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The lesser long-nosed bat (Leptonycteris yerbabuenae) is a partially migratory, nectarivorous species that exhibits reproductive asynchrony across its range. Both migratory and resident populations of sexually active males of L. yerbabuenae may form an odoriferous dorsal patch during their mating season. This is created by smearing saliva, urogenital fluids, and anal secretions over the interscapular dorsal region with their feet. Dorsal patches are believed to influence female mate choice. We synthesized the sightings of male dorsal patches across the species’ range, including gathering new observations of male L. yerbabuenae with dorsal patches captured at the northern extent of their range and citing previously unreported observations that we obtained by contacting other researchers. We also conducted a literature review to include all previously documented records of male L. yerbabuenae presenting dorsal patches. We document the first observations of male L. yerbabuenae with dorsal patches in the southwestern United States. In the Big Hatchet Mountains in New Mexico, we captured 1 male with a developed dorsal patch (i. e., bare dorsal skin with sticky fur) on 25 July 2019 and two others on the night of 13 August 2019. New observations of males with developed dorsal patches were obtained from Hilltop Mine in Arizona (June 2006 or 2007) and at a hummingbird feeder at a residence near the Hilltop Mine (July 2013). A male with a recovering dorsal patch (i. e., bare dorsal skin with regenerating fur) was also captured in a roost near Patagonia, Arizona, in late August 2008 and at a hummingbird feeder at a residence near Silver City, New Mexico (September 2021). All previously published records of males with dorsal patches occurred in roosts in Mexico during known mating seasons. These new observations suggest that L. yerbabuenae may breed in New Mexico and Arizona between June and August, but follow-up studies are needed to confirm this behavior. Much of the reproductive biology of this important pollinator remains unknown. Therefore, identifying regions where males present dorsal patches may not only assist in locating and protecting mating roosts, but would also further our understanding of the population ecology of this migratory species.

In the Epilogue, the final years of George Wallace’s political and personal life are explored. Wallace’s last term as governor, his declining health, and his attempts at reconciliation are noted.

Consistent technique of demagogic rhetoric from Trump and Wallace is the creation of specific groups in which people are assigned, a demarcation of good people vs. bad people. From this, a rich flow of disinformation, propaganda, deception, half-truths and falsehoods is created to strengthen in-group thinking about those outside of the in-group. Race is often a primary boundary of such groupings. Wallace exploited race, while Trump exploited immigration to create a “rhetoric of resentment” that reinforces ideas of crises or threats to members of the in-group; grievances are amplified and advanced; xenophobia, ethnocentrism and white nationalism persist.

Chapter three explores the promotion of ideas of in-group members as victims of powerful forces poised against them, muddling issues of privilege. Victims are praised as benevolent individuals who have responded to victimization with patience and kindness, a patience that has run dry. Special emphasis is placed upon articulating problems and the impact of those upon in-group members; also included are attacks upon those offering solutions, ridiculing them as cowards caving in to exotic minority demands. Minorities and the media attention they generate further fuels such feelings of victimhood. This type of demagogic rhetoric requires claims that the triumph of in-group members or “good people” is ultimately pre-determined.

Fierce antipathy of the establishment is used to reinforce ideas of in-group identity focused on government, media, education and all institutional forces. A basis for these feelings is a belief that Wallace/Trump were among a rare number of authentic and honest establishment figures, while other leaders have led the masses astray. Supporters are signalled that the establishment is most concerned with “exotic” minority groups; for Wallace this included integration of universities and schools. Historic slights are often revived, including revisionist view of Civil War as “the Lost Cause” to support feelings of powerlessness against establishment forces pushing political and social change.

This chapter studies the emphasis on the role “spectacle” plays in media and political discourse and media reliance upon hot or controversial imagery. Politics of instinct over intellect are also explored. Candidates display a commitment to controversy as support for counter subversive activities; moral passions are inflamed and threats are increased. There is an emerging role of new media in Wallace’s era (television) and Trump’s era (social media) in interpreting culture, society and politics. “Performance” or role-playing by the candidate becomes paramount in an era of low-information voters who quickly categorize candidates and ignore intricacies of issues and policies. Campaign rallies form a central aspect of the spectacle and provide a choreographed stage for the candidate’s performance. The author examines the role of the media as a co-conspirator in keeping the “show” or “spectacle” alive to maintain readers/audience.

The introduction establishes the baseline similarities between the Donald Trump and George Wallace presidential campaigns and outlines the rhetorical strategies to be analyzed in the following chapters. Though vast differences exist, the commonalities tied to the demagogic rhetoric of the two men provides a framework to understand these times—and perhaps a valuable warning about what is possible in our highly digitized information society.

It didn’t take long for comparisons between Donald J. Trump and George C. Wallace to emerge. Entering Presidential politics in 2016 with language that startled many – referring to the nation as a “dumping ground” and labeling Mexican immigrants to the U.S. (presumably documented and undocumented) as “murderers and rapists” – Trump revived the Wallace politics of resentment. Rhetoric based in insult, resentment, xenophobia, and even anger was the guidebook for Trump’s candidacy, and none of it seemed to slow down his quest for the White House. His voters excused such excesses as just part of the show, part of Trump “telling it like it is,” just as they had four decades earlier for Wallace. The contrasts and comparisons between Trump and Wallace are valid, and at the center of this examination. But beyond a reciting, however, of the instances where their speech and approaches broke new ground for political venom and contempt, a rhetorical analysis of the two men and their campaigns provides valuable insights. Such an analysis helps in understanding American politics in Wallace and Trump eras separated by almost half a century, but ones sharing the tumult and discomfort of profound change facing the nation. Considered through a frame of rhetorical analysis, especially one embracing ideas forwarded about “demagogic rhetoric,” we gain a greater perspective on these two men, and what their campaigns mean about them, but also what they mean and represent about ourselves. Through the lens of ideas posited by rhetorical scholars, along with a deep look at primary and secondary sources from the Wallace years, we can begin to understand how we have arrived in the Trump era that seems so antithetical to what has come before.

This chapter explores the role of media in covering political campaigns as adventure and entertainment, with a lack of focus on issues or policy discussion. Public imagery and public relations aspects override examination of thorough appraisal of candidate positions. The author examines: symbiotic relationship of the media and candidates; creation of “good copy” for reporters; development of relationships between journalists and campaigns. There is a trend of placing blame on the media for simmering discontent and controversy – “blame the messenger.” Increased uses and gratifications by media audiences moves political discourse more toward entertainment. The author investigates the growing resentment of and threats to a free press, the supplanting traditional media via social media, and the “dramatic potential” of television to cast candidates as characters, allowing them to override issues of absence of logic, pandering, or manipulation.

This chapter provides explanations for Trump’s success where Wallace found only electoral failure. The author explores: vast similarities between the candidates where braggadocious and mockery are respected and enjoyed aspects of speech, but differences in their “back story” and persona before the media; skewed ideas of success versus failure; influence of money upon political campaigns. Tight controls placed upon media exposure to the candidate via rallies or other favourable backdrops, as opposed to interviews, are examined, along with an emphasis upon the aesthetic and/or physical dimensions of the candidate rather than their positions on issues.

AIM: The Mexican long‐tongued bat (Choeronycteris mexicana), Mexican long‐nosed bat (Leptonycteris nivalis) and lesser long‐nosed bat (Leptonycteris yerbabuenae) (Phyllostomidae: Glossophaginae) undertake long‐distance migrations from south‐central Mexico to the south‐western United States. It is proposed that these bats migrate along a nectar corridor of columnar cacti and Agave species, but this has not been tested with independent data and the spatiotemporal nature of this relationship is poorly understood. Our goal was to test this nectar corridor hypothesis and determine the relative importance of food plant and abiotic variables to the distribution and seasonal movements of these migratory nectarivores. LOCATION: Mexico and the south‐western United States. METHODS: We generated species distribution models (SDMs) of documented food plants for these bats. We then created SDMs for each bat following a model selection approach, using food plant and abiotic predictor variables. We modelled migration pathways for C. mexicana and L. yerbabuenae using circuit theory and seasonal SDMs based on seasonally available food plants. MAIN CONCLUSIONS: Food plants were more important than climatic and topographic variables in shaping the distribution of these bats. The most important predictors of distribution were Agave, columnar cacti and species richness of food plants. Species richness of food plants was the most consistently important variable, but the components of this diversity varied by bat species: Choeronycteris mexicana was influenced by Agave and cacti; Leptonycteris nivalis was influenced solely by Agave; Leptonycteris yerbabuenae was influenced more generally by cacti, Agave and C3 plants. Migration models for C. mexicana and L. yerbabuenae provided independent support for the nectar corridor hypothesis and indicate shifts in relative importance of specific food plants throughout the year. These results suggest that conservation of these bats should focus more broadly on management for species richness of food plants, especially in tropical dry forests.

Migratory nectarivorous bats provide important ecological services throughout their ranges, particularly for their food plants. These services include pollinating food plants, dispersing seeds, and reducing genetic isolation in plant populations. However, many important food plants occur in imperiled ecosystems, particularly in tropical dry forests. We assessed the conservation status of lands containing high richness of food plants for three migratory nectarivores—the Mexican long-tongued bat (Choeronycteris mexicana), the Mexican long-nosed bat (Leptonycteris nivalis), and the lesser long-nosed bat (Leptonycteris yerbabuenae)—throughout their ranges including migratory, transition, and resident habitat zones. We found low to moderate levels of land protection in regions with high chiropterophilic plant diversity, but this may be offset by sustainable agroforestry, cultivation, and in-situ management. The models we used are available as an ArcGIS map package to help allocate conservation and restoration efforts on the ground. Our results support the need for greater land protection throughout the Sierra Madre Occidental and Sierra Madre Oriental to increase contiguity of protected lands and potential stopover habitat for migratory nectarivorous bats. Additionally, our data show the need for greater land protection in southern resident zones to enhance year-round habitat for nectarivorous bats in the face of rapid deforestation.

This chapter looks at geographic regions and policy areas where Putin’s Russia has become increasingly influential. It examines in depth the three policy areas of special importance to Russian grand strategy—energy, particularly oil and gas; non-energy trade; and national and political security. It provides overviews of Russian power projection in the Middle East, including Syria, Libya, Egypt, Iran, and Israel; Eastern and Western Europe; Latin America, including Venezuela; and sub-Saharan African countries. The chapter concludes that Russian power resources are varied and that Russian influence has increased globally since the mid-2000s in particular.

Beyond its reformed and upgraded traditional military capabilities, Russia under Vladimir Putin’s regime has also developed some new abilities and redeployed some old Soviet-era techniques to battle the West for global hearts and minds. In one sense they are forms of soft power as understood by Joseph Nye. These are power assets like the use of social media to promote Russian interests, traditional media, cultural centers, and goodwill emergency aid, but distinct from the way Nye defines the term as a passive pull toward the goals of a particular country’s preferences, Russian policymakers have used soft power to in a sense “wage friendship.” That is, they employ soft power resources as part of their foreign policy toolkit to further state interests. This chapter also looks at what has become known as “sharp” power—which includes cyber means to shape information environments in Russia’s favor. Various aspects of Russian sharp power include cyber theft and release of information, planting false stories and using fake social media accounts to launder and amplify a message, as well as purchasing Facebook and Twitter ads to further preferred candidates in foreign elections. The chapter includes a discussion of Russian use of sharp power capabilities in the US presidential election in 2016, as well as elsewhere.

This chapter surveys how and in what policy areas Russia under Vladimir Putin exercises influence over the politics, economies, and societies of other post-Soviet states. It explicitly compares Russian power resources in each of the fourteen other former Soviet republics, and surveys the ways in which his autocratic regime has employed its varied power resources to change policies in the near abroad. It concludes that Russian influence has been used differently in the more Western-leaning, liberalized former republics, like Ukraine, Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, and Moldova, as opposed to the autocracies of Central Asia, and Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Belarus.

Russia has developed outsized influence in international politics in the twenty-first century, although on paper it does not have the traditional means of power that the United States or China does, for example. Yet, if we look beyond traditional realist measures of power in international relations of human capital, size of the military, and economic means, to also include the relative scope and weight of Russian influence in key policy areas, as well as assessing its geographic domain of influence under Vladimir Putin, Russia is not as weak relative to other great powers as it might at first appear. Under Putin’s autocracy, his regime has also become more willing to project power abroad in order to maintain domestic stability.

This chapter examines Russia’s renewed defensive and offensive capabilities. It defines hard power as conventional and nuclear forces. The chapter compares Russian military power to that of the United States and China. The material in this chapter demonstrates that Russia has rebuilt and modernized its hard power resources considerably since the 2008 military reform. In some areas, by 2020, Russia was capable of seriously challenging NATO’s combined capabilities. The chapter covers the New Look military reforms that began in 2008 in Russia. It looks also at Russian spending on the military in dollar and ruble terms in order to get a more complete understanding of how much Russia actually spends compared to the United States and China. It provides a detailed overview of Russia’s existing conventional capabilities in land, sea, and air, as well as comparative nuclear upgrades.

This chapter looks at the Russian economy as a means of international power projection. It refutes the idea that it is a clear brake on Russia under Putin’s global ambitions. Although the Russian economy is still far too dependent on oil and gas revenues, there has been some modest diversification, and it has grown slowly even under sanctions imposed since 2014 by the United States and Europe. Still, there has been too little investment in the development of new technologies and in Russian higher education, and too often state enterprises are used as instruments in Russian foreign policy under Putin’s autocracy.

This book refutes the idea that Russia plays a weak hand well in international politics. The book argues instead that Russia under Vladimir Putin’s regime may not be as weak as is sometimes thought in the West. It takes a multidimensional approach in assessing Russian state power in international relations, going beyond metrics of power like relative strength of the economy, human capital, and size of the military, to also include the policy weight or importance of Russian firms and industries, as well as where, geographically, Russian influence has spread globally. The book includes fresh empirical data on the Russian economy, demography and human capital, and conventional military and nuclear weaponry capacities in Russia relative to other great powers like China and the United States. The book argues that realpolitik alone does not explain Russian foreign policy choices under Putin. Rather, Putin’s patronal autocratic regime and the need for social stability play an important role in understanding when and why Russian power is projected in the twenty-first century.

This chapter examines the growth of Russian human capital since the collapse of the Soviet Union in order to understand whether the health and demography of the population can support the country’s foreign policies under Vladimir Putin. It examines trends of stubbornly low, although improving, life expectancy, and fertility, high male mortality, emigration and immigration trends, and overall population growth in the post-communist period. The chapter also looks at the effects of high Russian social inequality and wealth concentration. In order to understand whether Russian social trends are supportive of increasing the global reach of the country under Putin’s leadership, the chapter also looks at post-secondary educational reforms in Russia, and the degree to which the Russian labor force is prepared to support increased economic growth in Russia.

Sexual violence victimization is a prevalent public health concern. However, little research has investigated the factors linking sexual violence victimization to suicidal thoughts and behaviors (STBs). The current study tested the applicability of the psychological mediation framework, a coping-mental health model, for the prevention of STBs among victims of sexual youviolence. Furthermore, the current study explored whether sexual orientation moderated the progression from sexual violence victimization to STBs. Data were drawn from an online survey of victimization experiences and health (N = 2175). Bootstrap mediation tested whether the association of sexual violence victimization and STBs was mediated by emotion regulation strategies (cognitive reappraisal and expressive suppression) and psychopathology (anxiety, depression, and posttraumatic stress disorder). Multiple-groups analysis tested whether links within the mediation effects varied by sexual orientation. Bivariate findings showed that: (1) sexual minority persons were more likely to report sexual violence victimization and (2) cognitive reappraisal was more meaningfully associated with mental health among sexual minority persons. Sexual violence victimization was associated with STBs via a serial mediation through emotion regulation and psychopathology. The association between psychopathology and STBs was stronger among sexual minority compared with heterosexual respondents. Physical violence victimization was associated with STBs for heterosexual but not sexual minority persons in a follow-up model. Findings support an emotion regulation-mental health framework for the prevention of suicide among victims of sexual violence. Research and training implications are discussed.

Water is vital for the survival of any species because of its key role in most physiological processes. However, little is known about the non-food-related water sources exploited by arboreal mammals, the seasonality of their drinking behavior and its potential drivers, including diet composition, temperature, and rainfall. We investigated this subject in 14 wild groups of brown howler monkeys (Alouatta guariba clamitans) inhabiting small, medium, and large Atlantic Forest fragments in southern Brazil. We found a wide variation in the mean rate of drinking among groups (range = 0–16 records/day). Streams (44% of 1,258 records) and treeholes (26%) were the major types of water sources, followed by bromeliads in the canopy (16%), pools (11%), and rivers (3%). The type of source influenced whether howlers used a hand to access the water or not. Drinking tended to be evenly distributed throughout the year, except for a slightly lower number of records in the spring than in the other seasons, but it was unevenly distributed during the day. It increased in the afternoon in all groups, particularly during temperature peaks around 15:00 and 17:00. We found via generalized linear mixed modelling that the daily frequency of drinking was mainly influenced negatively by flower consumption and positively by weekly rainfall and ambient temperature, whereas fragment size and the consumption of fruit and leaves played negligible roles. Overall, we confirm the importance of preformed water in flowers to satisfy the howler’s water needs, whereas the influence of the climatic variables is compatible with the ‘thermoregulation/dehydration-avoiding hypothesis’. In sum, we found that irrespective of habitat characteristics, brown howlers seem to seek a positive water balance by complementing the water present in the diet with drinking water, even when it is associated with a high predation risk in terrestrial sources. Coordinación de la formación del personal de nivel superior/[2755/2010]/CAPES/Brasil National Council for scientific and Technological Development/[303306/2013-0]/CNPq/Brasil National Council for scientific and Technological Development/[304475/2018-1]/CNPq/Brasil National Council for scientific and Technological Development/[140641/2016-5]/CNPq/Brasil UCR::Vicerrectoría de Docencia::Ciencias Básicas::Facultad de Ciencias::Escuela de Biología

Water is vital for the survival of any species because of its key role in most physiological processes. However, little is known about the non-food-related water sources exploited by arboreal mammals, the seasonality of their drinking behavior and its potential drivers (including diet composition, temperature, and rainfall). We investigated this subject in 14 wild groups of brown howler monkeys (Alouatta guariba clamitans) inhabiting small, medium, and large Atlantic Forest fragments in southern Brazil. We found a wide variation in the mean rate of drinking among groups (range=0-16 records/day). Streams (44% of 1,258 records) and treeholes (26%) were the major types of water sources, followed by bromeliads in the canopy (16%), pools (11%), and rivers (3%). The type of source influenced whether howlers used a hand to access the water or not. Drinking tended to be evenly distributed throughout the year, except for a slightly lower number of records in the spring than in the other seasons, but it was unevenly distributed during the day. It increased in the afternoon in all groups, particularly during temperature peaks around 15:00 and 17:00. We found via generalized linear mixed modelling that the daily frequency of drinking was mainly influenced by flower (negatively) and leaf (positively) consumption, whereas fruit consumption, fragment size, rainfall, and mean ambient temperature played negligible roles. The influence of leaf consumption is compatible with the ‘metabolite detoxification hypothesis,’ which states that the processing of this fibrous food requires the ingestion of larger volumes of water to help in the detoxification/excretion of its metabolites. In sum, we found that irrespective of habitat size and climatic conditions, brown howlers seem to seek a positive water balance by complementing preformed and metabolic water with drinking water, even when it is associated with a high predation risk in terrestrial sources.

Objectives Prolene polypropylene ("Prolene") meshes demonstrate no in vivo degradation, yet some claim degradation continues until no more Prolene polypropylene can be oxidized. We studied whether implantation time affects the morphology/extent of previously reported as cracking/degradation of completely cleaned Prolene explants. Methods Urogynecological explants (248 patients) were collected. After excluding non-Prolene/unknown meshes and those without known implantation times, completely cleaned explants (n = 205; 0.2-14.4 years implantation) were analyzed with light microscopy, scanning electron microscopy, and Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy. Based on implant times and storage (fixative or dry), representative specimens were randomly selected for comparison. Controls were unused ("exemplar") TVT specimens with and without intentional oxidation via ultraviolet light exposure. Results Prolene explants included 31 dry (18 TVT; 7 Prolift; 4 Gynemesh; 2 others) and 174 wet (87 TVT; 47 Prolift; 10 Gynemesh; 30 others) specimens. Specimens had similar morphologies before cleaning. Progressive cleaning removed tissue and cracked tissue-related material exposing smooth, unoxidized, and nondegraded fibers, with no visible gradient-type/ductile damage. Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy of the explants confirmed progressive loss of proteins. Cleaning intentionally oxidized exemplars did not remove oxidized carbonyl frequencies and showed deep cracks and gross fiber rupture/embrittlement, unlike the explants and nonoxidized exemplars. Conclusions If in vivo Prolene degradation exists, there should be wide-ranging crack morphology and nonuniform crack penetration, as well as more cracking, degradation, and physical breakage for implants of longer implantation times, but this was not the case. There is no morphologic or spectral/chemical evidence of Prolene mesh degradation after up to 14.4 years in vivo.

We demonstrate Ramsey-Borde (RB) atom interferometry for high performance laser stabilization with fractional frequency instability

Shilts comes “out” to his parents and family. Graduating from the University of Oregon, journalism jobs remained elusive for Shilts. Shilts begins work as a freelance writer for The Advocate, later hired as a full-time correspondent and relocates from Oregon to San Francisco. Shilts’s reporting covers some of the nation’s earliest gay rights efforts via state legislatures and courts, employment discrimination, parental rights, youth suicide, alcoholism/drug abuse, and social issues confronting LGBT individuals. Early stories on communicable and sexually transmitted diseases among gay men. Shilts clashes with David Goodstein, The Advocate’s publisher. Shilts meets his first lover, Daniel Yoder, while traveling the U.S. covering efforts to repeal non-discrimination laws in various cities, including Anita Bryant’s “Save Our Children” effort in Miami, Florida.

Shilts struggles to overcome obstacles from being an openly gay reporter as his job at KQED officially comes to an end. Jobless again with no prospects in view, Shilts falls into a hole of drinking and marijuana use. Going back to freelance writing jobs to survive, Shilts’s coverage of the assassination of Milk and Moscone draws the attention of New York City editors who ask him to write up a proposal for a biography of Milk. Shilts undertakes well-researched and positively reviewed book on Milk’s life. Shilts’s work on the Milk bio also takes in important aspects of the growing gay community in San Francisco. Shilts embraces a “new journalism” writing style he admires from novelist James Michener.

Shilts steps out as a spokesman against gay bathhouses, admitting he once patronized them himself. ACT-UP members focus their vitriol on Shilts, Shilts turns his criticism on ACT-UP tactics. Although tapped to host a public television special, “Wrestling with AIDS,” Shilts ends a prolific year of writing about AIDS by announcing he was leaving the beat at the start of 1990. Shilts criticizes “lavender fascists” involved with the National Gay & Lesbian Journalists Association. Shilts states opposition to outing unless under specific circumstances. Shilts keeps focus on elimination promiscuous sexual contact among gay men as a means to stop AIDS crisis.

Shilts joins The San Francisco Chronicle as its first openly gay reporter on the newsroom staff. Hired to cover the “gay beat” in San Francisco, Shilts also is given general assignment stories. Shilts coordinates Chronicle coverage of the deadly October 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake. Newsroom colleagues overcome suspicions of the new “gay reporter” as Shilts lobbies publishers for non-discrimination policies and domestic partner benefits. Shilts picks up on rumors of a “gay cancer” affecting gay men in the Castro district. Reporting includes very first stories attempting to link exotic immune system related diseases with homosexual men in San Francisco and elsewhere. Shilts is becomes convinced the AIDS story is a major story and devotes himself nearly full-time to the subject.