Search

Improving prescribing antibiotics appropriately for respiratory infections in primary care is an antimicrobial stewardship priority. There is limited evidence to support interventions to reduce prescribing antibiotics in out-of-hours (OOH) primary care. Herein, we report a service innovation where point-of-care C-Reactive Protein (CRP) machines were introduced to three out-of-hours primary care clinical bases in England from August 2018–December 2019, which were compared with four control bases that did not have point-of-care CRP testing. We undertook a mixed-method evaluation, including a comparative interrupted time series analysis to compare monthly antibiotic prescription rates between bases with CRP machines and those without, an analysis of the number of and reasons for the tests performed, and qualitative interviews with clinicians. Antibiotic prescription rates declined during follow-up, but with no clear difference between the two groups of out-of-hours practices. A single base contributed 217 of the 248 CRP tests performed. Clinicians reported that the tests supported decision making and communication about not prescribing antibiotics, where having ‘objective’ numbers were helpful in navigating non-prescribing decisions and highlighted the challenges of training a fluctuant staff group and practical concerns about using the CRP machine. Service improvements to reduce prescribing antibiotics in out-of-hours primary care need to be developed with an understanding of the needs and context of this service.

Visually judging the sex of another can be achieved easily in most social encounters. When the signals that inform such judgements are weak (e.g. outdoors at night), observers tend to expect the presence of males-an expectation that may facilitate survival-critical decisions under uncertainty. The present aim was to examine whether this male bias depends on expertise. To that end, Caucasian and Asian observers targeted female and male hand images that were either the same or different to the observers' race (i.e. long term experience was varied) while concurrently, the proportion of targets changed across presentation blocks (i.e. short term experience change). It was thus found that: (i) observers of own-race stimuli were more likely to report the presence of males and absence of females, however (ii) observers of other-race stimuli--while still tending to accept stimuli as male--were not prone to rejecting female cues. Finally, (iii) male-biased measures did not track the relative frequency of targets or lures, disputing the notion that male bias derives from prior expectation about the number of male exemplars in a set. Findings are discussed in concert with the pan-stimulus model of human sex perception.

Physical inversion of whole or partial human body representations typically has catastrophic consequences on the observer's ability to perform visual processing tasks. Explanations usually focus on the effects of inversion on the visual system's ability to exploit configural or structural relationships, but more recently have also implicated motion or kinematic cue processing. Here, we systematically tested the role of both on perceptions of sex from upright and inverted point-light walkers. Our data suggest that inversion results in systematic degradations of the processing of kinematic cues. Specifically and intriguingly, they reveal sex-based kinematic differences: Kinematics characteristic of females generally are resistant to inversion effects, while those of males drive systematic sex misperceptions . Implications of the findings are discussed.

Sex perceptions, or more particularly, sex discriminations and sex categorisations, are high-value social behaviours. They mediate almost all inter-personal interactions. The two experiments reported here had the aim of exploring some of the basic characteristics of the processes giving rise to sex perceptions. Experiment 1 confirmed that human hands can be used as a cue to an individual's sex even when colour and texture cues are removed and presentations are brief. Experiment 1 also showed that when hands are sexually ambiguous observers tend to classify them as male more often than female. Experiment 2 showed that "male bias" arises not from sensitivity differences but from differences in response biases. Observers are conservative in their judgements of targets as female but liberal in their judgements of targets as male. These data, combined with earlier reports, suggest the existence of a sex-perception space that is cue-invariant.

Johnson and Tassinary (2005) proposed that visually perceived sex is signalled by structural or form cues. They suggested also that biological motion cues signal sex, but do so indirectly. We previously have shown that auditory cues can mediate visual sex perceptions (van der Zwan et al., 2009). Here we demonstrate that structural cues to body shape are alone sufficient for visual sex discriminations but that biological motion cues alone are not. Interestingly, biological motions can resolve ambiguous structural cues to sex, but so can olfactory cues even when those cues are not salient. To accommodate these findings we propose an alternative model of the processes mediating visual sex discriminations: Form cues can be used directly if they are available and unambiguous. If there is any ambiguity other sensory cues are used to resolve it, suggesting there may exist sex-detectors that are stimulus independent.

The mass media has ensured that the challenging and complex phenomenon of climate change now has the household familiarity of a brand name. But what is it that is understood by climate change, and by whom? What frame of reference is drawn upon to communicate meaningfully about climate change? Do particular subgroups within our society hold different understandings, or have the debate and the prolific dissemination of information about this issue coalesced around a core perception or image of what climate change is? To answer these questions, we conceptualized climate change within the theory of social representations as emergent socially constructed knowledge. We analyzed word association data collected in Australia from persons identifying as having a scientific, government, or general public background (N = 3300). All respondents were asked to write the first words that came to mind when they thought about climate change. Comparative analyses of the word associations reveal that respondents from different backgrounds define climate change in different ways. The results suggest that there is a common core set of concepts shared by the different groups, but there are also a great many differences in how climate change is framed and conceived by respondents. The results are discussed in relation to what they imply for responses to climate change by these social groups and in relation to interventions designed to encourage climate adaptation.