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Globalization heralded the world economy in the 1980s, even though its policy prescriptions were laid out more broadly by neoliberal theorists in the 1960s and 1970s. Globalization endorsed the neoliberal policies of free trade and the free market economy as a counter‐narrative to the growing resurgence of the models of "social democracy" in the post‐Second World War period. This article seeks to unravel the inequalities and inequities brought in by the policies of globalization through the prisms of the Indian experience. Through a thorough analysis of the human development index (HDI) indicators, we can only agree with dependency theorists like Andre Gunder Frank and Immanuel Wallerstein that globalization has accentuated the miseries and underdevelopment of a developing country like India. It has exacerbated the class differences between the rich and the poor and deepened poverty, inequality, and unemployment in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Questions surrounding the kind of foreign direct investment that Pakistan attracts become important, especially with the unending debates that such investment can pose environmental challenges for the nation in particular and the world at large. While investment inflows are a prerequisite for economic growth, the environmental consequences are also vital for the quality of life of citizens. This study thus contributes to the debate on the trade-off between cross-border investment flows and environmental status in Pakistan, using annual time-series data spanning 1971–2018. The dynamic connection between foreign direct investment and ecological efficiency is scrutinized while controlling for the effects of environmental determinants—financial integration, economic growth, energy intensity and international trade—by employing dynamic autoregressive distributed lag simulations. The estimated elasticities as well as the counterfactual simulations show that even if ecological efficiency is used as the alternative measure of environmental performance within a dynamic framework, the pollution haven hypothesis still holds in Pakistan. Moroever, while economic growth, financial integration and international trade promote ecological efficiency, energy intensity condenses it. The robustness checks conducted using multivariate Quantle and Quantitle-on-Quantile Regressions also provide similar outcomes to that of the dynamic autoregressive distributed lag simulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vietnam's long‐term economic growth comparisons with ASEAN nations have been striking since its 1986's economic reforms. Such key factors as economic liberalization, a young population and low‐cost labor, knowledge diffusion, and the manufacturing sector have driven Vietnam's growth. Until 2023, Vietnam has the potential to capitalize on several favorable circumstances, including the diversion of trade and investment from China, the growth of the middle class, and the global digital transformation. Nevertheless, Vietnam's economic growth will confront various obstacles and a declining trajectory that predates the COVID pandemic. To circumvent the risk of falling into the middle‐income trap, this paper proposes "active" economic integration, labor productivity, innovation and research and development, the services sector, and green growth as new growth drivers for Vietnam till 2030. Considering the many policy ideas put forth by the Vietnamese government and the World Bank, this paper presents several distinct recommendations on institution reform and human capital accumulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eviction could hold a different meaning if a home's immediate surroundings contribute to its residents' livelihood, especially for informal laborers. This paper explores the notion of the fragility of a home within an expanded space—the space on which a home stands and its surroundings when turned into a contested area. It specifically looks at the slum of Yamuna Pushta in Delhi, which was demolished in 2004. The act uprooted thousands of low-income families who were blamed for polluting the river. The demolition was fueled by new urban visions and planning strategies, political and capitalist ambitions, projections of national pride, and an event-driven approach camouflaged under an environmentalist concern attempting to "clean" the river. Using the photographic works of artist, curator, and activist Ravi Agarwal as a case study, this paper argues the presence of a counternarrative in the works, challenging the projected environmentalist discourse around the river, the slum dwellers. This study further states the dual marginalization of the Pushta residents and the Yamuna by critiquing the economic format of majoritarianism through the growing normalcy and agreeability of the slum demolitions by the urban non-poor disguised as the "greater good". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to analyze the reliability of Nepal’s industrial policies, focusing on the effects of macroeconomic variables on implementation and outcomes. This paper assesses Nepal’s industrial policies, emphasizing the need for improvements, export promotion, and human capital development while recognizing the importance of strategic planning and context-specific approaches for economic growth, stability, and development. The analytical and descriptive approaches have been applied to analyze the data by collecting secondary data sources that include official publications, which encompass 47 time series variables from 1974 to 2020. The findings provide mixed evidence for the economic impacts of liberalization, with exports and liberalization driving overall GDP growth. In contrast, other factors like economic openness, tourism, and their relationship with industrial GDP remain statistically insignificant. The paper indicates that remittances and investment have the most substantial impact on GDP, raising it by 1.86 and 1.21 units per unit increase, respectively. Exports have a moderate impact on industrial GDP (0.403 units). Export-oriented industries and tourism lack significant associations with either type of GDP. Liberalization significantly boosted both GDP and industrial GDP, with an increase of 179465.3 and 49595.62 units, respectively. Imports also jumped post-liberalization, driven by higher remittances as 1.215 units per unit increase. This study on industrial policies in developing economies, focusing on Nepal, adds valuable insights. The findings can ensure policymaking, boost economic growth, and strengthen Nepal’s industrial sector.

We develop a leader-specific theory to explain economic and political liberalization. We argue that leaders' policy decisions in office depend, in part, on their exposure to classical liberal values while at university, through the content of social science and humanities courses. Variation comes from two sources: across educational institution types and within them via specialization. Educational institutions differ in terms of their autonomy from the state, which determines universities' quality in the social sciences and humanities, and the degree of hierarchy within the classroom (egalitarian vs. authoritarian), which reinforces/hinders students' ability to internalize course content. Within-institution variation comes from specialization: some specializations have a larger curriculum component that emphasizes classical liberal values. Using a novel data set on country leaders' educational attainment and specialization, we show that leaders who attended autonomous and egalitarian universities—particularly those specializing in economics or law—are more likely to implement liberal reform across policy areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eviction could hold a different meaning if a home’s immediate surroundings contribute to its residents’ livelihood, especially for informal laborers. This paper explores the notion of the fragility of a home within an expanded space—the space on which a home stands and its surroundings when turned into a contested area. It specifically looks at the slum of Yamuna Pushta in Delhi, which was demolished in 2004. The act uprooted thousands of low-income families who were blamed for polluting the river. The demolition was fueled by new urban visions and planning strategies, political and capitalist ambitions, projections of national pride, and an event-driven approach camouflaged under an environmentalist concern attempting to “clean” the river. Using the photographic works of artist, curator, and activist Ravi Agarwal as a case study, this paper argues the presence of a counternarrative in the works, challenging the projected environmentalist discourse around the river, the slum dwellers. This study further states the dual marginalization of the Pushta residents and the Yamuna by critiquing the economic format of majoritarianism through the growing normalcy and agreeability of the slum demolitions by the urban non-poor disguised as the “greater good”.

This note projects forward into the distant future the number of countries existing under regimes of different levels of economic liberalism by deriving a transition probability matrix from Economic Freedom of the World data. Naively extrapolating trends from 1970-2020 suggests a modest majority of 165 countries will be economically free in the long-run steady state, with results driven by improvements in variables associated with the freedom to trade internationally and especially the quality of the legal system and property rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic liberalization is essential in managing the country's wealth, income, and expenditure to maintain stable economic growth. However, the current global economic development tends to slow down due to the enormous challenges in achieving economic liberalization. The study's purpose is to provide an overview to the government about several factors that affect economic growth for G20 members and to find out strategies that can be applied to maintaining economic growth amidst the effects of liberalization, globalization, and free Trade for G20 members countries. Using the panel fixed effect model to estimate the impact of macroeconomic variables such as Trade, foreign direct investment, government spending, and Inflation on the G-20 members' economic growth from 2016 until 2020. The result shows a significant negative impact of selected macroeconomic variables such as Foreign Direct Investment, government expenditure, and Inflation on economic growth, except for trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lua Nova is the property of CEDEC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Could North Korea (officially the Democratic People's Republic of Korea) actually become Northeast Asia's next big free market economy? At first blush, economic optimism about the "Hermit Kingdom" seems incredibly misplaced. North Korea is one of the most repressive countries in the world; with an overwhelming adherence to the state ideology of juche (national self-reliance), the North Korean government continues to systematically deny citizens almost all basic liberties. As if that were not enough, North Korea threatens to attack nearby nations and the United States with nuclear missiles, in spite of international sanctions that are meant to compel North Korean denuclearization. On the other hand, North Korea has expanded its efforts to enhance its international profile, including talks of potentially reuniting with South Korea and unprecedented meetings with the heads of state of both the United States and China. A post-sanctions North Korea could present an opportunity for franchisors, franchisees, and foreign capital to enter the country, exponentially expand its market potential, and mutually benefit from the positive spillovers of economic liberalization (e.g., cross-cultural communication and technology transfers). There are, indeed, tremendous challenges--risks and potential rewards--to bringing foreign capital and investment, including franchising, to North Korea. Economic liberalization and enhanced foreign capital, investment, and franchising can be achieved through the multilateral efforts of major trading nations and significant, but certainly attainable, changes in North Korean norms and laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects upon the theoretical implications of "quantizing geoeconomics", which is a framework established by quantum measurement analogy and holographic ontology to conceptualize geoeconomics in international economic law, through the quantizing postcritique course in (cyber)security governance. It establishes an ideal-typical taxonomy to examine the two uncomfortable facts of the dualistic classification of scholarship, and suggests a complementary parallel narrative through quantizing geoeconomics, emphasizing the geoeconomics of innovations and the probabilities of cybersecurity governance. It concludes with three approaches to a pluralistic reconciliation between (cyber)security protection and economic liberalization through quantizing geoeconomics, including establishing a pluralistic governance model, identifying national autonomy as the governance anchor, and achieving homeostasis for regulatorycoordination. This work provides the first quantizing geoeconomics application through quantizing postcritique course; it highlights the theoretical implications of the open-realistic, quantum-based, and interdisciplinary scholarship, and calls for endeavors to experiment with quantum theories in international economic law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study has empirically examined how corruption can play a disruptive role in the progress of both domestic and national economy in India and what could be the degree of response of foreign capital inflow towards economic growth in both short run and long run since the economic liberalization. Therefore, our study has examined the effects of foreign capital inflows (i.e., remittance and foreign direct investment) on economic growth by controlling corruption, government final consumption expenditure, and trade balance over the period from 1995–1996 to 2016–2017. We have employed advance econometric models such as autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) and Bayer-Hank (B-H). Our result shows that external capital inflow, corruption, trade balance, and government consumption expenditure are all associated with economic growth for long-run development. But the inclusion of an open economy (i.e., external capital inflows and trade balance) has not shown a significant effect on regional (domestic income) development since the initiation of economic reforms of the late 1990s in India, while the closed economy parameters such as government expenditure is remaining a potential contributor for growth in both domestic and national development. Rising corruption is always a threat to the Indian economy, and control of corruption is now a major challenge for an emerging economy to sustain its growth and development. This study could be useful for policymaking on the issues of governance and investment climate not only in the domestic economy of India but also in other emerging economies at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's government has started the process of economic liberalization since the late 1970s with its own unique pattern. In less than half a century, China economy has gained significant growth. The liberalization also has gradually eliminated poverty in China significantly and has improved the quality of Chinese citizens' lives. This paper examines the impact of policies based on economic liberalization model in the Chinese government and seeks to study the relationship between economic liberalization and national security in China through a policy-driven research process. This article, examines some of the most influential economic, political, military, and environmental indicators of the Chinese government over the past few decades. From this point of view, as this article shows for the past half century, with the exception of the "environmental and climatic security", China Government has been able to improve and stabilize other Chinese national security indicators. The paper also emphasizes that the Chinese model can be replicated by less developed countries.

This paper discusses how outward-oriented industry policies are made or changed in Vietnam, an illiberal state facing a rapidly liberalizing global economy, using the case of Vietnam's automotive sector as a spearhead sector for industrialization. It provides a new perspective by highlighting collective concerns among state elites in Vietnam, a relevant but relatively overlooked factor in understanding key industrial policy reforms in Vietnam. Specifically, this study argues that the positional characters of Vietnam as an illiberal non-major state in the international asymmetrical liberal order help us see when policy reforms, particularly in outward-oriented industries, are likely to be initiated and in what forms or in what directions changes can be made. Drawing on conceptual discussions of conflicting concerns among the illiberal state elites governing developing countries in a liberalizing global economy, this paper discusses how closely major policy reforms in automotive sector are aligned with elites' interests in reducing these dual concerns in a balanced way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of the competion legislation in India has as justification the fact that the indian economiy has one of the biggest growth rates in the world, India being the biggest democracy in the world. At the begining, India had its own competition law, called the Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices Act 1969 (MRTP Act). After the initiation of the economic liberalization in 1991, it became imperative to put in place a competition law regime that was more responsive to the economic realities of the nation and in accordance with international practices. In 2002, the Indian Parliament voted a new law, Competition Act, to regulate business practices in India. The Competition Act has as goal to regulate three types of conduct (anti-competitive agreements, abuse of a dominant position and combinations). The Competition Act was amended by the Competition (Amendment) Act in 2007 and 2009. The Competition Act has also created a new enforcement body, the Competition Commission of India (CCI), which is responsible for the enforcement of the Competition Act. According to the provisions of the Competition Act, is allowed to make an appeal to the Competition Appellate Tribunal (COMPAT) against the decisions of the CCI. A further appeal from the decision of the COMPAT may be submitted before the Supreme Court of India. In the same, the Competition Act is taking into consideration its enforcement with the aid of mutual international support and enforcement networks across the world.

This study understands the rise and fall of cities as a result of colonial worldviews and practices. Based on spatial political-economic thinking, this study examines the spatial implications of Dutch colonialism on urban growth in Java during the 19th century. The practice of colonialism at that time took place in a relatively stable regional situation. The analysis of textual data from various literature indicates that the economic liberalization of Dutch colonialism in that time was a continuation of the VOC's mercantilism but with a stronger intention to control the factors of production. Territorial expansion to fertile areas indeed encouraged the emergence of medium-sized cities in the inland, but on the other hand, degenerated several older cities on the coast. Spatially, the ambitions and practices of colonialism had limited implications on urban growth. The combination of territorial and capital logic triggered political liquidation, which was reflected in the spatial pattern of urban growth. The identity and symbol of colonial power were attached as new elements to the cities. This process revealed a locational decision to channel economic benefits to strategic places for sustaining domination of power for the long term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Tempo e Argumento is the property of Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What are the driving factors for foreign direct investment liberalization in formerly communist countries? Previous research explains foreign direct investment liberalization as a function of the intensification of international commerce and democratization; however, the likes of China, Cuba, North Korea, and Vietnam hardly fit into this narrative. The following contribution makes a theoretical argument about the causes of foreign direct investment liberalization in communist authoritarian regimes with highly centralized and closed economies. We argue that foreign direct investment liberalization is caused by external shocks materializing in policy adaptations. The degree of foreign direct investment liberalization depends on the balance of power between actors who favor liberalization and actors who stand to profit from rent-seeking economies. The relative power of both factions determines the magnitude and type of foreign direct investment liberalization. We test this theoretical argument using case studies, which include China and Vietnam as representatives of gradual transitions and Cuba and North Korea as representatives of traditional rent-seeking economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Economic Administrative & Legal Sciences is the property of Arab Journal of Sciences & Research Publishing (AJSRP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Gandhi wanted the Indian economy to center around autonomous village republics rather than work on the back of large-scale industries or consumption expenditure. Gandhi’s principles for formulating his economic thoughts were based on a call to ‘return to the nature’. He would have liked people to reduce their wants in lives and to concentrate instead on development of their faculties for achievement of spiritual goals. This would not require people in villages to madly rush to cities in search of work. All people would live more fulfilling and meaningful lives. He would justify use of machines and industrial production systems in the economy only when the outcomes serviced the fundamental and most basic needs of people. This paper describes Gandhi’s economic principles in order to analyze how they contrast with the free operation of the market today which has created multiple new inequalities in society. The liberalized rapid economic growth model in India has made development of the rural sector secondary to rapid growths in trade and manufactures of consumer commodities in the urban centers. This has gone the opposite way from the paths Gandhi outlined for his country, and it has exacerbated the same societal inequalities he wanted to see reduced.

Across myriad literatures, it is widely held that expanding economic grievances induce violence, protest, or other forms of backlash. In Latin America, where economic liberalization deepened the downturn of the 'lost decade' of the 1980s (and 1990s), reform has been tightly associated with protest and mobilization. At the same time, liberal economic reforms have proven to be remarkably durable, even where long-promised benefits are hard to discern. This article makes the case that economically liberal reforms, despite inducing or deepening severe and sustained economic downturns, have actually undermined political protest. Previous work confirming the conventional wisdom foundered on two main methodological problems. First, selection into economic reform was a consequence of the very economic pain and macroeconomic imbalances it also served to induce. Secondly, because of this, these key (macro)economic characteristics are both pre- and post-treatment. Utilizing a marginal structural model approach to assess the impact of economic liberalization on protest outcomes net of this selection process, and the prior history of treatment, the study finds that painful reform reduces political protest even as it heightens grievances. This depoliticizing dynamic helps to explain the surprising durability of liberal reforms in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the efforts of India's largest private retailer of craft—Fabindia—to realize its vision of "inclusive capitalism" by creating a network of "community‐owned companies" in which artisan‐suppliers own shares. The contradictions and tensions inherent to this corporate project offer a critical vantage from which to examine processes of economic and political change both in India and globally. This ethnography reveals how the proposal to replace the traditional middleperson with a corporate body introduced new complications and conflicting interests throughout the supply chain. The competing efforts to determine the terms and nature of the relationships between supplier‐shareholders, the community‐owned companies, and Fabindia illuminate the on‐the‐ground negotiation of corporate social responsibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines common representations of religious minorities in Hindi popular cinema within the context of dominant post-Independence Indian religious and political ideologies – from a religiously pluralist secular socialist framework to a Hindu nationalist late-capitalist orientation. Since the 1990s, Hindi popular film, the Hindi sāmājik, or social, has been understood to be a legitimate conveyor of middle-class Indian values worthy of critical interpretation. This essay thus begins by examining how that legitimacy occurred and how the “Bollywood” film simultaneously became legitimate in the eyes of the Indian public and fit for discursive analysis. Yet long before the heady days of economic liberalization, ascendant Hindu nationalism, and global Indian diaspora, particular notions of Hindu dharma (variously if imperfectly translated as “cosmic order”, “duty”, “law”, “religion”) undergirded Hindi popular cinema structurally and topically. Having explained this broader dhārmik, or religious context, the essay turns to shifting representations of religious minorities, particularly Muslims, Sikhs, and Christians, by recourse to several popular Hindi films from Indian Independence to the present. Not only do newer films depict troubling representations of the religious Other, but Hindutva ascendance forces us to reexamine past films cognizant of what is to come. Reengagement with earlier films force us to note that ideological inconsistencies, tensions, and contradictions have long been manifest on the silver screen, particularly with regard to religious minorities. The essay concludes by arguing that South Asian religio-cultural traditions in all their diversity provide filmmakers with a nearly endless treasury, would that their depths be plumbed. Meanwhile, younger filmmakers are taking Hindi popular cinema in encouraging directions, with newer films reflecting the lives, artistry, and sheer impatience of India’s younger generations.

The study of the competition legislation in India has as justification the fact that the indian economy has one of the biggest growth rates in the world, India being the biggest democracy in the world. At the beginning, India had its own competition law, called the Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices Act 1969 (MRTP Act). After the initiation of economic liberalization in 1991, it became imperative to put in place a competition law regime that was more responsive to the economic realities of the nation and in accordance with international practices. In 2002, the Indian Parliament voted for a new law, Competition Act, to regulate business practices in India. The Competition Act has as its goal to regulate three types of conduct (anti-competitive agreements, abuse of a dominant position and combinations). The Competition Act was amended by the Competition (Amendment) Act in 2007 and 2009. The Competition Act has also created a new enforcement body, the Competition Commission of India (CCI), which is responsible for the enforcement of the Competition Act. According to the provisions of the Competition Act, is allowed to make an appeal to the Competition Appellate Tribunal (COMPAT) against the decisions of the CCI. A further appeal from the decision of the COMPAT may be submitted before the Supreme Court of India. In the same, the Competition Act is taking into consideration its enforcement with the aid of mutual international support and enforcement networks across the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of the competion legislation in India has as justification the fact that the indian economiy has one of the biggest growth rates in the world, India being the biggest democracy in the world. At the begining, India had its own competition law, called the Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices Act 1969 (MRTP Act). After the initiation of the economic liberalization in 1991, it became imperative to put in place a competition law regime that was more responsive to the economic realities of the nation and in accordance with international practices. In 2002, the Indian Parliament voted a new law, Competition Act, to regulate business practices in India. The Competition Act has as goal to regulate three types of conduct (anti-competitive agreements, abuse of a dominant position and combinations). The Competition Act was amended by the Competition (Amendment) Act in 2007 and 2009. The Competition Act has also created a new enforcement body, the Competition Commission of India (CCI), which is responsible for the enforcement of the Competition Act. According to the provisions of the Competition Act, is allowed to make an appeal to the Competition Appellate Tribunal (COMPAT) against the decisions of the CCI. A further appeal from the decision of the COMPAT may be submitted before the Supreme Court of India. In the same, the Competition Act is taking into consideration its enforcement with the aid of mutual international support and enforcement networks across the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue explores why the globalization backlash is roiling rich industrialized countries. But why is the backlash less salient in developing ones? In this piece, we challenge scholars to consider why the backlash has not diffused widely to the developing world. We argue support for globalization depends on citizens' expectations of future economic mobility. This is high in the early phases of globalization which encapsulates many developing economies. Since information about globalization's effects is limited, observed mobility of some sustains optimism that the new economic order will allow everyone to prosper. Over time, unrealized expectations of mobility for less-skilled workers puncture this optimism. Such workers in rich countries are long past the honeymoon phase of globalization and confronting realities of stagnant incomes and job precarity. Barring visionary policies unlikely to emerge from today's polarized politics, their discontent will soon be shared by their developing country counterparts, dooming future globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]