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In 2018 new economic reform measures were implemented in Egypt and Jordan under the auspices of the International Monetary Fund. These measures were met with public outrage in both countries. In Jordan, mass mobilization, demonstrations and strikes took place, lasted for a month and ended in policy concessions. In Egypt, however, only few independent demonstrations erupted, no mass mobilization occurred, and no policy concessions were enacted by the regime. This article seeks to understand, why activists were able to mobilize large numbers of citizens and attain policy concessions in Jordan, while they were not able to in Egypt. I argue that in authoritarian regimes, different types of repressive strategies against activists and their movements impact their ability to develop networks and advance short-term policy concessions. Targeted repression against activists enables the development of formal and informal networks in addition to coalitions, increasing a movements' bargaining power. However, widespread repression hampers the development of all types of networks, especially formal networks, which impedes activists' ability to bargain for policy concessions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study addresses the question of what drives legislators to prioritize different areas of reform in post-authoritarian societies that take on a path of democratization. Specifically, this study uses the case of the Ukrainian legislature to analyze legislative preferences toward tackling corruption and economic or institutional reforms. We use eight waves of surveys of Ukrainian legislators spanning two decades to identify what factors are associated with preferences that legislators have toward different reforms. We find that party affiliation, regional ties, and committee membership are important factors in explaining the preferences of Ukrainian legislators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An enterprise's ownership structure is crucial for factor allocation efficiency. We used Chinese firm-level data to investigate whether changes in state-owned enterprise ownership structure contribute to resource misallocation, leading to high-quality economic development. We found a U-shaped relationship between non-state shareholding and state-owned enterprises' resource allocation efficiency. An optimal range exists for non-state shareholding. When the shareholding of non-state shareholders reaches 10%–20%, the efficiency of resource allocation is at its highest. Additional research has revealed that mixed shareholding has varying impacts on resource allocation, displaying substantial heterogeneity. These insights offer valuable guidance for future mixed-ownership reforms and serve as a practical reference for economic reforms in other nations, particularly developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's collective landownership was created by the revolutionary land reform in the early 1950s. Economic reforms since the early 1980s have dismantled the collective farming, but the collective landownership remains unchanged. Nonagricultural economies have manifested collective land rent in the dynamic urbanizing regions. The rural collective vigorously challenges the notion of collective land as a means of production that denies villagers' claim of land rent. The contest for land rent through confrontation and negotiation with the urban state demonstrates a process of bottom-up informal institutional change. Without certainty, informal institutional change gives rise to substandard built environment that is unsustainable to the high-density urbanization. Formalization to legitimize the informal institutional change comes to minimize land rent dissipation so as to enhance welfare to both the urban state and rural collective. Land reform from below show an evolutionary route of institutional change to the collective land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's urban agglomeration is not only crucial to tackle with the more and more contradiction between population, resources and environment, but also an important spatial actor to increase the global competitiveness and promote the transformation of China's economic development mode. In the national "14th Five-Year Plan" in 2021, it is proposed to "promote the coordinated and development of large, medium-sized and small cities and towns based on urban agglomeration and metropolitan area". Generally, 19 urban agglomerations designated in this Plan are heterogeneous in development level and national functions. To this end, from the nature of urban agglomerations, especially on agglomeration economy and functional urban region hypothesis, the research focuses on the spatial pattern and changes of these 19 areas mainly based on the 6th and 7th national census. The findings show that, China's UAs are unique in driving forces, and spatial patterns as well. China's UAs are more state-led, though now the marketing forces more and more crucial. The UAs have been evolved from the early planned economy period to the reform and opening up period, and then to the further development of the Socialist market economy until now. Unlike other typical UAs abroad, most of the developed UAs are more specialized in manufacture, not in producer services, though these regions show a remarkable high-end services oriented shift in 2010–2020. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Determining the key components of the migration policy makes it possible not only to develop and implement an efficient and effective model of the domestic migration policy, but also to assess the impact of each of its components on various spheres of the state's life. In this context, migration policy is a complex structured system that contains agreed ideas, goals, strategies, as well as measures, resources, mechanisms, and tools that interact with them, which together enable the state to regulate migration processes. Migration processes should be considered as an integral object of the state administration system, which requires the creation of certain conditions for maintaining migration within socially acceptable frameworks, in particular, ensuring both social protection of migrants and representatives of the society receiving migrants. It was established that the development of migration policy should take into account economic trends, demographic changes, political and social attitudes in society, etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conventional account of socialist planning proposes that annual plans were sets of imperative requirements that kept the economic actors from planning for themselves and doomed them to inefficiency. This article claims that planning was an intricate mechanism of negotiations between economic, political and social actors, mediated and regulated, but never actually subdued by the communist party based on an analysis of the Bulgarian 1963 reforms, largely neglected by the historians. Furthermore, the conventional account claims that the 1960's economic reforms intended to repair the socialist economies by supplementing planning with market elements, such as profit and credit, yet the reforms were compromised by the political elite. This article claims that, on the contrary, the reforms intended to repair the socialist economic system by inscribing mechanisms of horizontal bargaining in its very core, irreducible to the vertical bargaining described by Janos Kornai. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is a book review that focuses on the decline of the West and the challenges posed by authoritarian states such as China, Russia, and North Korea. The review highlights two important books on China, one by Frank Dikötter and another by Elizabeth C. Economy. Dikötter's book examines the history and politics of post-Mao China and its rise as an authoritarian superpower, while Economy's book explores China's aspirations to replace the United States as the world's leading superpower. The review provides a brief overview of the main themes and conclusions of each book, emphasizing the importance of understanding contemporary China. Additionally, the article reviews three books that analyze the foreign policies and power dynamics of China, Russia, and North Korea. It discusses China's challenges to the United States' dominant power and international institutions, Russia's use of control over information and media to construct an ideological account of history, and how China, Russia, and North Korea manipulate historical narratives to legitimize their politics and consolidate power. The article raises concerns about the decline of the West and the rise of militarized authoritarianism. [Extracted from the article]

• During 1993–2018, market services grew at a faster rate than non-market services. • Applying Domar weights we observed that transport and storage was the highest contributor among market services industries, while public administration has made relatively higher contribution to aggregate non-market services TFP growth. • TFP growth in manufacturing has a significant positive effect on TFP growth of both market services and non-market services. • Market services TFP growth is positively impacted by a spillover effect of TFP growth in India's trade partners. The services have been the driver of India's overall growth since the onset of economic reforms in the 1990s. The value-added share of services increased from 41 percent in 1990 to 53 percent in 2018. On average, the sector grew at 7.5 percent annually during 1993–2018, contributing to about half of the aggregate economic growth. Using the India KLEMS data, we examine the trends in total factor productivity (TFP) in individual industries within services and their contribution to aggregate TFP growth in the sector during 1993–2018. We find that transport and storage was the highest contributor among various market services industries followed by financial services, while public administration made a relatively high contribution to aggregate non-market services TFP growth. Moreover, we investigate the factors driving TFP growth in the services sector, particularly the role of manufacturing TFP – looking into spillover effect from manufacturing to market services and non-market services. Our results suggest that TFP growth in manufacturing had a significant positive impact on TFP growth in the services sector. Also, we find evidence of significant productivity spillover effect to India's services sector from other countries, particularly the developed countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does leadership affect the performance of informal institutions? Leadership in BRICS is particularly puzzling: this informal institution rapidly grows despite the disparate interests of its members, some of which are in longstanding conflict. This article examines how three forms of leadership – intellectual, entrepreneurial, and structural – affect institutional performance using BRICS cooperation data. It demonstrates the importance of intellectual leadership, particularly in strategically framing the cooperation problem in a way that creates mutual gains, as essential for realising collective outcomes in informal institutions. Collective action is catalyzed through the interplay of the three leadership forms. However, the activating function of intellectual leadership – paired with follow-up activities if it initially fails – shapes the performance of these institutions. This study proposes new directions for exploring the leadership-performance nexus in informal institutions and within BRICS, a key player seeking to reform global economic governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Second World War, the Labour Party has alternated between periods in which it has been positioned further to the left and others when it has been further to the right. The standard explanation for those oscillations is electoral–ideological. Labour moves to the right (towards the political centre) when it prioritises electoral considerations, usually after a period in opposition. It moves to the left when it prioritises ideology, usually after periods in government. Against this we propose a political economy–policy explanation. Labour moves to the right and a redistributive economic strategy when the economy is performing reasonably well. It moves to the left and adopts a structural economic reform programme when the economy is perceived to be in crisis. We argue that the political economy–policy explanation offers a more satisfactory account of when and why Labour has changed its spatial policy positioning in this period. By acknowledging the role of what we term 'policy reasoning' in the processes by which political parties (and the public) adopt and change spatial policy positions, our approach provides an alternative to the mechanistic models deriving from Downsian rational choice theory. It suggests that, contrary to general expectation, the Labour Party under Keir Starmer does not need to react to its 2019 election defeat by shifting significantly to the right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the role of the 1948 currency and economic reform in West Germany for growth and social cohesion in Germany and Europe. It describes the theoretical foundation by Walter Eucken and the implementation and defense of the new economic order by Ludwig Erhard. The paper stresses the positive impact of the market economy on growth and welfare in Germany and Europe. Then, it is shown that Eucken's constituting principles of the market economy were gradually eroded after euro introduction in course of crises, with the negative repercussions on growth and equality being explained. The policy conclusion is that only the reconstitution of price stability in the euro area can prevent a further decline of welfare in Europe. The 1948 economic reforms provide an important blueprint for the necessary reform process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to shed light on the problem of Confucianism’s role in strengthening the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party. After 40 years of economic reform, contemporary China is by and large functioning as a quasi-capitalist state, however, due to the lack of protection of the labour class, the conflicts between the workers and their employers have created a legitimacy crisis for China’s authoritarian regime and forced it to seek alternative means to strengthening its legitimacy apart from its orthodox communism ideology and the coercive measures. In this article, the researchers try to answer the abovementioned question by examining the correlation between the coverage of Confucianism (the frequency of messages related to Confucian ideas) in the Chinese Communist Party’s biggest state-owned newspaper People’s Daily and how Chinese people acknowledge the regime as rightful, which is expressed via Chinese labour protest levels. The vector autoregressive (VAR) modelling results revealed that in the period between 2011 and 2019, the Chinese Communist Party used Confucianism as one of the instruments to build and strengthen the regime’s legitimacy whereby it can pacify the dissatisfaction of the labour class. Further, considering that many authoritarian regimes shared a similar approach of using the dominant religion or culture to enhance their legitimacy during crises, the findings of this research could also open a new avenue for further comparative studies on these authoritarian regimes’ discrepancies using the same approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the consequences of postcommunist economic reform for narratives about capitalism, using the example of World Bank discourse. It shows how the World Bank's capitalism narrative has changed to reflect post-Soviet reform complications and the growing Sino–(post-)Soviet contrast. While the capitalism narrative struggles to show that there is one (global) capitalism or market economy model, reform anomalies and the Sino–(post-)Soviet contrast turn the model into a complex political–economic hybrid. Simultaneously, the interplay between the capitalism narrative and reform anomalies highlights the World Bank's relevance for neoliberal ideational production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces the case of marriage migration into the debate on the intra-Asian circuit of capital flow, human mobilities and urban and regional development. While intra-Asian marriage migration lies at the intersection of governmental policy, increased capital flow and human mobilities, it has been absent from the discussion on capital flows within the global East. Employing ethnographic research methods, we explain how Vietnamese marriage migrants in South Korea and their Korean husbands restyled their remittances to invest in land and businesses in hometowns, the Mekong Delta area and big cities through transnational marriage networks. Explanations for what caused marriage migrants' position to evolve include a discussion of macro-politics of political and economic reforms in South Korea and Vietnam and the micro-politics of transnational networks. By demonstrating the roles of transnational marriage networks, this research contributes to the debates on migration-developmentmobility circuit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the biggest challenges parties in multiparty governments face is making policies together and overcoming the risk of a policy stalemate. Scholars have devoted much attention to the study of how various institutions in cabinet and parliament help coalition parties with conflicting policy preferences to be efficient in the policy-making process. Coalition agreements are one of many instruments coalition partners can use to facilitate policy making. However, many scholars describe such agreements' actual role as cheap talk, due to their legally non-enforceable nature. Do coalition agreements make a difference in the policy-making productivity of multiparty governments? To address this question, this article focuses on governments' policy output and investigates whether coalition agreements increase the policy-making productivity of multiparty cabinets. Its central argument is that written agreements between coalition partners strengthen the capacity of coalition governments to make policy reforms, even when there is a high degree of ideological conflict among partners. To evaluate this argument, the article analyzes data on economic reform measures adopted by national governments in 11 Western European countries over a 40-year period (1978–2017), based on a coding of more than 1000 periodical country reports issued by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). The results show that while coalition agreements foster policy productivity in minimal winning cabinets, they play a weaker role in minority and surplus governments. Coalition agreements limit the negative effect of intra-cabinet ideological conflict on reform productivity, suggesting that such contracts help parties overcome the risk of policy stalemate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the dynamics of the concept of state-owned enterprises in Vietnam, which manifests the changes in ideological orientation relating to the role of the state sector and of the economic management system. Indeed, the economic reform (Doi moi policy) and the integration into the global economy have fostered the participation of the private sector in the economy through the process of state-owned enterprise equitization. The analysis of the concept of state-owned enterprises over time however argues that the change, which has been subject to both internal and external impulses over time, is not fundamental as the key element of socialist ideology, the public ownership of the means of production remains the guiding principle of Vietnam's economic development. In other words, the Vietnamese Government continues to its control over the national economy through the operation of state-owned enterprises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's economic reform since 1978 has turned a shortage economy into an economy of overcapacity. To curb the capacity surplus, the government put forward a sweeping proposal of "supply-side structural reform," although without any specifics of implementation. This vagueness has resulted in fragmentation between China's central leadership and local agents. Based on two rail delivery services – China Railway Express Delivery (Zhongtie kuaiyun 中铁快运, CRED) and China–Europe Rail Freight (Zhong–Ou banlie 中欧班列, CERF) – this article argues that fragmentation in authority has allowed and even encouraged local actors to carve profit-making opportunities out of the excess capacities (including idle assets). In so doing, they give substance to what would otherwise be hollow policy rhetoric. Such subnational entrepreneurialism and the resulting tacit dynamics between state and local-level actors add another layer to the fine-grained theorization of fragmented authoritarianism in China: despite fragmentation, China's authoritarian governance endures, but with outcomes now shaped by a cyclical process of decentralization and re-centralization as well as continuous central–local interplay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Korean economy achieved rapid economic growth with equal income distribution for over three decades until the late 1990s when, in 1997, a financial crisis occurred. Mainstream economists and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) attributed this crisis to the problem of East Asian crony capitalism. The Korean government accepted this perspective and implemented neoliberal economic restructuring and financial opening after the crisis. However, James Crotty argued that the crisis in Korea was a result of haphazard financial opening and the withdrawal of state intervention. Most importantly, he extensively criticized the post-crisis economic reform in Korea imposed by the IMF. He believed that it would lead to lower economic growth and higher inequality, and he advised Koreans to oppose it. This article examines Crotty's argument about the Korean economy and how the latter changed in the 21st century. JEL classification: F34, H12, O19, O53 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the two most recent extended manifestos on Europe (2019) of the French populist radical right party Rassemblement National (RN), previously known as the Front National (FN), from a narrative perspective. The perspective used is based on the Narrative Policy Framework's focus on the setting, plot, characters and moral of the narrative combined with a generic approach. Rather than the 'classical' genres of tragedy, comedy, romance and satire, however, this study focuses on the narrative elements of the dystopian genre, and argues that the RN's narrative on Europe broadly resembles fictional dystopian narratives. In dystopian narratives, the inhabitants find their ontological security threatened by a dehumanising, authoritarian regime, in this case the EU. It is in the 'green world', a timeless space outside the limits of the dystopian state, here represented by the RN's proposed European Alliance of Nations, where the dystopian hero recuperates their sense of autonomy and identity. Such narratives, through exacerbating an already widespread sense of anxiety and ontological insecurity, are potentially powerful attempts to frame continued membership in an unreformed EU as a threat to security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article maps out how domestic scope conditions in Moldova have influenced and shaped the emergence of resilience in EU-Moldova relations and the implementation of EU resilience-building during the period 2014–2020. Drawing on scholarly works addressing the 'resilience turn' in the study of European foreign policy, this article argues that EU external action towards Moldova post-2014 is marked by (i) a narrow and minimalist conception of resilience-building in so far as it revolved almost exclusively around EU demands for anti-corruption measures and the de-politicisation of the Moldovan judiciary, (ii) the responsibilization of local elites to pursue corresponding reforms, and (iii) the absence of a clear-cut resilience-building strategy for Moldova. It is suggested that the EU pursued a wavering course, made itself dependent on ruling elites, committed several U-turns and neglected the empowerment of local, non-governmental actors in making Moldova more resilient and free of corruption and oligarchic interests. The article demonstrates that EU resilience-building attempts in Moldova between 2014 and 2020 were a function of domestic scope conditions and the extent to which governing elites' reform rhetoric was perceived as credible by EU stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Preserving the environment and promoting sustainable development are essential objectives for a state aimed at improving the standard of living for present and future generations. The depletion of natural resources and environmental degradation are serious concerns for policymakers worldwide. However, to fulfill its role effectively, a state must have strong institutional capacity. Studies have shown that inadequate governance and weak institutional quality are associated with environmental degradation, lower economic growth, unfavorable development outcomes, and increased inequality. Economic and political reforms are necessary to overcome these issues, while the concept of institutional reforms to save the environment is novel and hardly discussed in the earlier literature, especially in the context of BRI countries. So, this study explores the impact of economic and political reforms on the environment by applying a difference-in-differences approach to the data of 45 BRI economies from 2000 to 2022. The empirical findings reveal a negative relationship between economic and political reforms on ecological footprints, emphasizing the need for institutional reform to preserve the environment in the BRI region. Institutional reforms have a significant contribution to environmental sustainability by fostering better governance, political stability, and an environment conducive to reforms-driven decision-making. These reforms can help address the environmental challenges associated with large-scale infrastructure and economic development projects like the BRI, ultimately contributing to a more sustainable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problem of poverty is the deepest social issue with a two-hundred year history. During the period of economic reforms in our country, social structure of society has changed since economic reforms took place in our country recently. A rapid social stratification occurred, there were layers of poor and rich people. People who have lost social protection of state and losing need to adapt living in conditions market instability are most common. It is more common that people who lose the social protection of state and losing need to adapt life in conditions of market volatility, as. The expansion of much poor people was inevitable. Because of this conditions, the expansion of many poor people was inevitable. An analysis of poverty used in the middle twentieth century showed its complex and ambiguity. The knowledge of multiple dimensionalities in the phenomenon implies a systematic approach for study about Poverty. Described figures from official statistics: towards the present time, approximately 40% of us live below this poverty line. It created the choice of topic and its relevance. To study this problem in detail, it is necessary to conduct an in-depth scientific study, a thorough theoretical analysis and the development of practical guidelines based on the presented basis. These guidelines could be used to develop and implement an effective economic and social policy that would undoubtedly be aimed at reducing poverty to the lowest level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last three decades, Vietnam has experienced significant economic growth, with millions lifted out of extreme poverty through economic reforms and global economic integration. However, assumptions within this dominant discourse have largely gone unchallenged. This study aims to use a neoliberalism lens and critical theory approach to develop an alternative view of the current developmental trend in Vietnam. The analysis consists of three interconnected themes: political economy, higher education, and subjectivity. I argue that neoliberalism - as an economic paradigm - leads to the emergence of rent-seekers and a crony capitalist economy despite being under a socialist state. The dual impact of the rent-seeking economy and neoliberal globalization has promoted higher education neoliberalization, featuring financial autonomy, privatization, marketization, and Englishization. This transition also creates certain vulnerabilities that manifest through education commodification, ideological domination, and hegemony. Under such a system, educated youths exhibit characteristics of neoliberal subjectivity and experience a range of mental illnesses, disproportionately more than the general population. The study ends with a discussion on the tensions (or lack thereof) between socialism and neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the implications of son preference on birth spacing intervals in India. Sibling sex composition provides a credible source of exogenous variation in the Indian context for births on or before 1990, as sex screening became widespread only after the 1990 economic reforms. I use the sibling sex composition of the first two children to capture its impact on the third birth interval. My analysis shows that, on average, families with two sons face an 8% lower hazard of a third birth relative to families with two daughters. Moreover, I find three channels of heterogeneity: religion, mother's age, and state of residence. Respondents from diverse religious groups respond differently to the sibling composition of the first two births regarding their likelihood of riskier births for the third interval. Moreover, older mothers with at least one son are less likely to have a shorter third birth interval than younger cohorts of mothers. Finally, the respondent's state of residence also drives some heterogeneity, with mothers from non-southern states less likely to have a riskier third birth interval once they have had at least one son among the first two births. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a critical engagement with Isabella Weber's fascinating new book, How China Escaped Shock Therapy. It foregrounds the book's contributions to knowledge on a hitherto under-explored topic – why shock therapy advocates were unsuccessful in launching all-out price liberalisation across China during the 1980s – and introduces new questions through assessing Weber's analysis vis-à-vis three geographical aspects of Chinese political-economic evolution: (a) the role of landownership control and redistribution in stabilising the Chinese economy following the Communist Party of China's (CPC) revolutionary victory in 1949; (b) the path-dependent effects of Mao-era (1949-1976) landownership institutions on economic reforms during the 1980s; and (c) Deng Xiaoping's approach to the multi-dimensional emergence of coastal-oriented industrialisation. These three aspects collectively accentuate how the territorial configuration and regulation of the Chinese political economy, so fundamental for producing and sustaining CPC regime durability, undermined the neoclassical bias towards price liberalisation. Understanding the geographical preconditions that underpin post-1949 Chinese political-economic evolution is therefore crucial for understanding why shock therapy was ultimately deemed incongruent with CPC rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the historic tasks of removing foreign domination and landlord-capitalist rule in the colonies are one task and have to be carried out by the proletariat, in alliance with the peasant masses. For its part, dependent on imperialism, the landlord-bourgeoisie are fearful of a shake-up of property relations in any form. The article first explains the intensification of uneven and combined development in the final, monopoly stage of capitalism before turning to China's struggles for national independence. It is contended that the People's Republic of China is a transitional economy where the law of primitive socialist accumulation and the law of value are in competition. This is the driver of its social formation, a "unity of opposites" between capitalist and non-capitalist elements. Capitalism in China remains under the control of the Communist Party of China and its social-economic base. The flourishing of private enterprises leads to inequality and capitalist accumulation but has been restrained by state policies and the law of primitive socialist accumulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to shed light on the reasons why Brazilian economist Ignacio Rangel's concept of "Projectment Economy" holds great possibilities for research into China's economic development. The article reworks the concept, offering new means of determination and validation criteria to understand Chinese socialism. Issues addressed include surmounting "Keynesian uncertainty," "creative destruction" planning, monetary sovereignty, and the "tacit adhesion pact." These are taken up as categories offering empirical support for the New Projectment Economy concept. The article concludes that the New Projectment Economy is a higher stage of development of the mode of production dominant in the new socio-economic formation that has emerged in China as a result of the economic reforms begun in 1978. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problem of the study crystallizes in that despite the economic reforms that the Indian economy has witnessed, and despite its increasing trend towards economic liberalization, and following the orbit of the global economy, and even despite the large increase in exports, the rate of economic performance of the economic sectors is still below the desired level, which restores India due to its position on the global scene as a partner of the United States of America in world sovereignty, which makes it necessary to ask this main question: Is the development in economic reform policies in India accompanied by a change in its economic development? The research aimed to study the developments that occurred in the economic development indicators in India. And measuring the economic effects of economic reform on economic development in India, and studying the components of economic growth in India during the period (2020-2000). The main hypothesis of the study can be formulated that economic reform in India is a necessary condition for economic growth and economic development in India, and the study was based on data analysis. To achieve the objectives of the study using arithmetic mean, percentages, simple linear regression, and other descriptive and quantitative statistical methods, the study will focus on studying economic reform policies and the components of economic growth in the State of India, and the results show that there is a positive moral relationship between economic growth (as a dependent variable) and each of the following: The following independent variables (GDP, gross saving, exports of goods and services, imports of goods and services, exports of advanced technology, and value added in manufacturing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we use fixed-effect Poisson regressions (FEPR) with robust standard errors and instrumental variables (IV) to study the economic, social, and institutional determinants of internal conflicts in 58 fragile developing countries from 2004 to 2017. We show that effective institutions (measured by judicial efficiency and governance) and higher incomes could help reduce conflict in fragile countries. In contrast, trade reform does not seem to reduce violence, and education and democratic institutions may fuel conflict in some cases. These results imply that education and trade liberalization do not have the expected effects in fragile countries, which should probably first improve their social, economic, and institutional situation, before reaping the benefits of economic reforms and education. This may also be the case for political reforms, because democratic experience seems to lead to increased violence in some countries in our sample. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rumors that accompanied the arrival of Polish nobleman Prince Antoni Sułkowski in Genoa in 1776 offer an opportunity to examine, from a new perspective, the overall complexity behind the challenges a monarch faces when attempting to inspire and regain the faith of foreign investors after a liquidity crisis. Managing creditworthiness became crucial for the Polish king during a period characterized by increasing geopolitical tensions in which the appetites of powerful neighboring states undermined the survival of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. However, despite several economic and financial reforms implemented during those years, it was the growing uncertainty that made it difficult for both the king and the state to negotiate new loans, thus triggering a vicious cycle that contributed to the further weakening of Poland and led to its disappearance from the European political map. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the author, the use - by the actors involved - of this design could lead to changes in the balance of public policies that would make it possible to overcome the "governance trap" and leap toward a better position. This is precisely why, in section 1.1 of this chapter, the author points out the strategic interests of the United States in the Northern Triangle and, with a more proactive approach, sets out (in section 1.2) ten principles - or rather proposals - that US foreign policy should adopt toward the three countries in question. Thus, in the final pages of the book, the author outlines the three possible itineraries that are open to the countries of the Northern Triangle in the near future. [Extracted from the article]

Following economic reforms, China has become one of the premiere destinations for foreign capital; however, the benefits of this spectacular growth are not evenly distributed. Since the beginning of the 2000s, the Chinese government has designed and implemented policies to encourage foreign investment in central and western provinces to help decrease the significant distributional differences in regional industrial value-added, with limited success. In contrast to previous literature, this paper uses Panel Least Squares method to analyze empirically the impact of industrial sector FDI on Chinese regional inequality in industrial value-added 2003–2013, using three Chinese regions. The lack of prerequisite institutional structure to aid in FDI absorption affects location choices. Despite government policies to support inland regional economic development, foreign firms still prefer to invest in coastal provinces, further illustrating the effects of regional clusters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly writings on the politics of economic reforms in India have neglected the exponential spike in private wealth and plutonomic tendencies in the post-reform period. This article maps the political economy of the staggering rise and growth of superrich in India. It traces the roots of the state-capital relationship in the colonial period and provides the main contrast between the political economy of the pre-reform and post-reform periods. It does so by analyzing key variables that have facilitated, or continue to facilitate, the flow of private wealth in India. It also examines three major drivers of superrich wealth in India–rent-seeking, entrepreneurship, and inheritance. The article makes two arguments. Firstly, the state's dramatic turn in support of private capital/wealth accumulation began quite earlier but assumed formal and dynamic forms only after the implementation of economic reforms in 1991. Secondly, the rise of India's superrich has not simply been a function of merit and entrepreneurial skills as is popularly believed. It is a peculiar combination of other factors that are leading to enormous resources and capacity concentrated in the hands of the superrich and their ability to exert considerable influence on India's domestic and global policies. Above all, the indispensability of the state's support has been one of the key factors explaining why some people become and continue to grow rich in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent formulations of state capitalism tend to present it as a distinct system, anchored in China, in opposition to a neoliberal model represented by the United States and its global armatures. As an alternative to this binarism, this paper argues for Gillian Hart's relational-comparative approach to the geographies of the new state capitalism. It outlines three of Hart's theoretical-methodological principles—multiple trajectories, conjunctural analysis, and articulation—and demonstrates how they can be used to analyze the interrelations between "statist" and "liberal" development trajectories, through an empirical account of conjunctural struggles in and between China and the World Bank during the Tiananmen Square crisis. It argues that Tiananmen was an inflection point in the relation between the development trajectories of the Chinese state and the World Bank, where conflicts over the continuity of economic reform were simultaneously struggles over the boundaries of the state. Examining these institutions conjuncturally shows that China's "state capitalism" is not an opposite of the Bank's liberal model, but has been, in part, produced through power-laden contests over the meaning and materiality of state and market in multiple arenas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study captured multiple perspectives on female student dropout from high schools in Nepal. We used random, purposive and snowballing sampling methods to select respondents from seven categories: parents, dropped-out students, students in school, head teachers, teachers and district education office staff. The 96 participants were geographically diverse; from six districts in three ecological regions: the mountains, the hills and the Terai. In-depth interviews were conducted. Findings revealed an array of socio-cultural issues pertinent to gender imbalance, a patriarchal value system and educational issues that disfavoured female students. It was concluded that there was a need for substantial restructuring of the education system in Nepal, including effective economic reform, stakeholder awareness programmes, and sound planning for eliminating gender inequalities functioning within the patriarchal value system at all levels of socio-economic disadvantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The introduction of the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-2025) re-emphasizes the transformation of China's economic order and draws the hukou system back into the limelight. Hukou, a system of population registration and movement control developed since the 1950s, has experienced several reform waves. It is worth examining its new strategic role as a supporting element of the evolving Chinese economic system in interaction with other institutions. Research objectives: The article aims to examine and assess the evolution of the hukou and its interaction with other formal (meta)institutions: the labour market, welfare system, and education system, as well as its institutional support for China's economic model. Research design and methods: We based the study on qualitative research using our two-level model for analysing the relationship between selected institutions and the evolution of hukou. Results: The changes in the household registration system go in line with China's evolving economic strategy. The hukou's relationship with individual institutions has been effective or ineffective depending on the period. Conclusions: Hukou has played a major role in supporting the Chinese economic model in terms of the supply of cheap labour, local economic development, and talent selection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic reforms and their implementation process boost the growth of the economy and trade in the countries of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam, economies in which an average growth in GDP that exceeds 5 percent, likewise the flows of foreign direct investment and trade present an increase, showing the four countries an orientation of opening to the external market. Thus, the objective of the research is to analyze the economic reforms and their importance in the dynamics of the economy and trade in Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam from 1990 to 2021, there is also the hypothesis that the reforms in the four countries they contributed to the growth of the economy and trade, for this we worked through a documentary analysis that allowed the recovery of selective information to explain the growth of GDP and trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ecuador has experienced significant mass media and communication changes in the last decade and offers a first-hand experience to study media and reform. First, from media captured by the government to media powered by interest groups. Second, due to technological changes from analogic to digital means of communication. Through the lens of media economics, we present two case studies, one in media coverage and other on political stability to derive policy implications in the digital age for the benefit of reform and communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly writings on the politics of economic reforms in India have neglected the exponential spike in private wealth and plutonomic tendencies in the post-reform period. This article maps the political economy of the staggering rise and growth of superrich in India. It traces the roots of the state-capital relationship in the colonial period and provides the main contrast between the political economy of the pre-reform and post-reform periods. It does so by analyzing key variables that have facilitated, or continue to facilitate, the flow of private wealth in India. It also examines three major drivers of superrich wealth in India–rent-seeking, entrepreneurship, and inheritance. The article makes two arguments. Firstly, the state's dramatic turn in support of private capital/wealth accumulation began quite earlier but assumed formal and dynamic forms only after the implementation of economic reforms in 1991. Secondly, the rise of India's superrich has not simply been a function of merit and entrepreneurial skills as is popularly believed. It is a peculiar combination of other factors that are leading to enormous resources and capacity concentrated in the hands of the superrich and their ability to exert considerable influence on India's domestic and global policies. Above all, the indispensability of the state's support has been one of the key factors explaining why some people become and continue to grow rich in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between the giant of Asia, China, and the giant of Africa, Nigeria, and the ways these two countries interact with each other in a multi-polar World. Beijing only imports a small amount of oil from Nigeria, and its total exports to Nigeria, which have been expanding primarily in the consumer goods sector, make up only one-eighth of China's total imports from Nigeria. Also worth mentioning is the sizeable Nigerian immigrant population in China, which is mainly concentrated in Guangzhou. As a result, both nations value their relationship. The Beijing Consensus's efforts to build infrastructure across Africa open up new opportunities for Chinese investment in Nigeria. However, this paper shows that the relationship between China and Nigeria is much more complex than the oversimplified concept of resource diplomacy in a multi-polar World by using descriptive qualitative research as a method and by examining public opinion surveys, popular media, newspaper accounts, and editorials. In actuality, China is only interested in Nigeria's natural resources, particularly its energy, and is unconcerned with the rest of Nigeria. It also makes some important conclusions about what Nigeria and other sub-Saharan African nations can learn from China in terms of how to go about implementing economic reforms and gaining development experience. The theory of complex interdependence is the theoretical foundation and an effective analytical tool for this paper. The paper came to the conclusion that, in a multipolar world, the bilateral relations between China and Nigeria are unbalanced and asymmetrical, making it difficult for the Nigerian government to address both the country's problems and its national debt to China without taking appropriate action. The paper suggests, among other things, that Nigeria's government overhaul its trade policy toward China, which will not only advance the country's technological capabilities but also strengthen its negotiating position to achieve greater benefits in its economic relations with China. The Nigerian government must, above all, uphold her foreign trade policy in all future interactions with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fritz Bartel's book, "The Triumph of Broken Promises: The End of the Cold War and the Rise of Neoliberalism," argues that the histories of the Cold War and neoliberalism are interconnected. Bartel suggests that after World War II, both the USA and the USSR promised their citizens a better material life, resulting in a race between the two blocs. However, the oil crises in the 1970s disrupted the material basis of both growth-regimes, leading to painful domestic economic reforms and a race to break social contracts without inviting social backlash. Bartel's work offers a thought-provoking exploration of the connections between the end of the Cold War and the rise of neoliberalism. [Extracted from the article]

The Chinese economic reform starting from the 1980s not only brought in convenience, leisure and limited freedom, but also disciplined human bodies, repressed human desires and routinized everyday life. Many Chinese artists born in the 1980s have heart-felt feelings towards the fast-changing reality and attempt to find an alternative to the mundane life locked up in the urban grid. This essay examines the performances of walking conducted by a group of Chinese behaviour artists of the post-1980s generation, including Li Binyuan, Tong Wenmin, Wang Che, Yang Xinjia and Cheng Xinhao. Walking bodies, as performative events, challenge the domineering and routinized urban mundanity. In their performative acts of bare walking, tentacular walking, drifting walking and meditative walking, young Chinese behavioural artists utilize their bodies to put urban places into practice and create mobile spaces, instilling emancipatory potential into contemporary reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]