Search

Recent political earthquakes such as the assassination attempt against former president Donald Trump and President Joe Biden's withdrawal from the 2024 campaign quickly overshadowed the various court proceedings involving the [...]

To what extent are local races across the country being increasingly driven by politics at the national level? In this article, we examine the nationalization of elections for state executive branches' primary front line legal actors in the criminal courts—local prosecutors. We seek to better understand the factors influencing prosecutor election outcomes and why these types of elections have become more nationalized in recent years. More specifically, we aim to evaluate what effect this greater nationalization has had on the electoral fates of incumbent prosecutors seeking re-election. To date, there is a paucity of scholarship on prosecutor election outcomes within political science despite their importance historically and in light of recent events. This article seeks to fill an important gap in our understanding of what drives prosecutor elections in the United States. More broadly, we believe this research helps us better understand how even these local elections can be impacted by national events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this is to implement the law while creating a participatory election climate for the public. In the previous elections, the role of monitors was mostly focused on the D)day of voting, then what is the pattern of monitoring participation in the 2024 elections? As a non-structural state institution, this intersects with the implementation of governance so that it is the main problem in this study, where analyzing the participation of election monitors in governance is important to provide feedback in the implementation of electoral democracy. This study uses a descriptive qualitative approach with a research focus on the participation of election monitors as a representation in governance which is applied as an effort to prevent violations and other vulnerability issues. The results of the analysis show that the participation of election monitors includes policy making in the form of regulations (planning), the implementation of participation in the form of monitoring, and the resulting evaluation in the form of recommendations. At the level of governance, participation can be identified from the pattern of collaboration that shows the legitimacy of each other, upholding diversity and inclusivity both from the involvement of institutions that have a concentration on inclusive election issues and ideas built in election monitoring. In the implementation, it shows the expertise of each in showing participation to the level of public orientation so that public control is one of the important elements in realizing participatory election monitoring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract\nPLAIN LANGUAGE SUMMARYIn contrast to the extensive literature on the determinants of campaign spending and its effect on candidates’ electoral performance, comparatively less literature exists on the legal and sanctioning characteristics of political finance systems. Though some contributions have analyzed and compared the institutional designs of these financing systems, limited literature has empirically examined infractions and sanctions of electoral laws, categorized as either a crime or a misdemeanor, by the candidates. Limited knowledge exists about the political and sociodemographic profile of candidates who commit such offenses or misdemeanors, a gap this study addresses by empirically analyzing electoral law infractions. Using the case of Chile and an unpublished database of infractions of 38,246 candidates in the local elections of 2008, 2012, and 2016, as well as the legislative elections of 2009, 2013, and 2017, we present four conclusions. First, only about one-fifth of candidates commit such infractions. Second, such infractions are more common during first-tier elections, especially in deputy and senatorial elections. Third, the candidates most likely to commit such infractions are independent candidates who compete in regions remote from large urban centers, especially in rural areas. Fourth, the rise in infractions is linked to a new law that more strictly regulates candidates’ campaign spending. The study enhances our understanding of the efficacy of political finance systems and the enforcement of electoral sanctions.In general, electoral infractions are studied from the point of view of the conduct of voters or of the bodies in charge of regulating elections. Not much has been written about electoral law infractions committed by candidates. In this article, we describe and analyze those infractions committed by candidates taking as a case study the elections in Chile between 2008 and 2017 (38,246 candidates), corresponding to three municipal elections and three legislative elections. We find that about 20% of all candidates commit electoral infractions, that these infractions are more frequent in legislative elections, and that the candidates most likely to commit infractions are independents. We suggest that the rise in infractions in 2016 and 2017 responded to a series of reforms to the campaign spending law in 2016 that established new fines for minor infractions and prison sentences for serious infractions. Accordingly, this article provides a novel statistical analysis of electoral infractions in the context of a much stricter and more rigorous campaign spending law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Anbar University for Law & Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study attempts to reveal the impact of distribution inequality of electoral districts on the election outcomes in Jordan. Since 1993 elections, electoral laws and regulations have been adopted that underestimate population density in Jordan, meaning that some regions with lower population densities have obtained more parliamentary seats than regions with high population density, including the governorates of Amman, Irbid and Zarqa. Successive Jordanian governments' strategies have intentionally ignored electoral geography, which reduces the chances of mainly the Palestinian component obtaining significant numbers of seats in the Parliament. Governments have also sought to mitigate the chances of Islamic, Leftist and Nationalist parties obtaining a majority of seats in the Parliament, and thus being able to exert effective pressure to hold the executive authority accountable and responsible for its actions. In addition, low levels of confidence of most Jordanian citizens in Parliament have resulted in a lack of true desire to vote, which has led to an increase in the percentage of wasted votes compared with the cast votes. The study concludes that the executive authority's domination in drawing and dividing electoral districts as part of its hegemony and control over the general policy of elections has purposefully neglected population density and geographical criteria. In light of the study results, an urgent need arises to endorse an election law that accomplishes the standards of distributive justice, maximizes the role of supportive and opposition parties, raises citizen confidence in Parliaments, reduces the percentage of wasted votes and finally activates a truly representative Parliament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bawaslu as an election supervisory agency has the authority, one of which is to decide on an election violation. If you look at the process of resolving election violations, it can also be related to the concept of justice, because election violations are not a category of ordinary crimes, but extraordinary crimes whose resolution requires the concept of justice in order to realize a good democracy. The election law has contained the formulation of delix and the threat of sanctions and penalties for election violations, including the mechanism for resolving them. In a theoretical study, the conviction of a person is closely related to criminal responsibility. The focus of the discussion on legal issues is how the process of resolving election violations against the concept of justice and the implications of the decision on election violations by Bawaslu on KPU policy making. This research is a type of qualitative research. This research emphasizes on election management institutions, so the main approach used is the institutional network approach to Bawaslu, namely through a legal approach and a conceptual approach. Meanwhile, the legal material uses laws related to elections and its derivatives, namely the Bawaslu regulations in dealing with election violations. The influence of a Bawaslu decision is very important in deciding election violations, if the independence of the Bawaslu is still attached and its dignity is maintained, then the democratic process in this country will run very well and fairly for all people who want electoral justice to be realized. With the importance of an Bawaslu decision in deciding a violation, Bawaslu itself must be far from being neutral. The code of ethics as the guardian of the dignity of democracy must be strictly guarded. Revision of Law 7 of 2017 concerning Special General Elections regarding administrative sanctions against administrative violations committed by election participants and election organizers is urgently needed. The sanctions given should be clearer and firmer so that the sanctions imposed are commensurate with the type of violation committed, which in the end can serve as a deterrent so that the election organizers work according to applicable norms/rules and have a deterrent effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Route Educational & Social Science Journal (Ress Journal) is the property of Ress Academy Publishing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article argues that the set of contested elections procedures in the U.S. House of Representatives represent inadequate safeguards against abuse in the increasingly heated political environment and must be improved to protect principles of democratic government, particularly honoring the wishes of voters. Topics include history of the elections power within the House, the purpose behind the Federal Contested Elections Act (FCEA), and how these issues could be resolved.

Does introducing de jure political equality affect legislative representation and the identity of elected politicians? This article exploits differences in enfranchisement rates across electoral districts to present evidence on the consequences of one of the most sizable franchise extensions in European history, the 1912 Italian reform, which trebled the electorate and left electoral rules and district boundaries unchanged. Enfranchisement increased the vote share of left-wing social reformers but had no impact on their parliamentary representation, on the parliamentary representation of the aristocracy and traditional elites, or on political competition. I document and analyze elite's efforts to minimize the political impact of enfranchisement: social reformers were systematically defeated in districts that saw a surge in political violence as well as in districts where conservative candidates had signed a secret pact (the Gentiloni pact) with the Catholic Electoral Union. I discuss the implications of these findings for theories of democratization and elite persistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender quotas in legislative elections are a central component of institutional reform to foster women's inclusion in politics. However, stigma remains that women elected under quotas may be of lower quality than the men that they replace. We investigate how quotas affect the qualifications of parliamentarians, by capitalizing on the unique variation of national electoral systems used in European Parliament elections over its entire 40-year history. We provide compelling evidence that quotas are associated with higher overall levels of educational attainment in parliamentary delegations. Quotas increase the number of educated women within delegations while simultaneously increasing the level of education held by the remaining men. Thus, we provide robust support for the impact of quotas on legislator qualities in a way that has thus far been observed in only single country contexts and fixed time periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the history and impact of the Voting Rights Act 1965 and the South's current political landscape more than a decade after the devastating 2013 Shelby v. Holder Supreme Court decision, which eviscerated the landmark civil rights legislation. The VRA has been under constant attack in recent years, with efforts to reduce its effectiveness. These attempts have led to the implementation of suppressive voting laws and restrictive election policies by Southern lawmakers. The region has become more racially diverse, but these measures dilute the influence of a diverse electorate. With the 2024 election quickly approaching, debates on voting and elections are at an all-time high across the country. In response to systematic efforts to undermine democracy, grassroots activists have come together to fight these measures and offer new proposals to fully restore the VRA and build a more inclusive and sustainable democracy across the South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of unequal electoral turnout poses serious concerns for both the overall health of democratic politics, and the extent to which certain groups exert an unequal influence on the political process. This article explores the relationship between electoral rules such as: compulsory voting, electoral system proportionality, and voter registration with voter inequality in terms of age, income and education. This is examined using cross-national survey data and cross-level interactions between electoral institutions and socio-demographic variables. The final dataset is based on waves 2–4 of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, and contains information on 133,000 individuals, within 45 countries, between 2001 and 2016. The results indicate that compulsory voting is associated with a significant reduction in turnout inequalities, while the effects of proportionality and voter registration are somewhat more mixed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article traces the history of attempts to institute compulsory voting in the U.S. during the Progressive Era and presents pro-democracy and reformers' arguments on compulsory voting. Topics discussed include Colonial Era statutes imposing fines for non-voting, legislative and academic efforts to institute compulsory voting, compulsory voting proposals from the 1930s to the present, right to vote as a privilege or duty, voter turnout and state enforcement of compulsory voting.

The presidential nomination model through the threshold is a provision regulated in the election law. The practice of presidential elections in Indonesia is often a difficult moment for both political parties and citizens. Several decisions of the Constitutional Court related to the review of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning Elections, particularly regarding the threshold for declaring Article 222 of the Election Law not contradicting the constitution, meaning that Article 222 of the Election Law is considered to have complied with Article 6A paragraph (2) of the Constitution, but from the results research on article 222 of the Election Law still does not reflect the meaning contained in article 6A paragraph 2 of the Constitution. This research aims to build a presidential nomination model in the 2024 general election in Indonesia. This research is a doctrinal research using a case approach and a legal approach. This study was conducted by looking at the practice of the electoral threshold model for the 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019 periods as well as the provisions stipulated in the Election Law and the constitution. The results of the study indicate that it is necessary to form an ideal presidential candidacy model, namely using the maximum threshold as a requirement, in order to produce qualified presidential candidates who become leaders who are responsible, have integrity and are the hope of all Indonesian citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The laws upholding our campaign finance system are inadequate and under-enforced. These problems are felt disproportionately by African American voters. Election law experts agree that the structure and enforcement authority of the Federal Election Commission (FEC) severely limits the ability of the agency to achieve its goals. Several Supreme Court decisions have also limited the ability of Congress to control campaign contributions and expenditures. Tracking expenditures from corporations, groups, and individuals (to the extent possible), will show the link between favorable outcomes for these groups and their detrimental effects on African Americans. While closing racial disparities in wealth allows for African Americans to participate equally in the arms race of political contributions and expenditures, this too is harmful for our democracy. A limit on independent expenditures and public financing in federal elections would be a more feasible and equitable approach, as it would not drown out the voices of those with less resources. By setting these limits on campaign spending, African American voters will see a more responsive political class and a reduction in harm from monied interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the legal and constitutional implications of the Supreme Court case Moore v. Harper, particularly concerning the Independent State Legislature Theory (ISLT) and its impact on the interpretation of state and federal election laws. It examines the text and historical background of the Elections Clause of the Constitution, analyzes the Court's interpretation of the clause in Moore, Bush v. Gore, and other relevant cases.

Author determines to a certain stage of social development there is a need to streamline existing relationships in it. It is impossible to imagine human society without regulation of behavior by certain samples, models, scale. They also made as a result of frequent repetition, the rules to which future oriented society. The rules of electoral law as a component of the constitutional right of Ukraine reflect in their entirety the nature and content of this area of law. For this reason they are sometimes compared to the cells as the fundamental principle of any living organism, the biological system. Given the undoubted primacy norm of electoral law for other structural elements of the electoral law of Ukraine, namely the study of the nature, content and legal characteristics and features of the construction is a kind of “key” to the knowledge institutes and other components of the electoral law in general. Identifying the nature and content of the rules of electoral law as a primary constituent elements of the same sub-system of law involves a determination of the legal category. This is not only a definition of the rules of electoral law, but also about filling it with the proper legal meaning, as well as identifying the main aggravating circumstances studied component of electoral law Ukraine. Thus, the rules of the common signs of electoral law Ukraine include the following: 1) priority in the national legal system, and2) the nature of the installation, and 3) public-political content, and 4) the system of rule-making entities and norm, and 5) immediacy, 6) the highest legal force; 7) special source base 8) specificity patterns, 9)guaranteed. The rules of electoral law, as a kind of constitutional law and having their general properties, characteristic only differ in their original features, including: 1) specificity, due to the content of the subject of legal regulation, and 2) the rules of electoral law have a pronounced political character, and 3) Specify the range mailing provisions of electoral law, and 4) the rules of electoral law form a complex subsector law that combines state-legal, administrative, legal, financial, legal, criminal law and the rules of a number of other sectors of the national law of Ukraine, 5) the identity outside legalization provisions in the election law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jordanian Journal of Law & Political Science is the property of Mutah University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the influential role of Justice Max Baer in shaping election law during his tenure on the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. It highlights Justice Baer's approach to issues of candidate qualification for ballot appearance and the interpretation of statutory fatal-defect rules. It underscores Justice Baer's lasting impact on election law jurisprudence and his commitment to upholding the integrity of the electoral process.

A hidden facet of democratization in the world over the past two centuries has been the increased weight of people's voice in electing presidents. On the basis of new data on all presidential elections in the world since 1789, we show that they evolved from systems in which the final decision was made by someone other than voters, to systems in which the choice of voters was decisive only if it generated a majority, to systems in which the final decision is made by voters. This means that in countries where presidents have executive powers, elections may not be the mechanism by which the people, as a collectivity, always selects its rulers, thus violating the fundamental norm of democracy. We document the history of presidential election rules, offer some tentative explanations, and explore the consequences of particular systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]