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Digital knowledge and skills are needed to fully participate in the society and economy of the United States. The historic $65 billion Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act represents a significant federal investment in advancing digital equity and inclusion, and an opportunity to make lasting change in communities across the country. This report proposes solutions to strategically use that funding to advance digital equity and inclusion. We recommend nine "big plays" that districts and states can make to that end, including building and sustaining infrastructure, strengthening teachers' digital skills, and deeply engaging underrepresented communities.

As Mississippi prepares to support the statewide postsecondary attainment goal, understanding the returns to higher education is crucial to determining where to invest resources. Ithaka S+R has partnered with the Woodward Hines Education Foundation to provide Mississippi policymakers, advocates, and legislators with information they need to make strategic investments in postsecondary education that can increase attainment of high-value postsecondary credentials, especially amongst lower-income Mississippians, people of color, and residents in rural communities, ultimately strengthening the labor market by supplying an educated, trained workforce to meet current and future demands. To understand how postsecondary investments can best serve the needs of individuals and the state, this analysis seeks to answer three central questions: (1) what are the individual returns to higher education in the state; (2) what are the statewide economic returns to higher education; and (3) how can we plan for future investments in high-opportunity credentials? Based on the analysis, the report concludes with three key recommendations: (1) invest to provide earnings and employment opportunities to Mississippians; (2) invest in programs that meet social and labor needs; and (3) invest to close equity gaps in attainment and earnings.

This report provides an overview of and learning agenda for the Save for College Program, a New York City scholarship and savings platform that incorporates family, school, neighborhood, and systems-level components. The report describes the program's design and approach, as well as its context and implementation to date. It also discusses metrics and research approaches designed to track the program's effects over time. The report is intended to serve as a base for future data collection strategies, research, evaluation, and performance management for NYC Kids RISE, the organization that developed and operates the Save for College Program. It is also designed to be useful to practitioners and researchers who are in other cities and contexts and are interested in the Save for College model and how to track the effects of similar multifaceted, long-term programs. [This report was written with Chris Hayes, Barbara A. Butrica, and Kristin Blagg. It was funded by the New York City Mayor's Office for Economic Opportunity.]

Overall, too few students are completing two-year college. Those who complete are still starting off unequally. About one-third of students earning academic degrees do not transfer, but rather go directly to work and find their degree has little value in the labor market. Research suggests they could have benefitted from having marketable skills added to their degree. This research report reviews prior research for two-year college students' post-college labor market outcomes. Evidence is presented from research that two-year college professional technical degrees offer the highest immediate earnings and strongest growth over time. Many graduates who go to work in lower-pay sectors like education and health and human services will need even more than the two-year degree. They will need a bachelor's degree. Guided Pathways, which started in Washington in 2016, is the context for this brief. Under the Guided Pathways framework, colleges re-design their degrees and offerings into structured pathways that align with students' goals for further education and careers.

Millions of working Californians are unable to fulfill their families' basic needs. Higher-paying jobs that require specialized skills are beyond their reach, and many entry-level jobs are likely to be automated by 2022, so there's an urgent need to redesign the state's education and training systems to help people get the skills they need to secure family-supporting jobs. This brief--the third in a series--examines the need for a more equitable balance of influence and power among the key stakeholders--employers, workers, and training providers--in the workforce development system. The first two briefs were written before the COVID-19 pandemic caused a nationwide medical and economic crisis. The pandemic has exposed the economic inequality that is deeply ingrained in society, making it manifestly clear that the country cannot return to business as usual. How can innovations predict what equitable economic opportunity could look like in the post-pandemic economy, and how might California achieve it in the diverse regions of the state? This brief will address those questions. [This report was written with Joel Vargas with assistance from Alice Rice. For the first brief in this series, see ED603621. For the second brief, see ED603622.]

Many communities are embracing "inclusive economic development" as a way to address inequity that persists even as the economy grows. In an effort to spark a national conversation about the conditions needed to achieve inclusive economic development, this report gives an overview of what JFF [Jobs for the Future] has learned about the topic through our research and in the field.

The twentieth-century migration of Southern-born African Americans--the Great Migration--was a landmark event in American history. More than seven million African Americans left the South between 1915 and 1970 in search of better economic and social opportunities for themselves and their children. Prior research has found evidence that the Great Migration had mixed impacts on adults. While Black migrants earned substantially more than their counterparts who had stayed in the South, they also died earlier and faced higher incarceration rates. Less is known about how the Great Migration affected the outcomes of migrants' children. In this paper, the authors provide new evidence on how moving north affected the children of African Americans who migrated during the early years of the Great Migration. Several features of the setting suggest that Black children may have benefited from moving during this period. For example, school quality was generally lower in the South, and fewer economic and social opportunities existed there. Based on an analysis of 1940 census records, the authors find that moving to the North during the Great Migration substantially improved the educational outcomes of children. Using an approach that accounts for selective migration, the authors find that moving from the South to the North increased completed schooling by an average of 0.8 years as of 1940. The analysis also reveals that, although the average impact was positive, the benefits of migrating varied widely across places. Some places in the South--such as Birmingham, Alabama--were comparable to the best places in the North, while others--such as New Orleans, Louisiana--offered poor prospects for children. Overall, the findings suggest that the Great Migration played an important role in narrowing U.S. educational disparities by race. Between the 1900 and 1970 birth cohorts, the education gap between White and Black individuals shrank from 4.0 to 0.9 years--a 78 percent reduction. Previous research has found that improvements in Southern schools played a key role in the relative rise in Black educational attainment. This research demonstrates how the Great Migration promoted schooling achievement, thereby extending the understanding of the relative increase in African Americans' education levels during the twentieth century.

Internships are widely perceived as a "high-impact practice" that opens the doors of opportunity for college students, yet little is known about obstacles to participation. Instead, educators and employers too often view participation as unproblematic, with many postsecondary institutions beginning to mandate internships for graduation in many colleges and universities. This study reports findings from surveys (n = 1,549) and focus groups (n= 100) with students at five diverse postsecondary institutions that include a community college, a Historically Black College and University, and three comprehensive universities. Results indicate that 64% of students who did not take internships had in fact wanted to, but could not due to intersecting obstacles that include the need to work at a full- or part-time job, heavy course loads, and a lack of opportunities in their disciplines. First-generation students were more likely to report needing to work, Arts & Humanities students were more likely to report insufficient pay and heavy course loads, and full-time students were least likely to report insufficient pay. Given the financial, structural, and even spatial forces that inhibit the ability of many college students to pursue and then complete an internship, we argue that postsecondary institutions should not mandate or advocate for internships until and unless they address these obstacles to internship participation. Ultimately, colleges and universities must work to ensure that internships do not reproduce privilege and exacerbate inequality.

The first few years after high school are often viewed as crucial, laying the groundwork for the rest of a young person's life. Decisions made between the ages of 18-24 often guide further steps in a young person's life and can influence their ability to establish a satisfying and financially sustaining career. With that in mind, our new site, cowendata.org, and the accompanying executive summary, aims to answer the question of what young people in New Orleans are doing after high school by looking at their educational and employment pathways. Specifically, cowendata.org and the executive summary work to answer some key questions we often hear with regards to young people's post-high-school lives: How many of New Orleans high school graduates continue their educational journeys and go to college, and when they do, for how long, and where? How many enter the workforce and find jobs? If they're working, in what industries are they employed and are they making a true living wage? What are the best economic opportunities available in New Orleans and nationally right now, and what may be the best opportunities five or ten years in the future? What skills do they need to take advantage of those possibilities?

This issue brief summarizes the economic conditions in rural communities since the Great Recession and highlights the educational attainment of rural men. It then describes the barriers to attending college that rural men face and these promising efforts that Hinds Community College and the Louisiana Community and Technical College System (LCTCS) have undertaken to help men gain the knowledge and skills they need to compete in the modern workforce: (1) Both institutions use scholarships to encourage students to enroll and complete their studies. Simply getting students on campus can have a tremendous impact on their long-term success; (2) Both institutions recognize that students need guidance and assistance once enrolled, such as with mentors, apprenticeship programs, and wrap-around services to support basic needs; (3) Both institutions have crafted programs with the goal of finding students jobs in high-demand fields in their home state. Higher education benefits job seekers and improves income, job security, and knowledge transfer. It also encourages civic and community engagement that is as essential in rural areas as it is everywhere. The authors hope that this paper will serve as a foundation for further discussions and greater inquiry into the attainment disparities affecting men in the rural United States and what can be done to address this challenge. [This report was written with Allison Beer and Marcia Calloway.]

The manufacturing workforce has been shaped by decades of industry transformation. Modern manufacturing requires workers with a diverse set of skills to perform functions such as research and development (R&D), product and production design, marketing and sales, and customer support. While workers with a high school diploma or less dominated the manufacturing workforce of the past, today, even production jobs have begun to shift to workers with postsecondary education. The result is that while manufacturing still has good jobs that pay well, they are now going to a downsized, better-educated workforce. This report describes five key trends that define the changing character of the manufacturing workforce: (1) Manufacturing, once the powerhouse of the industrial economy, now plays a smaller, less central role in an economy dominated by services; (2) Manufacturing, despite its decline, is still a source of good jobs for less educated workers; (3) While there are still good jobs in manufacturing, the structure of economic opportunity has shifted in favor of those with postsecondary education and industry-recognized credentials; (4) Manufacturing workers, like workers in other industries, now pursue education and training options beyond traditional degrees and diplomas; and (5) Current trends suggest that there will be no return to the glory days when good manufacturing jobs were plentiful for high school-educated workers. While it continues to be a top source of good jobs in many states, manufacturing is not expected to be a major job generator in the future. The industry's shrinking presence across the country means that it employs fewer workers, provides fewer good jobs, and creates smaller ripples in the surrounding economy. Production itself is being reshaped through new techniques, such as 3-D printing, robotics, and computer-based modeling and simulation. These trends, often associated with advanced manufacturing, have altered the mix of production and non-production functions needed by employers, reinforcing the demand for educated and skilled workers. This report details four suggested practical steps to bolster the economic vibrancy of manufacturing firms and workers: (1) Support research and technology development in manufacturing; (2) Build the capacity of small and medium-sized manufacturers; (3) Build the manufacturing workforce of the future; and (4) Improve worker transitions. Acting on these ideas will require a new understanding from policymakers and the public.

Since 2001, the Annie E. Casey Foundation has been working with Atlanta's Southside communities to transform high-poverty city neighborhoods and help low-income families and children succeed. While some progress is being made, the gap between Atlanta's haves and have-nots remains immense. This report -- which is a follow-up to Casey's "Changing the Odds: The Race for Results in Atlanta" -- focuses on promising policies and approaches that, if enacted on a larger scale, could help dismantle the systemic barriers that have kept too many Atlantans of color from reaching their full potential. [To view the original report (2015), see ED563827.]

The Reaching the Unreached--Scale-Up (RtU-S) project was launched in 2018 and completed in 2021. It was an extension of the Reaching the Unreached project (RtU) and sought to expand the success of the initial project in providing hard-to-reach women and girls with education and economic opportunities. RtU-S continued its activities in Bangladesh, India and Pakistan and began new work in Sri Lanka. RtU-S was made possible with support from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Australia. This study explores women's and girls' empowerment from the start of the project (the baseline) to its completion (the endline). It uses the Measuring Empowerment Index framework developed by COL to conceptualise and measure empowerment in the context of the project (Carr, 2016). The data were drawn from the baseline and endline surveys that had been created to capture change over time in the project and analysed through index scores on various empowerment concepts. [This report was prepared as part of GIRLS Inspire, a Commonwealth of Learning (COL) project.]

This paper examines the U.S. social insurance system, which we define broadly to include both programs supported by dedicated taxes and other federal programs that provide income support, assistance in meeting basic needs, or services to improve economic opportunity. The paper considers the social insurance system as a whole as well as its component parts, providing an overview of major federal programs in the areas of education and workforce development, health, income support, nutrition, and housing. The paper covers how the social insurance system is organized, how eligibility is determined and who benefits, how the benefits and services are delivered, and how the system affects poverty and inequality. We focus primarily on the system as it operated prior to the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, but also look at how various programs respond to economic downturns. Coming at a time when policymakers will start shifting their focus from using the social insurance system to provide relief from the pandemic and recession to considering what changes should be made in the system on an ongoing basis, the paper also reprises an array of proposals to strengthen the system in various ways that The Hamilton Project has commissioned in recent years.

In the post-World War II period, workers with a high school diploma or less were able to attain jobs with middle-class wages in American industry. Good jobs were available in manufacturing and other blue-collar industries that employed large numbers of high school-educated workers. But as automation, globalization, and related phenomena have led to major structural changes in the American economy, economic opportunity has shifted toward more educated workers with higher skill levels. Whereas two out of three entry-level jobs in the industrial economy demanded a high school diploma or less, now two out of three jobs demand at least some education or training beyond high school. In this report, the authors write about the three pathways to good jobs, each defined by education and skills: the high school pathway, the middle-skills pathway, and the bachelor's degree (BA) pathway.

This year's KIDS COUNT report delves into disparities in child well-being based on race and ethnicity in an effort to shine a light on issues where Colorado can and must do better at creating equitable opportunities for children. The disparities seen in many areas of child well-being did not just happen by coincidence; nor are they the result of individual choices or behavior. Rather, public policy choices throughout the United States' history have shaped the opportunities available to children and families across the state. Too often, these policies and practices have led to limited opportunities for children and families of color--intentionally in some cases and unintentionally in others. From past practices like redlining, which denied many people of color the chance to purchase a home and build wealth, to current policies that limit Colorado's ability to address inequities in school funding, public policies have created a system of unequal opportunity. Within the pages of this year's KIDS COUNT, the report highlights some of these kinds of policies, incorporating Colorado history where possible. [For the 2016 report, see ED588890.]

The Ministry of Advanced Education provides leadership and direction for the world class postsecondary education and training system in British Columbia. Through a range of public and private post-secondary institutions, the Ministry has played a key role in ensuring B.C. has the skilled workers needed to capitalize on economic opportunities and meet the labour market needs of the province. This Annual Service Plan Report compares the Ministry's actual results to the expected results identified in the "2016/17-2018/19 Service Plan." [For the previous report, "2015/16 Annual Service Plan Report," see ED579472.]

This document is part of a Bridgespan Group research project that focused on the question: "How could a philanthropist make the biggest improvement on social mobility with an investment of $1 billion?" In answering this question, the authors have sought to understand "what matters most" for improving social mobility outcomes. To do this, the authors have drawn from extensive research conducted by leading scholars in the field. They have also outlined a range of tools to assist philanthropists seeking systemic and field-level changes that go well beyond scaling direct service interventions. Using the research and identified tools, the authors have created an illustrative set of "bets" that provide concrete roadmaps for high-leverage investments of $1 billion with the potential for sustainable change at scale. From a list of 15 high-potential bets through which philanthropists could have a significant impact on increasing upward mobility, six bets were selected that are particularly timely, suited to the unique role of philanthropy, have the potential to create significantly outsized impact, and, as a package, could truly sum to $1 billion. This concept paper illustrates one of the six bets. The paper looks at how philanthropists could help decrease over-criminalization, focusing on those populations that most acutely feel the burden: low-income communities of color. It describes the laws and policies that produce and/or exacerbate over-criminalization, and describes the devastating effects of this system on individuals and families, particularly their ability to reach middle class by middle age. [For the main report, "'Billion Dollar Bets' to Create Economic Opportunity for Every American," see ED606509.]

This document is part of a Bridgespan Group research project that focused on the question: "How could a philanthropist make the biggest improvement on social mobility with an investment of $1 billion?" In answering this question, the authors have sought to understand "what matters most" for improving social mobility outcomes. To do this, the authors have drawn from extensive research conducted by leading scholars in the field. They have also outlined a range of tools to assist philanthropists seeking systemic and field-level changes that go well beyond scaling direct service interventions. Using the research and identified tools, the authors have created an illustrative set of "bets" that provide concrete roadmaps for high-leverage investments of $1 billion with the potential for sustainable change at scale. From a list of 15 high-potential bets through which philanthropists could have a significant impact on increasing upward mobility, six bets were selected that are particularly timely, suited to the unique role of philanthropy, have the potential to create significantly outsized impact, and, as a package, could truly sum to $1 billion. This concept paper illustrates one of the six bets. The paper discusses potential solutions to place-based barriers--such as limited job opportunities, restricted access to good schools, and high rates of crime--focusing on investments that help break apart the structural forces of economic and racial segregation that have created communities of concentrated poverty and that help improve conditions in distressed neighborhoods. [For the main report, "'Billion Dollar Bets' to Create Economic Opportunity for Every American," see ED606509.]

This document is part of a Bridgespan Group research project that focused on the question: "How could a philanthropist make the biggest improvement on social mobility with an investment of $1 billion?" In answering this question, the authors have sought to understand "what matters most" for improving social mobility outcomes. To do this, the authors have drawn from extensive research conducted by leading scholars in the field. They have also outlined a range of tools to assist philanthropists seeking systemic and field-level changes that go well beyond scaling direct service interventions. Using the research and identified tools, the authors have created an illustrative set of "bets" that provide concrete roadmaps for high-leverage investments of $1 billion with the potential for sustainable change at scale. From a list of 15 high-potential bets through which philanthropists could have a significant impact on increasing upward mobility, six bets were selected that are particularly timely, suited to the unique role of philanthropy, have the potential to create significantly outsized impact, and, as a package, could truly sum to $1 billion. This concept paper illustrates one of the six bets. The paper discusses potential solutions to reducing unintended pregnancies in the United States. It focuses on building a national initiative that encourages and supports young women and their partners to make informed decisions about when to have a child and improving access to the most effective contraceptive methods. It also outlines the potential of seven investments philanthropists could make to improve and grow promising programs and to shift incentives and behaviors in an effort to reduce unintended pregnancies. Lastly, it puts the investments into economic perspective, quantifying their projected impact on the lifetime earnings of individuals and their families and highlighting for philanthropists the return on investment of such commitments. [For the main report, "'Billion Dollar Bets' to Create Economic Opportunity for Every American," see ED606509.]

This document is part of a Bridgespan Group research project that focused on the question: "How could a philanthropist make the biggest improvement on social mobility with an investment of $1 billion?" In answering this question, the authors have sought to understand "what matters most" for improving social mobility outcomes. To do this, the authors have drawn from extensive research conducted by leading scholars in the field. They have also outlined a range of tools to assist philanthropists seeking systemic and field-level changes that go well beyond scaling direct service interventions. Using the research and identified tools, the authors have created an illustrative set of "bets" that provide concrete roadmaps for high-leverage investments of $1 billion with the potential for sustainable change at scale. From a list of 15 high-potential bets through which philanthropists could have a significant impact on increasing upward mobility, six bets were selected that are particularly timely, suited to the unique role of philanthropy, have the potential to create significantly outsized impact, and, as a package, could truly sum to $1 billion. This concept paper illustrates one of the six bets. The paper explores potential solutions to the underperformance of social service programs. It focuses on ways to increase government use of data to improve their efficacy and proposes eight potential investments philanthropists can make. The paper quantifies the projected impact with estimates of the potential return on investment individuals and families would experience if a big bet were to be made to improve program performance. [For the main report, "'Billion Dollar Bets' to Create Economic Opportunity for Every American," see ED606509.]

This is the technical appendices for the report, "Higher Education and Economic Opportunity in California." Lower rates of college access and completion among Latinos, African Americans, and low-income Californians exacerbate the state's economic divide and puts California further behind in meeting its workforce needs. And even though a college degree benefits Californians in all racial/ethnic and income groups, these benefits vary by family income and race/ethnicity. The report focuses on pathways to a bachelor's degree, outlining the economic benefits of completing college, identifying inequitable outcomes, and exploring how inequities can be addressed by the state and its higher education institutions. The two appendices include: (1) Data and Methods; and (2) Additional Tables. [This report was written with research support from Sergio Sanchez and Cesar Alesi Perez. For the full report, see ED611449.]

Higher education could be one of California's most effective tools for combating economic and social inequities. College graduates experience large wage gains and their jobs offer more benefits than those of workers without bachelor's degrees. College graduates are also relatively insulated from recessions--including the current downturn--and benefit the most from recoveries. However, lower rates of college access and completion among Latinos, African Americans, and low-income Californians exacerbate the state's economic divide and puts California further behind in meeting its workforce needs. And even though a college degree benefits Californians in all racial/ethnic and income groups, these benefits vary by family income and race/ethnicity. In this report, the authors focus on pathways to a bachelor's degree, outlining the economic benefits of completing college, identifying inequitable outcomes, and exploring how inequities can be addressed by the state and its higher education institutions. Policymakers and higher education institutions have many tools to increase access and completion. But at every step in the path from high school to college completion, an emphasis must be placed on ensuring that low-income and underrepresented students have the information, access, and support they need to reach their educational goals. [This report was written with research support from Sergio Sanchez and Cesar Alesi Perez. For the technical appendices, see ED611451.]

With the goal of motivating a broader swath of philanthropists to make well-informed, actionable "big bets" to catalyze dramatic improvements in social mobility in the United States, a Bridgespan Group team spent a year researching and developing prototypes of potential large-scale investments that aim to build pathways to the middle class for millions of Americans. This overview of research: (1) discusses the three main goals of the project; (2) describes the research process; and (3) provides a list of interviewees. [For the main report, see ED606509.]

With the goal of motivating a broader swath of philanthropists to make well-informed, actionable "big bets" to catalyze social change, The Bridgespan Group launched an ambitious research project in partnership with Bridgespan Fellow Jim Shelton. The intent: determine how private donors can best invest to increase upward social mobility for millions of low-income Americans. Collective efforts generated a list of 15 actionable ideas to enhance social mobility for low-income Americans. The Bridgespan Group developed six of these ideas in-depth, working with field experts and practitioners to create roadmaps for making large-scale investments. Part of the intent in developing the six concepts was to ground the ideas by assessing the potential return on investment (ROI) that could be achieved through innovative approaches to using philanthropic capital. This overview outlines the assumptions behind each of the six concepts and the process that was used to calculate each bet's ROI. [For the main report, see ED606509.]

This work is part of a larger set of conversations on how philanthropic capital can better deliver potent results. This paper is intended for philanthropists and foundation staff who are interested in understanding not only which issues and interventions might put many more low-income people on an upward trajectory, but also how private donors can use their dollars, networks, and voices to achieve systemic change. Based on their review of the research on social mobility, the authors identified four sprawling opportunities for philanthropic investors to help ensure that far more Americans have a chance to reach their full potential. Using the frame of a philanthropist investing $1 billion, the authors have constructed a set of 15 big bets across each of the four general investment areas. The bets consider specifically how a philanthropist could support efforts to improve outcomes for low-income populations across race, gender, and geographic differences. For donors seeking to give big to catalyze greater levels of social mobility and build sustainable pathways out of poverty for low-income Americans, this paper aims to: (1) provide a draft frame of "what matters most" to help an individual attain social mobility (or be "middle class by middle age"); (2) highlight ways that philanthropists can use a broad set of tools--beyond funding nonprofits--to support enduring impact; (3) develop an illustrative set of 15 investment opportunities ("bets") that map out how to spend $1 billion to drive change at scale; and (4) provide preliminary estimates of the potential return on investment for six of the $1 billion bets. [For the Executive Summary, see ED606513. For the Overview of Research, see ED606515. For the Overview of Estimated Returns on Six Big Investments and Their Impacts on Lifetime Earnings, see ED606518.]

As states release draft Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act (WIOA) state plans for public comment, advocates and other stakeholders have an important opportunity to improve them. The Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP) is offering a list of questions, which is included in this document, to consider when reviewing state plans. These questions will help strengthen the implementation of key provisions of WIOA that can improve economic and career success for low-income youth and adults. While the list includes many topics important to serving low-income people, it is not exhaustive and covers only WIOA titles I and II. Links to additional CLASP resources related to many of the topics are included. It is the hope that this list of topics and related resources will be helpful when reading through a lengthy state plan. It may also serve as a handy guide for searching the text of the plan for key concepts that may be found in multiple sections, such as "career pathways" or "TANF" (i.e., using the "find" or "control + f" function).

Low-income neighborhoods no longer experience the levels of community wide disinvestment that they did through the 1990s, but their residents still face significant poverty, risk of displacement, and limited economic mobility. For this reason, Change Capital Fund (CCF), a New York City donor collaborative, formed to invest in sophisticated community organizations that implement data-driven strategies integrating housing, education, and employment services to fight poverty. While government agencies are often constrained in providing one type of assistance--such as income support--to those who seek services from them, CCF embraces a more comprehensive approach that has the potential to reach underserved community residents. This brief, the first of five by MDRC on CCF, gives an overview of the initiative and its goals, describes the grantees' neighborhoods and their strategies to fight poverty, and highlights some of the early lessons from the initiative. Drawing on interviews, observations, programmatic data from each grantee, and outcomes data capturing the collective efforts of all grantees during the first of four years of CCF funding, the brief illustrates how community organizations may be uniquely positioned to undertake economic opportunity initiatives, if they can both reach underserved populations and mobilize and coordinate high-quality services for them. [For the second brief in this series, see ED570521.]

State efforts to boost the economy--economic development--first came to Pennsylvania in the 1950s with the establishment of the Pennsylvania Industrial Development Authority (PIDA) low interest loan program used to recruit manufacturers to Pennsylvania, including devastated coal regions. Since that time, economic development in Pennsylvania and other states has evolved through several waves. The 1980s saw the emergence of "grow your own" strategies, which sought to nurture and grow local businesses rather than recruit businesses from elsewhere. In Pennsylvania, the Ben Franklin Technology Partners (BFTP) and Industrial Resource Centers (IRCs), established in the early and latter part of the 1980s respectively, were at the heart of efforts to grow new businesses and help existing small and medium-sized ones become more productive. The 1990s and 2000s saw the emergence of multi-pronged strategies based on investing in "regional assets." One prong of this "building on strength" approach emphasized mapping and supporting strong, high-wage, regional "industry clusters." Other prongs highlighted assets such as higher education research institutions, unique culture and history, or natural beauty. In recent years, there has been increasing emphasis on "innovation." In part, this takes discussion back to the late 1970s frustrations with the interaction between research universities and industry. In the past, new "waves" of economic development--and new approaches to state collaboration with the private sector--have tended to come at moments of economic distress, such as the mammoth job loss in the Pennsylvania steel industry and the broader erosion of manufacturing in the 1980s. Economic distress created both the demand for new approaches and the political will within state government, business, and the broader community to step back, to diagnose the roots of economic malaise, and to make a fresh start on the state's support for the private sector. The U.S. and Pennsylvania economies are finally recovering from the Great Recession but virtually none of the benefits of that growth have gone to typical families. There is also an urgency about discussions of innovation and global competitiveness. The U.S. has lost ground in technology sector after technology sector and a gnawing concern exists that, at some point, if the production of new products is mostly offshore the U.S. will lose its research advantage. In this context, the present document outlines a new state economic strategy, All Pennsylvanians Prospering Together or "APP Together". The focus here is on the medium to long term. In addition, the report focuses on economic development relatively narrowly defined--the programs largely within the purview of the Pennsylvania Department of Economic and Community Development (DCED), although there is a brief discussion of skills development in the manufacturing sector. This narrow focus means that transportation infrastructure is not discussed. Nor is how the state can maximize the economic payoff of any given level of responsible shale drilling (e.g., by spurring value-added processing or using cheap energy to boost manufacturing). The report recommends that economic development in Pennsylvania going forward embrace the following core principles: (1) invest in public goods that deliver public benefits; (2) the state should invest in growing its own businesses, building on assets, such as dynamic technology industries and higher education institutions; (3) Pennsylvania should pursue a good jobs strategy; and (4) Pennsylvania should invest in her cities, town and landscapes. The appendix provides a list of practitioners interviewed in the creation of this report.

The Ministry of Advanced Education provides leadership and direction for the world class postsecondary education and training system in British Columbia. Through a range of public and private post-secondary institutions, the Ministry has played a key role in ensuring B.C. has the skilled workers needed to capitalize on economic opportunities and meet the labour market needs of the province. This Annual Service Plan Report compares the actual results to the expected results identified in the "2014/15-2016/17 Service Plan."

Casey has invested in several southwest Atlanta communities for more than 10 years. This report explores how race and community of residence continue to create barriers that keep the city's kids, particularly those of color, from reaching their full potential. The report highlights three key areas that support or thwart children's healthy development: (1) the community where they grow up; (2) school experiences; and (3) family access to economic opportunities. Policy recommendations are included. [Staff members who contributed to this report include Arin Gencer, Charles Rutheiser, and Nonet Sykes.]

This brief report summarizes the requirements for undocumented immigrants set forth by the Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act (S.744). Assuming that S.744 will move forward in Congress, the report also examines issues having to do with certain language, civics and government, and education/training provisions as they relate to Adult Education that should be of particular interest to legislators and planners.

Four telling facts about jobs and wages for young Americans, as explained in this policy brief, suggest a labor market recovery is coming, although it will be gradual and uneven by educational attainment. Young Americans with a postsecondary degree are more likely to be employed, but the nature of their employment suggests they are taking lower-skill jobs at the expense of their less educated peers. However, there are actions policymakers can take to help. Such actions must target those young Americans already graduated from school, as well as those still enrolled in school, and they must work to better align the skills of young Americans with the needs of employers. These action might include: (1) comprehensive education reform; (2) redefining post-secondary education and training; (3) addressing the rising cost of college and student debt; and (4) promoting investment and asset building activities.

As cities across the country and globe continue to generate new solutions to a wide variety of vexing problems, sharing information about what works and what doesn't has become more important than ever. Yet, outside of a few prominent policies, the vast majority of successful municipal experiments never reach a national audience or, for that matter, policymakers in similarly situated cities. To help bridge this gap, the Center for an Urban Future and NYU Wagner published "Innovation and the City" earlier this summer. Drawing upon hundreds of interviews with mayors, agency chiefs, policy institutes, corporations, labor unions and philanthropic foundations, some of the boldest and most inventive urban policy reforms of the last decade were identified. But, in that report, which was generously funded by Citi Community Development, the policies also had to address important needs in New York City. They also had to be policies that could be realistically implemented in New York, given the City's government structure and political climate. As New York prepares for a new mayor for the first time in 12 years, the thinking was that creating an inventory of the best ideas from other places would be a good way to not only spotlight theoretical solutions but workable programs that others have already started to implement and learn from. During the research process, it was discovered that a lot of promising innovations did not match up well with New York's needs, or addressed problems that the City was already confronting in a different way. So, in this second edition of the report, the criteria has been loosened to include policies that might not work in New York but are important enough to merit replication in other cities.Therefore, this report profiles 25 of the best policy innovations from cities across the U.S. and around the globe-- giving mayors and other municipal leaders the ability to learn from their peers and develop new policies based on models that have already proved effective. [Additional research for this project was provided by Adam Eckstein, Kahliah Laney, Christian Gonzalez-Rivera, Emily Laskodi, and Sa Liu. To access Part I of this report, see ED555624.]

Part 1 provides evidence, drawing on Statistics Canada reports, that Canadians without a high-school certificate are most at-risk of unemployment, low earnings, and poverty. Young adults are especially hard hit, with significantly higher unemployment rates and lower average earnings than high-school graduates. Part 2 cites research that shows the high-school graduation rate in BC improves significantly after taking into account young adults (20 to 24 years) who complete high school, after the age of 19, in adult education programs. The data also show that some groups of young adults are at much higher risk of not graduating, suggesting they face multiple barriers to attending adult education courses. Part 3 concludes that adult education programs that are responsive to the needs of young adults facing multiple barriers to high-school graduation are essential to reducing the risk of high unemployment and low earnings that contribute to poverty.

This executive summary describes the research that was conducted based on the following question: "How could a philanthropic investment of $1 billion dramatically increase upward social mobility for low-income individuals and families?" The intent of the research was to create a series of roadmaps that illustrate how investments of $1 billion might improve the lifetime earnings of millions of low-income Americans. Researchers began by identifying four promising areas where large investments of private capital would likely catalyze population-level change. 15 concepts for restoring the meritocratic ideal to many more Americans were selected as illustrative "big bets" that span the four investment areas. To get a better understanding of the promise and pitfalls that come with any attempt to take on the social mobility challenge, researchers took a deeper dive into six of the proposed bets. This executive summary lists the six bets and discusses how the bets were evaluated for risk. [For the main report, see ED606509.]