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Fiji's 14 December 2022 election saw the defeat of 2006 coup leader turned civilian prime minister Frank Bainimarama's FijiFirst Party, and victory for an opposition coalition led by Sitiveni Rabuka, the 1987 coup leader and 1992–9 prime minister. This article examines the polling venue-level data to investigate whether regional, class, ethnic, or urban–rural differences determined that outcome, as well as exploring the influence of variations in the personal vote over the three open list proportional representation elections of 2014, 2018, and 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue of the Journal of Pacific History brings together several scholars, who were close to Professor Brij Lal, to write on the contemporary politics of Fiji. Brij died on 25 December 2021. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For most of its postcolonial history, Fiji's government was under iTaukei (Indigenous Fijian) control, viewed by iTaukei as the guardian of their status and rights. However, iTaukei-headed governments from the military coup in 2006 until the parliament elections in 2022 undertook modernizing reforms that emphasized equality and enjoyed predominantly Indo-Fijian support. Central in the governing political party's manifesto from the resumption of elections in 2014 was the new constitutional principle of 'common and equal citizenry'. Electoral competition and parliamentary debate under the 2013 Constitution have been marked by protests against the removal of much of the institutional support for Indigenous group rights that existed in Fiji's political system until the 2006 coup. The December 2022 elections brought a new government by a coalition of parties led and supported mainly by Indigenous Fijians. Its agenda includes a promise to redress the weakening of Indigenous status and rights under Bainimarama's rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this viewpoint article, we analyse the consolidation of Abhishek Banerjee as the future leader of the Trinamool Congress (TMC), the dominant political party in West Bengal and one of the most influential opposition parties at the pan-Indian level. While the TMC has gone from strength to strength for over a decade under the leadership of Mamata Banerjee (who is also Abhishek's aunt), it has recently found itself in an unprecedented crisis, mired in allegations of corruption and misgovernance. Yet, every crisis presents new opportunities, and in this contribution, we show how the TMC has worked to simultaneously rejuvenate the party's orientation while taking forward a long-unfolding project of political dynasticism whereby 'the nephew' Abhishek is being positioned to take over the party leadership. Our analysis proceeds from an overview of the crises that have engulfed the TMC, to a discussion of how it has been used as a window of opportunity for raising Abhishek's standing. Towards this end, we focus on a series of recent party initiatives – particularly a mass outreach programme called Nabo Jowar (new wave) – as well as the recent 2023 panchayat elections where Abhishek played a key role in securing a landslide victory for the TMC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the evolving role of parliaments in political systems, emphasizing their core functions of election, legislation, oversight and communication. Topics discussed include the impact of recent changes and challenges on legislative operations; the complexity and variation of legislative processes across different systems; and the broader context of democratisation, de-democratisation and de-institutionalisation.

This article establishes a theoretical link between the business model of social media and the resurgence of antiliberal populism. Through a novel set of tactics I term "identity biopolitics," political campaigns and foreign governments alike can identify voters as members of socioculturally differentiated populations, then target them with political messages aimed at cultivating voters' awareness of their particular disadvantage within the prevailing liberal order. Identity biopolitics exploits a positive feedback loop between targeting and content: the sociocultural differentiations liberalism declares politically irrelevant are used to target content that cultivates awareness of subjects' particular depoliticized disadvantage within the prevailing liberal order. The antiliberal populist exploits this condition to drive support for their political program. This article presents case studies of the Internet Research Agency and Cambridge Analytica during the 2016 general election in the United States to demonstrate the symbiosis between social media and antiliberal populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A consensus seems to exist around physically attractive candidates winning elections more often. Unfortunately, we have limited understanding of how voters assess candidates with socioeconomically (dis)advantageous physical appearances. To bridge this gap, we studied the electoral consequences of candidates looking upper class, middle class, or working class. Using official electoral data for the 2017 Finnish municipal elections and a novel data set based on a representative sample of the Finnish population (N = 7,920), we found that Finnish citizens systematically vote for candidates who look like they have (and do have) upper‐class occupations. Furthermore, the data strongly suggest that a systematic electoral penalty exists, particularly for female candidates who look like they have (and do have) working‐class occupations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global rise of populism has led to efforts to create an 'alternative truth' to support populist political aims. This is recently seen in Turkey in the use of post-truth political discourse by the AKP as a primary election campaign strategy. This study investigates how the AKP used post-truth politics to create an alternative truth about the opposition. The main argument of the article is that the AKP used instrumentalization of post-truth politics as a tool to reproduce biases and opinions about the opposition, which contributed to its entire strategy of winning the ballot box in the 2023 Turkish elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Context: Media messaging matters for public opinion and policy, and analyzing patterns of campaign strategy can provide important windows into policy priorities. Methods: The authors used content analysis supplemented with keyword-based text analysis to assess the volume, proportion, and distribution of media attention to race-related issues in comparison to gender-related issues during the general election period of the 2022 midterm campaigns for federal office in the United States. Findings: Race-related mentions in campaign advertising were overwhelmingly focused on crime and law and order, with very little attention to racism, racial injustice, and the structural barriers that lead to widespread inequities. In stark contrast to mentions of gender, racial appeals were less identity focused and were competitively contested between the parties in their messaging, but they were much more likely to be led by Republicans. Conclusions: The results suggest that discussions of race and gender were highly polarized, with consequences for public understanding of and belief in disparities and policies important to population health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Candidate debates are increasingly organized during elections in democracies and electoral autocracies. How do debates impact partisan divisions and preferences in these contexts? One theoretical perspective suggests that debates should amplify these preferences and divisions, while another implies debates should attenuate them. This paper evaluates these expectations by studying presidential debates organized during Malawi's May 2019 elections. With an experiment and national panel survey, the paper provides evidence consistent with attenuation: debate watchers were substantially more likely to vote across partisan lines (cross-party voting), became more favorable toward out-partisan candidates, and became less favorable toward co-partisans. Suggestive evidence on causal mechanisms shows that these effects were driven by policy persuasion and debates' impact on perceptions of the candidates' policies and qualities. Results advance debates about information processing, campaign effects, and voting behavior in new democracies and electoral autocracies, and have implications for electoral institutions' impact on partisan divisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the dynamics of ideological party competition within the context of the 2023 Turkish elections. Focusing on the role and appeal of ideology, it provides insights into the changing landscape of ideological competition during this pivotal electoral period. The study examines whether ideology operates as a guiding principle for Turkish voters grappling with intricate economic and social issues. Despite acknowledging that economic concerns may not singularly determine ideological positions, the paper highlights the enduring significance of ideology in shaping perceptions. The transformative nature of the 2023 elections, marked by the emergence of new parties and electoral alliances, further underscores the relevance of ideology. Additionally, the article assesses the appeal of ideological competition by investigating voters who cannot position parties or themselves on the ideology scale. This analysis reveals that factors such as media consumption, education, gender, and political efficacy significantly influence the ideological appeal in the 2023 elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Related Articles This conceptual article explores the relationship between stakeholder theory and electoral processes, focusing on the contemporary challenges and ethical implications of applying this theory, rooted in accountability, to the political realm. Drawing on an extensive literature review to develop the theory within the political field and elections, the analysis uncovers the factors and multifaceted issues that shape stakeholder engagement in electoral contexts, and the pervasive influence of political money on the sway of tribal affiliations and identity politics—which can result in misaligned representation and unfair policy outcomes that may harm the long‐term interests of stakeholders themselves. This underscores the need for regulatory reforms to enhance transparency and accountability in elections, advocating for ethical governance to balance broader public interests against narrow stakeholder interests. Ultimately, the research provides insights into improving global electoral processes and governance, calling for policies supporting equitable, accountable, and sustainable governance practices.Adegboye, Alex, Kofo Adegboye, Uwalomwa Uwuigbe, Stephen, Ojeka, and Eyitemi Fasanu. 2023. “Taxation, Democracy, and Inequality in Sub‐Saharan Africa: Relevant Linkages for Sustainable Development Goals.” Politics & Policy 51(4): 696–722. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12547.Akwei, Cynthia. 2018. “Mitigating Election Violence and Intimidation: A Political Stakeholder Engagement Approach.” Politics & Policy 46(3): 472–504. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12256.Sohn, Hyodong. 2023. “Policy Agenda Trade‐offs for Sustainability: The Compositional Change of Attention about Energy in Legislative Hearings.” Politics & Policy 51(6): 973–1007. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12563. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The academic literature has increasingly emphasized examining the impact of conspiracy theories on political and social behaviour. However, there is a notable dearth of studies on the potential effects of conspiracy theories on elections. This study addresses this gap by discussing the plausible social mechanisms through which conspiracy theories might influence individuals’ voting behaviour. It proposes three social mechanisms through which conspiracy theories influence election results: (1) stimulating conspiracy intuitions, (2) intensifying affective polarization and (3) unintended consequences arising from efforts to debunk conspiracy theories. In sum, this research contributes to the scholarship by elucidating the potential significance of these mechanisms in contemporary Spanish and Turkish politics and posits suggestions for policy interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with how Justice and Development Party (AKP) governments navigated the politics of household indebtedness in Turkey and utilized it towards the 2023 elections. It argues that household debt is a political tool with positive and negative consequences for incumbent governments. Households have been able to access debt instruments such as credit cards, consumer credit, car loans, and mortgages in Turkey since the onset of financialisation in the 2000s. AKP governments have benefited from the micro-level household wealth/debt accumulation as well as its macro-level economic implications for the construction-led, credit-dependent economic growth model. On the other hand, household debt has had destructive societal consequences such as bankruptcies, divorces, and suicides that became commonplace in the opposition narratives. Pinpointing the responsibility for indebtedness among households, financial system, regulatory agencies, and government, as well as devising policy solutions, has become a political struggle in the months leading up to the 2023 elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces a special issue focusing on the intricacies of Turkey’s party system and the evolution of Turkish party competition amid democratic challenges. The introduction provides a brief overview of each paper in this special issue, which delves into the relationship between economic factors and voter behavior, offering insights into the continued dominance of the ruling party. While doing so, the special issue specifically examines the 2023 Turkish General elections, presenting alternative perspectives on how the incumbent party maintains its electoral success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local visits by party leaders are an integral part of election campaigning around the world. In the age of media-driven elections, do they matter? How are local contests selected for a visit? Most importantly, what effect do they have on the vote? Using a unique dataset covering local visits by the major party leaders during the 2013 and 2022 Australian federal election campaigns, we address these questions. We find that marginality is the main criterion for selecting a seat for a visit, followed by its geographical location. Leader visits in 2013 mattered more to the vote than in 2022. We explain the differences between the two elections and the four leaders by the relative standing of each of the leaders among voters. Overall, we conclude that the electoral impact of a leader visit is modest and context-dependent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use data from Canadian legislatures to examine how legislative pension rules affect the propensity of incumbents to seek re‐election. We predict that legislators with defined‐benefits pensions are more likely to seek re‐election than legislators without pensions. Once the legislator is vested (i.e., qualified) in the pension, however, this incentive disappears; indeed, pensions that accrue value quickly and can be collected at an early age, induce legislators to retire rather than seek re‐election. Difference‐in‐differences estimates bear out these predictions: on average, legislators with defined benefits pensions are 11 percentage points more likely to seek re‐election than legislators without pensions, whereas legislators who on vesting immediately qualify for a pension of 50% of their salary are 11 percentage points less likely to do so. These results show that legislative pensions alter the value that legislators place on re‐election and, in doing so, they affect the accumulation of legislative professionalism and the strength of democratic accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, several social movements in western democracies argue that traditional representative democracy has failed to adequately represent the will of the "people", and instead support direct democracy as the only political system to restore the will of the majority. We analyze under what conditions the policy – a vector of decisions on every issue – implemented by the winner of a bipartisan electoral competition coincides with the policy that citizens would choose by means of direct democracy. We find necessary and sufficient conditions for this equivalence to hold, implying that, as long as at least one of them is not fulfilled, a divergence of outcomes between direct and representative democracy arises. The first condition requires that the outcome of majority voting issue-by-issue is the Condorcet winner relative to the voters' preference profile over the set of policies. The second requires that either that outcome is the preferred policy for at least one of the candidates, or that candidates' preferred policies differ on every single issue. We reinterpret some findings in the literature in the light of our model and present them as potential reasons why the equivalence between direct and representative democracy may fail. • We find necessary and sufficient conditions for the coincidence of policies implemented under direct and representative democracy. • Loosely divided electorates and highly polarized politicians favor such a coincidence. • The bundling of issues by politicians does not jeopardize the coincidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional wisdom and evidence from democracies suggest that more education should increase voter turnout. This paper revisits this issue by analyzing turnout in China's rural elections. Employing an instrumental variable strategy, I find that more education reduces turnout in rural elections. I provide suggestive evidence that more educated people may face higher opportunity costs of voting, which explain about a quarter of cross-province variation in education-turnout links. I also discuss the role of other factors, including Confucian culture and election stakes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1832 Reform Act and the 1835 Municipal Corporations Act reconfigured political representation in English towns from a 'franchise' system (based on rights of corporate freedom) to a property-based ratepaying electorate. This shift also undermined the rights of freemen to urban common lands and resources, which were linked to pre-existing forms of representation. This issue links directly to debates in economic history about use-rights and the preservation of common-pool resources (CPRs). Supporters of Nobel laureate Elinor Ostrom argue that such common resources could be preserved because this was the most rational economic choice facing their users. Critics have asserted that the fate of such economic resources was dictated by the historically contingent social, economic and political forces within them, not abstract economic rationality. This article assesses these arguments through a micro-study of the commons in the Yorkshire borough of Beverley between 1835 and 1870. New legislation ensured that these lands were managed in line with Ostrom's principles of transparency and accountability. Despite this, they became entangled in wholesale, organised political corruption, exposed by a detailed Parliamentary enquiry in 1868. The article investigates this contradiction to explore how far 'institutions' could remain autonomous within a highly contested political 'space'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November 2023, Argentina elected Javier Milei, a right-wing former television personality, as its president. Milei promised to implement radical, libertarian policies such as abolishing the central bank and eliminating public institutions. His victory, with 56 percent of the vote, was supported by sections of the working class, particularly young males in the informal sector. This election marks a potential transition to a new political and social regime in Argentina. The country has previously been governed by populist left and neoliberal right governments, but neither type of government has been able to fully address the country's economic challenges. [Extracted from the article]

Accepting defeat in the aftermath of elections is crucial for the stability of democracies. But in times of intense polarization, the voluntary consent of electoral losers seems less obvious. In this paper, I study whether affective and perceived ideological polarization amplify the winner–loser gap in political support. Using multilevel growth curve modelling on pre and post-election panel data from the British Election Study Internet Panel collected during the 2015 and 2019 UK general elections, I show that the winner–loser gap is indeed more pronounced amongst voters with higher levels of affective and perceived ideological polarization. Moreover, the results illustrate that polarized voters experience a stark decrease in their support for the political system following their electoral loss. Given the high and, in some Western democracies, rising polarization levels, these findings have important implications for losers’ consent and the stability of democracies in election times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The absence of an electoral connection is a widely held assumption in the scholarship on the European Parliament (EP) and a cause of serious normative concern about the functioning of the European Union. Weak individual legislator accountability is part of this assumption, even if we still know little about the extent to which legislative performance matters for citizens in EP elections that allow preferential voting. This study is the first to analyse how legislative performance influences the preference vote shares of members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and whether this is moderated by their parties’ EU salience and incumbent intra-party competition. It draws on an original dataset that combines candidate and electoral data from three rounds of EP elections held between 2004 and 2014 under open or flexible list rules with information on individual legislative activity (i.e., number of reports, parliamentary questions and speeches) and leadership positions at EP and committee level. One dimension of legislative performance, report writing, is associated with a larger share of preference votes but only for incumbents of parties assigning high salience to the EU. While MEPs win a higher share of preference votes when they face limited co-partisan incumbent competition, this factor does not moderate the electoral connection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extensive research applies counterfactual simulation methodology to study parties’ optimal policy positions in multiparty elections. In recent years, this methodology has been extended to the study of variation in issue salience. We employ this method to estimate the electoral effects of changes in the salience of specific positional issue dimensions on parties’ success. Applied to British Election Study survey data from 2017 and 2019, we find that plausible issue salience changes could have shifted the parties’ projected vote shares by several percentage points. Our approach implies that the governing Conservative Party had electoral incentives to downplay positional issues, to magnify the relative effects of its non-policy advantage due to perceived competence and performance, among other factors. Labour would also have benefitted from reduced salience of Left-Right ideology. By contrast, the Liberal Democrats had strong electoral incentives to emphasize their moderate Left-Right position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One strategy in defence of compulsory voting is based on what I call the non-instrumental value of high turnout: the idea that almost-universal participation in elections is valuable per se. This article argues that we do not have democratic reasons to value compelled turnout. First, thanks to an original analysis of the practice of voting, I identify three constitutive rules that make the physical acts of marking and casting a ballot count as proper voting. This preliminary analysis serves to illuminate the fact that the act of voting has democratic value if it is performed in a free and reason-responsive way. Second, I identify political equality and popular control as democratic values that high turnout expresses. Finally, the article rejects the non-instrumental case for compulsory voting because it cannot ensure that people vote in a reason-responsive way and, if they do not, high turnout lacks democratic value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we investigate how external election interventions influence satisfaction with democracy. We expect that mere knowledge about a foreign intervention will not affect system support. Instead, only those who believe that the external influence campaign had a decisive impact on the election outcome should see a reduction in democratic satisfaction. Furthermore, since electoral winners are likely to think that their preferred party provides superior policy outputs, supporters of winning parties should be less affected by their beliefs in the decisiveness of an influence campaign. Finally, we expect that those who place a high value on in-group loyalty will be more likely to engage in motivated reasoning. Thus, in-group loyalty should cause electoral winners to discount the substantive impact of a given electoral intervention, whereas it should have the opposite effect for losers. Our analysis relies on US survey data, and it uncovers broad support for our theoretical expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the interplay between the creation of 'meme factories' by political elites, and their operationalisation through WhatsApp. It uses the case study of Indonesian President Joko Widodo's (Jokowi's) bid for re-election in 2019 to argue that political elites are leveraging meme culture's association with popular voice to 'astroturf' public discourse, and that WhatsApp's unique infrastructure advances that project. Drawing on interview data, we offer a holistic picture of the processes and structures implicated in this instance of astroturfing, with a focus on how WhatsApp is positioned within them. The authors' access to campaigners affords a rare inside view of these processes and structures, and contributes to a growing body of work on the WhatsAppification of election campaigns globally. In addition, the article builds on scholarship on social media election campaigning in Indonesia by drawing attention to the role WhatsApp's unique features play in surreptitiously influencing public discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foundational studies of political behavior find that university education facilitates the development of political attitudes and shapes socialization outcomes. But in unconsolidated democracies where identity is politically salient and ethnic political parties dominate, education may play a different role in shaping mass politics. In this paper, we develop a framework for understanding the consequences of political party intervention in annual university elections, a common feature of university life in the Middle East and the Global South. We draw on pre- and post-election surveys at the American University of Beirut in Lebanon to argue that ethnic political parties rely on partisan students to act as "party agents" who mobilize unaffiliated students through intensive peer-to-peer contact. Using a conjoint experiment embedded in both survey waves, we show that the university elections increase support in hypothetical national elections for in-group political elites and, to a lesser extent, ethnic political parties. By locating the university as an understudied site of competitive and contentious politics, our findings contribute new insights regarding the role of education in shaping political attitudes. We show that the persistence of ethnic political power can be attributed in part to party activity in less obviously political arenas that have not been systematically studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to research on citizenship and belonging in the post-Brexit white East European migration to the UK. It explores wearing a garment as an act of citizenship and an embodied methodology. It is formed of two interrelated parts: the first presents the argument that wearing a particular garment at a specific spatio-temporal juncture can be considered an act of citizenship. The second part proposes wearing as an affective method in researching citizenship that has the potential to explore the sensory and emotional dimensions of (non)belonging. White embodiments and discomfort are two threads that connect the main arguments. The article builds on autoethnographic notes made after preparing for a job interview as a white East European woman wearing a Victorian male costume while travelling from East to South London in the wake of the General Election on 12 December 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zanzibar, a self-governing state of Tanzania, may look like a tranquil tropical archipelago. But in the 60 years since a revolution overthrew a sultanate with origins in Oman, its politics have been turbulent. Revolutionary doctrines of socialism and one-party rule led to repression that lasted for years. Far from bringing stability, the introduction of multiparty politics in the 1990s has led to cycles of electoral violence and failed reconciliation talks. The legacies of the 1964 revolution continue to define the deeply polarized political landscape, even as demographic shifts and foreign investment transform the islands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pored over by the media and used as crucial testing grounds for new candidates and campaign techniques by political parties, by-elections – or special elections – are comparatively under-studied in contemporary academic analyses. These elections, held outside the normal election cycle enable local voters to replace a departing representative, but the way in which they vote has often been dismissed as being driven by national factors. In the British case, despite the attention such contests bring, understandings of the way in which people vote in contemporary by-elections are based largely on data from over forty years ago. This article represents a substantial updating of the literature on by-elections, using data on 148 contests from the British context to examine whether pre-existing assumptions from the literature hold: namely the importance of national and local factors. It finds that by-elections no longer represent useful routes by which defeated MPs can re-enter Parliament. For both turnout and party vote share at these contests, a combination of local contextual and national factors impact by-election results, whereas contest specific factors such as having a local candidate only make a difference in a few cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, elections are often administered by directly elected local officials who run as members of a political party. Do these officials use their office to give their party an edge in elections? Using a newly collected dataset of nearly 5,900 clerk elections and a close-election regression discontinuity design, we compare counties that narrowly elect a Democratic election administrator to those that narrowly elect a Republican. We find that Democrats and Republicans serving similar counties oversee similar election results, turnout, and policies. We also find that reelection is not the primary moderating force on clerks. Instead, clerks may be more likely to agree on election policies across parties than the general public and selecting different election policies may only modestly affect outcomes. While we cannot rule out small effects that nevertheless tip close elections, our results imply that clerks are not typically and noticeably advantaging their preferred party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The way social protest affects electoral outcomes remains a lacuna. This article helps fill this gap by examining how social protest against far right actors affects their electoral standing. The article utilizes a unique dataset of 4,745 local protest events to investigate how mobilization against the far right in Greece affected its electoral performance. The article finds that protest activity depressed the electoral results of the far right Golden Dawn by as much as 16%, after controlling for a number of important variables. The article identifies and specifies the patterns through which protests against the far right affect its electoral standing. Protests are effective when following the "tango" pattern—when there is close interaction of far right and anti-far right events. The timing of protest is also important and the article shows how the synchronization of protest and electoral cycles affects electoral outcomes. The article uses the findings to discuss the varying impact of protest across electoral cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State repression and protest are common in modern authoritarian and hybrid regimes, yet individual responses to these events are not well understood. This article draws on unique panel data from the months spanning Zimbabwe's 2018 election, which we view as a moment of uncertainty for most Zimbabwean citizens. Using a difference-in-difference estimator, we estimate change in individual protest intentions following exposure to repression and dissent and we assess three individual-level mechanisms hypothesized to drive responses. We find evidence that exposure to local repression and dissent are mobilizing among opposition supporters and nonpartisans. Analysis of potential mechanisms suggests that the effects of exposure to dissent may be driven by information updating, whereas relational and emotional mechanisms seem to drive backlash against repression, despite increased perceptions of risk. We find no evidence of counter-mobilization by ruling party supporters, and little effect of exposure to contentious events over social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Administering elections is costly, requiring considerable resourcing. The extent to which election administration is funded can reveal government priorities towards democratic rights and affects every potential voter. Yet, little is known of this crucial aspect of public administration, in any type of democracy. This research innovates by seeking to establish overall levels of variation in public funding of election administration in a national general election, and by applying this to the local level to investigate whether socio-economic, administrative or political factors are more important as drivers of costs. The article deploys a unique dataset which integrates rare government election administration budgeting data, with Census and political data to provide an exploratory analysis from a British general election. It finds that key production costs of voting infrastructure appear to drive funding. While socio-economic and political aspects have less of an impact, levels of ethnic minority voters and regional effects also appear important determinants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The November 2017 Zimbabwean elections were highly anticipated and contested since they came after the dethronement of the late former president Robert Mugabe. ZANU-PF's Emmerson Mnangagwa was declared the winner, an announcement the then Movement for Democratic Change-Alliance (MDC-A) challenged through the court. In the same context, the MDC-A leader, Nelson Chamisa used the phrase and hashtag 'Godisinit' as part of his challenge to Mnangagwa's legitimacy and in connecting with his followers and supporters. The study used digital ethnography to examine the use of Christianity by Chamisa and how his followers received it on Twitter. The study argues that the conflation of religion and politics discounts the relevance of fundamental political strategies important in challenging oppressive governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In most Melanesian societies, pig feasts have been declining in recent years, owing to the incursion of Christianity and the modern economy. But in Indonesia‐occupied West Papua, pig feasts are being held more often, and at a greater scale, than ever. The feasts are taking place in the context of West Papua's "special autonomy" status and Indonesia's democratic reforms, which have established direct local elections (pilkada) in the region. The boom in pig feasts shows how this traditional institution, together with the modern institution of elections, has become a platform for contestations over democracy and Papuan autonomy. Anthropological attention to traditional institutions, such as pig feasts, can offer insight into a condition of plural political order. It can furthermore tell us how Indigenous Peoples negotiate the terms of democratic reforms and negotiate their incorporation into the state through their own institution of ceremonial exchange. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining the impacts of ranked choice voting (RCV) on voter efficacy is important as more areas consider adoption. The greater number of choices provided by longer RCV ballots may introduce opportunities for voters to misunderstand the ballot, make errant marks, or accidentally mark two or more candidates for one ranking, resulting in voidable ballots due to "overvoting." Using ballot data from the 2013 general election, the 2017, and 2021 New York City democratic mayoral primaries, this paper asks whether voidable overvote ballots are more concentrated in constituencies with lower levels of educational attainment, average household incomes, and differing racial make-ups, and if this relationship is more pronounced under RCV than traditional elections. In the first RCV election in 2021, voters in locations with lower levels of educational attainment and median household incomes had higher shares of overvote voidable ballots than those in locations with higher educational attainment and incomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the trend of increasing nationalization in American politics and its effect on the U.S. Senate's federalizing dynamics, using campaign finance as an indicator. We analyze the geographic distribution of campaign contributions to U.S. Senate races from 1984 to 2020, tracing the nationalization of donor behavior in America. Key findings suggest that more ideologically conservative senators and those running for their first election are likely to rely heavily on out-of-state donations, with regional differences also evident. We argue that the nationalization of campaign finance challenges the Senate's representative structure and hints at another dimension of inequality in American politics—geographical versus national influence. This study offers no definitive normative argument but posits restricting out-of-state donations as a potential solution to address the growing inequality in the voting power of Senate members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much academic research has examined the transformation of Hong Kong people's national and local identification after 1997. This article further develops the literature by focusing on the notion of cultural othering and adopting the perspective of eventful sociology. It contends that, up to year 2020, an important aspect of Hong Kong people's identity change was the increasing tendency, especially among the younger generation, to see Hong Kong and Chinese identities as separable from—or even contrasting with—each other. This cultural othering was an ongoing trend augmented by both routinized and unpredicted political events. Analysis of longitudinal and individual-level survey data shows that Legislative Council elections and major social protests strengthened this tendency of othering. This article adds to the understanding of the post-handover development of Hong Kong people's political identities. Theoretically, the article illustrates the role of political events in the process of cultural othering and identity evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Electoral disinformation is feared to variously undermine democratic trust by inflaming incorrect negative beliefs about the fairness of elections, or to shore up dictators by creating falsely positive ones. Recent studies of political misperceptions, however, suggest that disinformation has at best minimal effects on beliefs. In this article, we investigate the drivers of public perceptions and misperceptions of election fairness. We build on theories of rational belief updating and motivated reasoning, and link public opinion data from 82 national elections with expert survey data on disinformation and de facto electoral integrity. We show that, overall, people arrive at largely accurate perceptions, but that disinformation campaigns are indeed associated with less accurate and more polarized beliefs about election fairness. This contributes a cross-nationally comparative perspective to studies of (dis)information processing and belief updating, as well as attitude formation and trust surrounding highly salient political institutions such as elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The human smile can convey both rewarding and affiliative social intent and thus has significant utility in politics, where the ability to bond with and reassure voters is vital to electoral success. We examine experimental evidence from the 2019 UK general election to investigate the influence of a politician's reward or affiliative smile on voter emotions. It was hypothesised that the winner's affiliative smile would engender positive affect across all partisan groups compared to the winner's reward smile display. Participants from a nationally representative sample were shown campaign footage containing both types of smiles from the leaders of the main competing political parties both before and after the election. Increases in happiness and affinity were revealed across all partisan groups when shown footage of the eventual winner's affiliative smile; at the same time, supporters of losing parties indicated a decrease in negative affect. Affinity has been shown to increase civic engagement. Thus, we conclude that affiliative smiles displayed by leading candidates during the campaign likely acted as a mechanism to align voter behaviour with the dominant political message. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains the survival of the AKP in Turkey’s late stage of autocratization (2017-present) through its strategy of shifting the primary drivers of competition from individual parties to pre-electoral alliances. Confronted with a decline in popular support in 2015 June elections, the article argues that the AKP created uneven patterns of competition via the system of pre-electoral alliances so that it could institutionalize a ‘Rikerian offense’ on the salient Turkish-Kurdish cleavage and establish an authoritarian power-sharing mechanism with its former challenger, the Turkish nationalist MHP. To illustrate the shift toward uneven patterns of electoral competition via such incumbent strategies, the article conducts a two-part analysis: It first examines the landscape of competition among parties (2002-2015) and second, evaluates competition among both parties and alliances (2018-2023) at the national and district levels in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]