarrels of legitimacy. The violence of the fight for the Liberation mercilessly took its toll. Each and every person who had survived the conflict found the resumption of a personal and intimate life more difficult than expected. Finally, some of the hopes for renovation that had been developed throughout the war began to waver. This led to a frustration tinged with bitterness on which contrasting memories took root. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the history of emotions and violence in the politics, literature and cinema in Latin America. Topics discussed include studies on emotions and violence themes in Chile; opinion that emotions showing both a successful and promising avenue to exploit whether in dictatorship and civil or criminal war in the recent history of Latin America; and new challenges of emotional studies in social sciences and in humanities; and opinion that gender violence is a nefarious phenomenon that should be studied with tools for the study of emotions.

International relations scholars are increasingly paying attention to "the emotional" as a way to understand global politics. What is often missing from these conversations is feminist knowledge on affect, and also discussions about methodology. By presenting a feminist methodological approach to the affective-discursive to analyze the politics of emotion, this paper aims to fill this gap. It starts by discussing feminist critiques of the "affective turn." Then, a methodological framework of gender, discourse, and affect as a structure that "goes-without-saying" is presented. Hemmings' concept of affective dissonance is used as a tool guiding a feminist curiosity, useful to zoom in on the political puzzle of what emotion (in its broadest sense) does. The third section draws on two examples of being emotional about violent "Woman" to illustrate how moments of affective dissonance spark a feminist curiosity about gender, agency, and political violence. In conclusion, the paper argues that feminist knowledge on affect offers a way to re-tune, reset, and reimagine research on the politics of emotion. By prioritizing affect as methodology, feminist knowledge should be valuable for critical endeavors interested in changing the status quo, no matter if the political puzzle is about gender or not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article establishes the importance of studying mediated anger. It first develops a typology of mediated anger, suggesting it is performative, discursively constructed, collective, and political. It applies this typology to routine coverage of anger in UK protest coverage during a two-month time period in 2015. The analysis demonstrates that anger serves as a cause of engagement and a barometer of public feeling. It sets out a spectrum of discursive constructions of mediated anger. At one end sits rational and legitimate anger, which forms the basis for social change. Along the spectrum sits aggressive and/or disruptive anger motivated by rational and legitimate concerns. At the other end of the spectrum lies illegitimate and irrational anger. The analysis shows that protesters can be simultaneously angry and rational, peaceful and legitimate. Discourses on protest construct a commonsense theory of political motivation, whereby anger explains the desire for political engagement, but only occasionally brings about other negative emotions or actions. As such, the article contributes a more nuanced understanding of anger as a political emotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

‘I know where she went, it’s disgusting, I don’t want to talk about it. No, it’s too disgusting. Don’t say it, it’s disgusting, let’s not talk’. That’s Donald Trump, discussing Hilary Clinton taking a bathroom break. It is just one of the many things which disgust him. While his rhetoric about other races and religions steers clear of the word, his imagery evokes the rejection or ejection characteristic of disgust: deporting illegal immigrants, a wall on the Mexican border, a ban on Muslim travel. This paper argues that the affirmation, amplification and circulation of disgust is one of the primary affective drivers of Trump’s political success. In doing so, Trump capitalizes on the tendency of political conservatives to be more intensely moved by disgust. Discarding, ejecting or blocking the sticky, disgusting object becomes a visceral and even contagious necessity. Sharing that recoil, as Trump does with his most passionate supporters, can forge an intense, enduring and binding relation. While the dynamics of disgust are most evident in the crowds at his rallies, it is also mediatized and transmitted through broadcast and social media. As the Trump era unfolds, it is crucial to understand disgust as a mode of affective politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 1832 the Duchesse de Berry, the mother of the Bourbon heir to the throne, Henri V, returned to France to lead a rebellion against the newly formed July Monarchy. Lasting only a few days, her rebellion failed miserably in the western departments. However, the duchesse evaded capture until November 1832, when she was imprisoned in the Chateau de Blaye. The duchesse's rebellion and her subsequent imprisonment created national controversies that raised critical questions about the nature of representative government. After the Revolution of 1830, French liberals sought to ground political representation in the idea of male reason. However, capitalizing on the duchesse's popularity, legitimists countered that the state should represent the intimate emotions of private life. By examining public responses to the duchesse's rebellion, this article argues that legitimists and liberals contested state authority by employing competing emotional and gendered discourses about the nature of political representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws attention to gendered inequalities in relation to pedagogic participation, the politics of difference and the concept of ‘shame’. I use the term ‘pedagogic participation’ to illuminate the relationship between formations of difference, policy concerns to improve ‘equity’ and higher education participation in and across contested pedagogical spaces. Engaging feminist critiques and analyses of pedagogical practices and ‘inclusion’, I consider possibilities for creating ‘parity of participation’ in relation to the social justice struggles of redistribution, recognition, representation and embodied subjectivities. How might students and teachers create spaces for the parity of participation across and among these three inter-related social justice domains and formations of difference in ways that acknowledge the lived and embodied politics of emotion and shame? Through exploring this question, I aim to re/imagine difference as a critical resource for opening up ethical, praxis-based pedagogical spaces and relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines and critiques the logic and practices of branding that inform contemporary American political campaigns within the context of ethical surplus, sign value versus use value, emotion and reason, and the tension of authenticity and cynicism. The original research is based upon 38 one-on-one, in-depth interviews with political consultants, including media strategists, communication directors, and advertising producers who are involved in the encoding and cultural production of political discourse. The qualitative findings illuminate a professional ideology among these elite practitioners that obfuscates the pursuit of power by strategizing texts that involve emotional evocation rather than rational deliberation and embed candidates within signifiers of and proxies for authenticity. These efforts are intended to strike a disinterested, non-instrumental pose on behalf of the “branded candidates” they represent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article draws an association between constitution-making and emotions. It discusses details on theory of emotion, including choice, causal antecedents, beliefs and action. Details on processing of written constitution or constitution making, including point of view, conflicting prescriptions and drafting, are included.Topics include emotion-based risk assessments, constitution of the Fifth French Republic by Charles de Gaulle and Constituent Assembly.

The "affective turn" is often viewed as a turn away from poststructuralism, in the belief that linguistic or constructivist models are incapable of accounting for the principally biological or materialist category of "affect." This article argues that affect is, however, central to deconstruction, notably to its conception of the political. For Derrida, the affectionate bonds that tie us to ourselves and to others are always accompanied by anxiety in the face of incalculable loss or destruction. This paradox has important implications for the "politics of deconstruction," considered here as an attempt to think through the structural contamination of affect and technics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates whether and to what extent the thematic relevance of emotive stimuli embedded in presidential speeches affects people's risk perceptions and policy support regarding military interventions in civil conflict. Conducting an experimental study with a total of 1,187 participants, we find the induction of anger via thematically relevant emotive triggers leads to higher levels of support for military interventions in civil conflict even though people's risk perceptions-which were high across all conditions-remain unaffected. By comparison, the effects of anger on policy support observed in the thematically irrelevant condition do not differ significantly from the emotion-neutral control condition. Thus, although members of the public are highly sensitive to the risks of military interventions in civil conflict and can compartmentalize their feelings within the relevant policy sphere (thereby negating a spillover effect), stimulated anger can nevertheless generate greater public support for military interventions. Still, the potential for such opinion movement to help justify and facilitate policy action depends highly on the president's strategic positioning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the author's views on the literary works on anthropology of emotions with reference to politics and profession. Various topics discussed include relativism in the analysis of emotions, urban violence in Brazil and victimization. Author further discusses emotions, its political aspects and its ethnography.

This article critically examines the interrelationship of values and emotions in international relations. It focuses on the different meaning of affects and emotions, and theorizes about the affective qualities of values in world politics. It defines affective values as values that arise from the ceaseless, unconscious striving(s) to contest the outside control over one’s life. In doing so, it distinguishes between negative affective values, which represent the evocation of fear, shame, and distrust to shape and project the creative energies of resistance, and positive affective values that signify the material and practical strategies that convert these energies into an awareness of one’s insecurity in the world. The article argues that the tension between positive and negative affective values allows us to understand the transformative link between emotions and values. By focusing on the norm of humanitarian intervention, it contextualizes positive affective values in terms of the new resilience initiative of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues that the legal about face in 1950s law in which film was granted First Amendment protection was driven in part by a change in the “emotional regimes” of US democracy, or emotions/performances of emotion that are part of legitimate political culture. The legal understanding of how film does or does not contribute to democratic political culture tracks historical shifts in these emotional regimes. In the teens, elites feared the activation of the masses, as crowds, in political uprisings. By 1950, elite fears had turned to passive audiences, “narcotized” masses that might easily be seduced by totalitarian demagogues. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The last decades saw a growing interest in the ties between emotions and politics, but while governments' attempts to impose different emotional styles were thoroughly documented, social movements' responses to such attempts have so far been underexplored. This study aims to fill this gap by focusing on a political struggle over citizen's emotions. The article concentrates on a struggle following the attempt of Israeli Parliament Members to shape the emotional responses of Israeli citizens to the Palestinian seminal disaster-The Nakba-by legislatively prohibiting public expressions of mourning and grief with its regard. Based on participant observation, this study follows a group of Israeli political activists-'Psychoactive'-in their struggle against the bill. As a political movement that consists of mental health experts, Psychoactive is shown to use its members' professional means in order to oppose the bill and warn against the emotional style it seeks to dictate, and to simultaneously disseminate an oppositional emotional style that focuses on emotionally processing the Palestinian disaster. This emotional style is shown to have effects on the ways people feel about their history, their nationality and even their close family, and to paradoxically offer political empowerment to Palestinians by pathologizing their historical disaster. Thus, this article sees emotions as an active and highly contested political battleground, where emotional boundaries are actively drawn and redrawn by politicians and political movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article theorizes the politics of witnessing and grief in the context of the embodied experience of cows raised for dairy in the Pacific Northwestern United States. Bearing witness to the mundane features of dairy production and their impact on cows' physical and emotional worlds enables us to understand the violence of commodification and the political dimensions of witnessing the suffering of an Other. I argue that greater attention should be paid to the uneven hierarchies of power in the act of bearing witness. Centering the animal as a subject of witnessing allows us to see with particular clarity the ethical ambiguities at work in witnessing while at the same time attending to the importance of witnessing-as-politics. My project here is to lay bare moments of emotional and physical turmoil not seen as such-the lives that are rendered ungrievable-and examine how we can and should respond to them. Thus, this article contributes to feminist conversations about witnessing, grief, and the political function of emotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can the pleasures of young Palestinian women from refugee camps in promenading on the Beirut seaside Corniche on a warm summer evening be political? Or days spent at women-only beaches? If so, how do we understand such pleasure as everyday practices, as a politics of the present moment, or conversely (or simultaneously) as mechanisms of being co-opted into a broader apparatus of consumerist ideology and capitalist complacency? Drawing on ethnographic research over 2 years I argue that these moments of pleasure are caesuras in the massive apparatus of power – welded from strands of work, neoliberal practice, nationalist certitudes and political exclusion – which binds these women. These acts of pleasure cannot easily be categorised as ‘resistance’ but I argue that they should not facilely be considered reinforcements of hegemonic control either. They are momentary and ephemeral recognitions of ordinary life lived in hard times, attempts at clawing back an instant of joy from the drudgery of the everyday, and a surrender to the enjoyment of conviviality in public and urban spaces. If they are at all political, they are so because such conviviality is ever harder to sustain in the calamity of hopelessness that characterises so much politics today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines mediators of the relationship between news consumption and political participation in the contemporary news environment. We test the differential effects exerted by pro- and counter-attitudinal news compared with balanced news on intended participation. Our primary objective is to model three paths that may link news exposure and participation: cognitive (i.e., perceived issue understanding), affective (i.e., emotions evoked by a news story), and attitudinal (i.e., attitude strength). We compare these paths across four issues, testing which is strongest. Relying on a large survey-based experiment on a representative sample of the American population (N = 2,300), we find that pro-attitudinal exposure increases intended participation relative to balanced news exposure, while the effects of counter-attitudinal news do not differ from those exerted by balanced news. Issue understanding, anger, positive emotions, and attitude strength all mediate the relationship between pro-attitudinal exposure and intended participation, with the route via attitude strength being strongest. These effects do not depend on whether exposure is self-selected or experimentally assigned. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article compares the public communication of Norwegian Prime Minister Stoltenberg after the attacks of 22 July 2011 and Spanish Prime Minister Aznar after the Madrid train bombing on 11 March 2004. These two political leaders opted for very different styles of crisis communication in the direct aftermath of the attacks. There is also a great difference in how the attacks influenced their political support. By focusing on these two cases, the article asks whether political leaders can make a difference when it comes to the public response to terrorist attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although anecdotal stories of political anger and enthusiasm appear to be provoked largely by issues such as gay marriage or healthcare reform, social sorting is capable of playing a powerful role in driving anger and enthusiasm, undercutting the perception that only practical disagreements are driving higher levels of political rancor. Because a highly aligned set of social identities increases an individual's perceived differences between groups, the emotions that result from group conflict are likely to be heightened among well-sorted partisans. An experimental design in a national online survey manipulates political threats and reassurances, including a threat to a party and a threat to distinct policy goals. Issue positions are found to drive anger and enthusiasm in the presence of issue-based messages, but not all party-based messages. Partisan identity drives anger and enthusiasm in the presence of party-based threats and reassurances, but not all issue-based messages. Social sorting, however, drives anger and enthusiasm in response to all threats and reassurances, suggesting that well-sorted partisans are more reliably emotionally reactive to political messages. Finally, these results are driven not by the most-sorted partisans, but by the emotional dampening effect that occurs among those with the most cross-cutting identities. As social sorting increases in the American electorate, the cooler heads inspired by cross-cutting identities are likely to be taking up a smaller portion of the electorate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using an online experiment with a national sample, this study tests the effects of political efficacy messages on two types of climate-related political participation via the discrete emotions of hope, fear, and anger and compares these effects across ideological groups. Relative to a message that discusses only negative climate impacts, messages that emphasize the internal, external, or response efficacy of political actions to address climate change are found to influence hope and fear but not anger, and these effects vary by political ideology. Furthermore, exposure to efficacy information indirectly increases participation via hope—even, in some cases, among conservatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the conference title "New Subjectivities, New Emotions, New Politics: Oppositional Politics and Counter Cultures Across the Iron Curtain During the Long 1970s" that was held in European University Viadrina, Frankfurt, Germany on June 12-13, 2015. Topics discussed include various styles of emotional politics, relationship between subjectivity and social structures and the role of subjectivities in creating new social structures.

The focus of this paper is young people's participation in the Occupy protest movement that emerged in the early autumn of 2011. Its concern is with the emotional dimensions of this and in particular the significance of emotions to the reasoning of young people who came to commit significant time and energy to the movement. Its starting point is the critique of emotions as narrowly subjective, whereby the passions that events like Occupy arouse are treated as beyond the scope of human reason. The rightful rejection of this reductionist argument has given rise to an interest in understandings of the emotional content of social and political protest as normatively constituted, but this paper seeks a different perspective by arguing that the emotions of Occupy activists can be regarded as a reasonable force. It does so by discussing findings from long-term qualitative research with a Local Occupy movement somewhere in England and Wales. Using the arguments of social realists, the paper explores this data to examine why things matter sufficiently for young people to care about them and how the emotional force that this involves constitutes an indispensable source of reason in young activists' decisions to become involved in Local Occupy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]