Search

La desigualdad social producto de la actual distribución de los ingresos en Chile mantiene el interés por conocer sus tendencias en diversos contextos. El propósito de este trabajo fue analizar, a nivel comunal, la desigualdad y la polarización como consecuencia de la distribución de los ingresos, utilizando los ingresos autónomos y totales per cápita. Se analizaron 78 comunas pertenecientes a 5 regiones del norte, centro y sur de Chile. Los resultados confirman una significativa desigualdad en la distribución de los ingresos y una marcada polarización a nivel comunal. Estos hallazgos justifican la necesidad de crear políticas de redistribución de ingresos focalizadas y pertinentes a nivel de comunas, ya que la desigualdad y la polarización se han vinculado con sentimientos de malestar en la población producto de las situaciones de conflictos e injusticias sociales que se generan y potencian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the main findings of a mixed-method study that explored ECEC teachers' views on the recently enacted STPD for Teacher Professional Development (STPD) in Chile. Relying on a mixed-method design, we gathered data from individual and group interviews and an online survey conducted with 268 ECEC teachers. Drawn from both a priori and emergent categories, our findings reveal that participants held four paradoxical views on the new System: salary justice versus monetizing of the profession; professional teaching recognition versus counter-pedagogical identity, rigorous evaluation versus inappropiate evaluation instruments, and palpable individual career advancement versus doubtful field development. These paradoxes show that ECEC teachers have a positive global view of the new STPD, despite their perception of its individualistic and counter-ECEC pedagogical nature, suggesting a claim for their right to professional development and decent working conditions, as well as a criticism of the STPD's neoliberal foundation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars interested in labour in Latin America have traditionally paid little attention to trade unions' legal mobilisation. However, the increasing number of legal complaints filed by workers with labour ministries and/or the courts in countries like Argentina, Brazil and Chile calls for a more serious debate on the role that trade unions play in this process. This article focuses on the Chilean case. Drawing on various sources, it shows that Chilean unions have turned legal complaints into a weapon to gain more rights and curb employers' power. This process has involved the strongest and most combative unions, and is due to two historical conditions: (1) the obstacles placed in the way of successful resort to more disruptive tactics; (2) the increase in institutional opportunities to report infringements of the law. Overall, the article challenges the current image of the Chilean unions by foregrounding their agency and their achievements over the last decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic crises during Chile's civic–military dictatorship (1973–90) forced a growing number of people onto the streets, including women who commuted from peripheral neighbourhoods to beg in downtown Santiago. Under military rule, impoverished women in public spaces became a police problem. Despite their constant presence on the streets throughout the twentieth century, Chile's begging laws were rarely applied to women, except for a brief period under Pinochet, when begging emerged as a female crime in Santiago. This paper examines female begging and the policing of female begging, revealing both to be framed as a defence of the family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional wisdom has proclaimed Chile's recent economic development a 'free market miracle'. In an examination of Chile's export diversification experience, this article departs from that view. By analysing the dynamics underlying the emergence of the salmon, fruit, forestry and wine sectors in Chile's export basket since the 1960s, the study sheds light on the crucial role of industrial policy in the process of capability accumulation that shapes new industries. The article undertakes a qualitative historical analysis of the scope and nature of policy interventions in each of the four sectors and conducts a quantitative policy evaluation using the difference‐in‐difference method. It finds that public institutions are essential in overcoming market failures inhibiting the emergence of new industries. Specifically, it shows that the government has a key role to play as a catalyst of human capital accumulation, as a venture capitalist, in trade promotion, and in ensuring 'national' sector reputation through a strong regulatory and quality control role. By elaborating on the dynamic process of structural transformation and capability accumulation, this article contributes to theoretical debates on the role of vertical policies in the emergence of new competitive sectors, and debates relating to static versus dynamic approaches to comparative advantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, unemployment protection systems based on individual savings have been instituted in several developing countries. Chile was one of the first to establish such a system, which at the time was widely cited as a model for other countries. This article discusses the particular political context in which the Chilean system was created before examining how it works in terms of coverage and levels of benefits received by unemployed workers. The authors undertake a detailed analysis of the administrative data produced by the system and conclude that the insurance covers only a small proportion of the unemployed, as most workers generally had precarious jobs that did not allow them to contribute to the system consistently. The Chilean case illustrates how difficult it is to establish functioning unemployment insurance in developing countries with precarious labour markets. Based on the interaction between employment characteristics and the conditions imposed by the benefit system, the article assesses the efficacy of the Unemployment Insurance Savings Accounts (UISA) system and analyses whether it can indeed serve as a model for other developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The working conditions of three regions of the southern south of Chile are analyzed: Los Lagos, Aysén and Magallanes, constructing synthetic indicators by region in the long term, through 4 dimensions: income, social security, working day and contract. It is obtained that the conditions are significantly different between regions. Magallanes has the best relative position and Los Lagos least; In addition, the indicators have not improved substantially, compared to the initial period, only in the last two there is a significant improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the research is to measure the effects of the subprime crisis on the production of efficiency and on the technical efficiency of the banking industry in Chile. For this, stochastic frontier production function methodology was used for a balanced data panel that collected information from 14 banks operating in Chilean territory for the period 2004-2015. The main results of the investigation indicate that during the crisis period, the production of efficiency and technical efficiency of the banking industry is lower, finding more important differences with respect to the period after the crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

¿En qué medida las políticas de desarrollo económico local se circunscriben en Chile a una concepción asistencialista? La hipótesis que se desarrolla en este trabajo se relaciona con que, vistas en conjunto, estas políticas sobrepasan ampliamente este paradigma. Para ejecutar el estudio se relevó una serie de 40 categorías de políticas mediante la lectura y sistematización de las políticas de desarrollo económico local propuestas por las municipalidades de Chile a través de 69 Planes de Desarrollo Comunal (PLADECO). En promedio las municipalidades proponen acciones en torno a 16 de las 40 categorías, pero son estas en conjunto las que pueden abarcar de forma satisfactoria los diversos desafíos del desarrollo económico local que cada municipalidad enfrenta de acuerdo a la realidad productiva comunal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Se examina la evolución de la inversión en Chile y su vinculación con el crecimiento económico desde el golpe de Estado de 1973, documentándose cómo continúa siendo determinante principal del crecimiento. La innovación, por su parte, facilita la superación de rendimientos decrecientes de los recursos naturales; la inversión intensiva en tecnología, como la infraestructura de banda ancha, contribuye a diversificar la matriz productiva. Se expone cómo la persistente expansión de la tasa de inversión en 1990-1998 sustentó un crecimiento del PIB del 7,1% anual, pero desde 1999 la inversión experimentó altibajos y el crecimiento promedio disminuyó a menos del 4%. Se examinan el entorno macroeconómico y su inestabilidad real desde 1999, la inversión en infraestructura, la calidad de los recursos naturales y los servicios ambientales, y se plantean desafíos para impulsar la inversión y la innovación, diversificar la matriz productiva y sus agentes, y avanzar hacia un crecimiento incluyente. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nobel Prize winning economist James M. Buchanan has repeatedly argued that the "political economist should not act as if he or she were providing advice to a benevolent despot" (Boettke Constitutional Political Economy, 25, 110-124, 2014: 112), but an increasingly influential body of scholarship argues that Buchanan provided a wealth of early 1980s policy advice to Augusto Pinochet's military dictatorship in Chile (e.g., Fischer 2009; Maclean 2017). In particular, Buchanan reportedly provided an analytical defense of military rule to a predominantly Chilean audience when he visited the country in late 1981. This paper draws upon largely ignored archival evidence from the Buchanan House Archives and Chilean primary source material to assess whether Buchanan provided a defense of Pinochet's "capitalist fascism" (Samuelson 1983) or whether he defended democracy when he visited Chile in 1981. Aside from the importance of this for assessing Buchanan's own legacy, his constitutional political economy arguments presented in Chile also provide an interesting and distinct perspective on the connection between democracy and growth, which remains highly relevant to current debates. Despite a general agreement about the desirability of democracy, the view that authoritarian regimes can spur "growth miracles", or might even be a necessary stage in political-economic development, still has prominent supporters (e.g. Sachs 2012). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights • A backcasting methodology was to generate a long-term energy policy in Chile. • The process expanded the traditional view of energy as a merely technical issue. • Tensions emerged between political and socio-technical expectations embedded in the process. • The focus on "consensus" and on "legitimacy" limited its ability to explore novel paths and alternative issues. Abstract One of the challenges of energy transitions is implementing governance schemes able to frame socio-technical transformations. This involves aligning the views and interests of diverse actors, guiding and intervening as a means of realizing a long-term vision. Backcasting is a technique often used in sustainability transitions, but its use is relatively new to emerging and developing countries. This paper follows Energy 2050, a long-term policy design exercise developed in Chile. In a country with few mechanisms for energy planning, Energy 2050 was to produce a long-term policy with social legitimacy; a roadmap of interventions leading the transition to a sustainable energy system. We analyse the introduction of novel, future-oriented methods in the Chilean context as a "policy innovation", focusing on the trade-offs between long-term thinking and the instrument's immediate value. Focusing on the role of consensus-building, visioning and scenario building, and participation, we show the reflexive relation between promises and expectations, and the process that shapes them, highlighting how expectations about policies shape and limit the way in which futures are imagined and articulated. In this respect, we stress the importance of designing backcasting exercises which consider the political cultures in which they are embedded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Chile there is no specific criterion when determining the limits of each one of the administrative political regions and neither information nor a detailed analysis of the economies of these regions. That is why, through a hierarchical cluster analysis using the Regionalized GDP by productive sector we determine conglomerates of regions, from which we obtained economic regions, regions that have similarities in their productive structure and finally we characterize them through techniques of analysis with limited information. We find four conglomerates of regions and seven economic regions, each economic region being different from one another. Despite finding seven economic regions, it does not necessarily mean that they must be administrative political regions because to define a political administrative region we must consider more complex aspects than economic one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We explore the impact of exchange rate interventions on inflation expectations and exchange rates in Chile. We consider two episodes of centra! hank interventions during the sample period 2007-2012. Our analysis indicate that interventions did have an impact on daily exchange rate returns. In terms of inflation expectations, we find that the intervention program carried out in 2008 had a significant, but relatively short-lived, impact on the distribution of inflation expectations at long horizons. In contrast, the intervention carried out in 2011 shows no relevant impact on the distribution of inflation expectations in Chile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the educational context in which ethnically segregated high poverty schools operate in Chile, and the ways that inequalities within these establishments are understood by members of their administrative and teaching staff. In particular we draw attention to the unwillingness of the majority of these employees to name or recognize specific forms of institutional inequality. Following critical pedagogy literature we argue that the Chilean education system reproduces a fear of talk among teachers working in areas with high density indigenous populations, which obscures unequal social structures and opportunities for specific (class, gender, ethnic) groups in school contexts. Based on data from 12 interviews with school staff and observations from four schools in southern Chile, we analyze how intersecting inequality is discursively reduced by predominantly white teachers to individual deficit, de-politicized geographical problems of access to schooling, and the normalizing of low achievement across schools with students from similar backgrounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study is a characterization of the creative industry in Chile, the process in which it currently is, and the specific case study of the animation industry in Chile. Given the lack of official data on the impact of this creative sector in Chile's economy, the need to develop activities arose, associated with the collection of consistent and reliable data on the creative economy in Chile. To be able to exemplify and understand the impact of the aforementioned sector, previous studies and methodologies were used, and direct data collection from the sources, as well as secondary sources, were analyzed. The results of this study reveal favorable practices and data for future market research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chilean education system, it is often argued, radically changed in the years after 1980 because of the influence of the economic thought of Milton Friedman. Here, I explore Friedman's notion of indivisible freedom and its practical application in Chile through the economist's direct involvement with the regime and the reforms, particularly with the implementation of vouchers in education. I argue that a detailed assessment of Friedman's relationship with Chile reveals more nuances to his concept of indivisible freedom. I rely on data obtained from (1) The Milton Friedman Papers, 1912-2006, Hoover Institution Archives; (2) University of Chicago, Office of the President. Wilson Administration, Records, University of Chicago Special Collections; (3) The Chicago Maroon; (4) The New York Times; and (5) The Youth Spartacus. In addition to a different perspective on Friedman's involvement in Chile, complementary/alternative explanations to the implementation of vouchers in Chile are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]