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INTRODUCTION: A growing number of state legislatures have passed laws that restrict access to abortion care after a specified gestational age (gestational age limit laws). The impact of these laws on maternal and child population health outcomes and inequities is unknown. The objective of this study is to determine whether states that implement gestational age limit laws experience subsequent changes in rates of infant mortality. METHODS: Using U.S. population-based data from the National Center for Health Statistics Linked Infant Birth-Death Files (2005–2017), difference-in-differences models were estimated using multivariable linear regressions to compare trends in infant mortality (all-cause and cause-specific rates) in states with gestational age limit laws relative to states without such laws. Models stratified by maternal racial/ethnic group explored racial heterogeneity in the law’s impact. Data were analyzed in 2020. RESULTS: This study included 16,232,133 births in states that enacted a gestation age limit abortion law and 36,472,309 births in states that did not from 2005 to 2017. In difference-in-difference analyses, gestational age limit laws were associated with 0.23 excess infant deaths per 1,000 live births (95% CI=0.09, 0.37, p

OBJECTIVE: To estimate the national pregnancy-associated homicide mortality ratio, characterize pregnancy-associated homicide victims, and compare the risk of homicide in the perinatal period (pregnancy and up to 1 year postpartum) with risk among nonpregnant, nonpostpartum females aged 10–44 years. METHODS: Data from the National Center for Health Statistics 2018 and 2019 mortality files were used to identify all female decedents aged 10–44 in the United States. These data were used to estimate 2-year pregnancy-associated homicide mortality ratios (deaths/100,000 live births) for comparison with homicide mortality among nonpregnant, nonpostpartum females (deaths/100,000 population) and to mortality ratios for direct maternal causes of death. We compared characteristics and estimated homicide mortality rate ratios and 95% CIs between pregnant or postpartum and nonpregnant, nonpostpartum victims for the total population and with stratification by race and ethnicity and age. RESULTS: There were 3.62 homicides per 100,000 live births among females who were pregnant or within 1 year postpartum, 16% higher than homicide prevalence among nonpregnant and nonpostpartum females of reproductive age (3.12 deaths/100,000 population, P

Homicide is a leading cause of death among women who are pregnant and up to one year postpartum in the United States. Most incidents are perpetrated by an intimate partner with a firearm. Some stat...

Objectives. To examine associations between state-level variation in abortion-restricting policies in 2015 and total maternal mortality (TMM), maternal mortality (MM), and late maternal mortality (LMM) from 2015 to 2018 in the United States. Methods. We derived an abortion policy composite index for each state based on 8 state-level abortion-restricting policies. We fit ecological state-level generalized linear Poisson regression models with robust standard errors to estimate 4-year TMM, MM, and LMM rate ratios and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) associated with a 1-unit increase in the abortion index, adjusting for state-level covariates. Results. States with the higher score of abortion policy composite index had a 7% increase in TMM (adjusted rate ratio [ARR] = 1.07; 95% CI = 1.02, 1.12) compared with states with lower abortion policy composite index, after we adjusted for state-level covariates. Among individual abortion policies, states with a licensed physician requirement had a 51% higher TMM (ARR = 1.51; 95% CI = 1.15, 1.99) and a 35% higher MM (ARR = 1.35; 95% CI = 1.09, 1.67), and states with restrictions on Medicaid coverage of abortion care had a 29% higher TMM (ARR = 1.29; 95% CI = 1.03, 1.61). Conclusions. Restricting access to abortion care at the state level may increase the risk for TMM.

Pregnancy-associated homicide remains an understudied yet critical issue. Using restricted use mortality files provided by the National Center for Health Statistics and the National Violent Death Reporting System, annual state-level pregnancy-associated homicide ratios were estimated as the count of deaths divided by the number of live births. The exposure, the state Gini index, was categorized into tertiles to compare states by levels of income inequality. In the final adjusted longitudinal linear model, those who experienced the greatest amount of income inequality had a significant 1.28 per 100,000 homicide rate when compared to the lowest income inequality tertile.

Background Maternal mortality is an issue of growing concern in the United States, where the incidence of death during pregnancy and postpartum seems to be increasing. The purpose of this analysis was to explore whether residing in a maternity care desert (defined as a county with no hospital offering obstetric care and no OB/GYN or certified nurse midwife providers) was associated with risk of death during pregnancy and up to 1 year postpartum among women in Louisiana from 2016 to 2017. Methods Data provided by the March of Dimes were used to classify Louisiana parishes by level of access to maternity care. Using data on all pregnancy-associated deaths verified by the Louisiana Department of Health (n = 112 from 2016 to 2017) and geocoded live births occurring in Louisiana during the same time period (n = 101,484), we fit adjusted modified Poisson regression models with generalized estimating equations and exploratory spatial analysis to identify significant associations between place of residence and risk of death. Results We found that the risk of death during pregnancy and up to 1 year postpartum owing to any cause (pregnancy-associated mortality) and in particular death owing to obstetric causes (pregnancy-related mortality) was significantly elevated among women residing in maternity care deserts compared with women in areas with greater access (adjusted risk ratio [aRR] for pregnancy-associated mortality, 1.91; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.15–3.18; aRR for pregnancy-related mortality, 3.37; 95% CI, 1.71–6.65). A large racial inequity in risk persisted above and beyond differences in geographic access to maternity care (non-Hispanic Black vs. non-Hispanic White aRR for pregnancy-associated mortality, 2.22; 95% CI, 1.39–3.56; aRR for pregnancy-related mortality, 2.66; 95% CI, 1.16–6.12). Conclusions Ensuring access to maternity care may be an important step toward maternal mortality prevention, but may alone be insufficient for achieving maternal health equity.

BackgroundWhile evidence shows considerable geographic variations in county-level racial inequities in infant mortality, the role of structural racism across urban–rural lines remains unexplored. The objective of this study was to examine the associations between county-level structural racism (racial inequity in educational attainment, median household income and jail incarceration) and infant mortality and heterogeneity between urban and rural areas.MethodsUsing linked live birth/infant death data provided by the National Center for Health Statistics, we calculated overall and race-specific 2013–2017 5-year infant mortality rates (IMRs) per 1000 live births in every county. Racially stratified and area-stratified negative binomial regression models estimated IMR ratios and 95% CIs associated with structural racism indicators, adjusting for county-level confounders. Adjusted linear regression models estimated associations between structural racism indicators and the absolute and relative racial inequity in IMR.ResultsIn urban counties, structural racism indicators were associated with 7%–8% higher black IMR, and an overall structural racism score was associated with 9% greater black IMR; however, these findings became insignificant when adjusting for the region. In white population, structural racism indicators and the overall structural racism score were associated with a 6% decrease in urban white IMR. Both absolute and relative racial inequity in IMR were exacerbated in urban counties with greater levels of structural racism.ConclusionsOur findings highlight the complex relationship between structural racism and population health across urban–rural lines and suggest its contribution to the maintenance of health inequities in urban settings.

There is growing interest in the development of evidence supporting therapeutic interventions in social work. Few examples, however, exist, of the use of validated instrumentation in measuring the impact of services upon children and families. We report here on the use of a suite of validated instruments to measure the impact of services on children and their parents in receipt of services provided by an Irish Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) across their seven family centres. The NGO engaged a team of university-based researchers who provided training in the use of validated instruments, monitored implementation of their use and analysed the resulting data. Over a two-year period, 968 families were surveyed at Time 1 (entering the service), with 452 completing surveys at Time 2 (leaving the service). The results indicate a decrease in children’s emotional and social problems, with those with highest scores at Time 1 making most progress by Time 2. Similarly, it was evident that interventions had a positive impact upon parental mental health and, with regard to child–parent relationships, both children and their parents reported positive changes. Such findings lay emphasis on the importance of measuring the impact of services on individual psychological functioning and interfamilial relationships.

Previous studies suggest that family members of people with intellectual disabilities prefer them to move to supervised living arrangements such as group homes. In Ireland, personalised arrangements are emerging, but families have had little exposure to this option. In this qualitative study, we explored the perspectives of family members following their relative’s move to personalised support options, mostly from group homes. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in 2011 with a family member of 17 people who had previously moved, with follow-up interviews held with 12 of them up to 18 months later. Thematic analysis on interview transcripts was conducted by three researchers. The family members spoke favourably of the new arrangements. A core theme of enabled independence emerged with subthemes of greater self-reliance in personal care, increased confidence, more social inclusion and gains for relatives. Reservations focussed on the need for more support hours, managing risk and loneliness.

Homicide is a leading cause of death among women who are pregnant and up to one year postpartum in the United States. Most incidents are perpetrated by an intimate partner with a firearm. Some states have implemented laws that prohibit firearm possession by perpetrators of domestic violence and, in some instances, include explicit statutory language mandating relinquishment of firearms once a person has become prohibited from possessing them. We examined the impact of these policies on state-level rates of homicide among pregnant and postpartum women during the period 2011–19. We found that state laws prohibiting possession of firearms and requiring relinquishment of firearms by people convicted of domestic violence–related misdemeanors were associated with substantial reductions in homicide of pregnant and postpartum women. State policy makers should consider further strengthening domestic violence–related firearm regulations and their enforcement to prevent homicide of pregnant and postpartum women.

Background A growing body of evidence is beginning to highlight how mass incarceration shapes inequalities in population health. Non-Hispanic blacks are disproportionately affected by incarceration and criminal law enforcement, an enduring legacy of a racially-biased criminal justice system with broad health implications for black families and communities. Louisiana has consistently maintained one of the highest rates of black incarceration in the nation. Concurrently, large racial disparities in population health persist. Methods We conducted a cross-sectional analysis of all births among non-Hispanic black women in Louisiana in 2014 to identify associations between parish-level (county equivalent) prevalence of jail incarceration within the black population and adverse birth outcomes (N = 23,954). We fit a log-Poisson model with generalized estimating equations to approximate the relative risk of preterm birth and low birth weight associated with an interquartile range increase in incarceration, controlling for confounders. In sensitivity analyses, we additionally adjusted for the parish-level index crime prevalence and analyzed regression models wherein white incarceration was used to predict the risk of adverse birth outcomes in order to quantify the degree to which mass incarceration may harm health above and beyond living in a high crime area. Results There was a significant 3% higher risk of preterm birth among black women associated with an interquartile range increase in the parish-level incarceration prevalence of black individuals, independent of other factors. Adjusting for the prevalence of index crimes did not substantively change the results of the models. Conclusion Due to the positive significant associations between the prevalence of black individuals incarcerated in Louisiana jails and estimated risk of preterm birth, mass incarceration may be an underlying cause of the persistent inequities in reproductive health outcomes experienced by black women in Louisiana. Not only are there economic and social impacts stemming from mass incarceration, but there may also be implications for population health and health inequities, including the persistence of racial disparities in preterm birth and low birth weight.

Introduction Reproductive rights policies can potentially support or inhibit individuals’ abilities to attain the highest standard of reproductive and sexual health; however, research is limited on how broader social policies may differentially impact women of color and immigrants in the U.S. This study examines the associations among state-level reproductive rights policies, race, and nativity status with preterm birth and low birth weight in the U.S. Methods This was a retrospective, cross-sectional analysis of all births occurring within all the 50 states and the District of Columbia using vital statistics birth record data in 2016 (N=3,945,875). Modified log-Poisson regression models with generalized estimating equations were fitted to estimate the RR of preterm birth and low birth weight associated with tertiles of the reproductive rights policies index. Analyses were conducted between 2019 and 2020. Results Compared with women in states with the most restrictive reproductive rights policies, women living in the least restrictive states had a 7% lower low birth weight risk (adjusted RR=0.93, 95% CI=0.88, 0.99). In particular, low birth weight risk was 8% lower among Black women living in the least restrictive states than among their counterparts living in the most restrictive states (adjusted RR=0.92, 95% CI=0.86, 0.99). In addition, low birth weight risk was 6% lower among U.S.-born Black women living in the least restrictive states than among those living in the most restrictive states, but this was marginally significant (adjusted RR=0.94, 95% CI=0.89, 1.00). No other significant associations were found for race–nativity-stratified models. Conclusions Women living in states with fewer restrictions related to reproductive rights have lower rates of low birth weight, especially for Black women.

In this ecological study, we examined the associations between state-level income inequality and pregnancy-related mortality among non-Hispanic (NH) black and NH white populations across the US. We estimated total population and race-specific 5-year pregnancy-related mortality ratios in each state based on national death and live birth records from 2011 to 2015. We obtained data on Gini coefficients for income inequality and population-level characteristics from the US Census American Community Survey. Poisson regression with robust standard errors estimated pregnancy-related mortality rate ratios (RR) and 95% confidence intervals (CI) associated with a one unit increase in income inequality overall and separately within black and white populations. Adjusted linear regression models estimated the associations between income inequality and magnitude of the absolute and relative racial inequity in pregnancy-related mortality within states. Across all states, increasing contemporaneous income inequality was associated with a 15% and 5-year lagged inequality with 14% increase in pregnancy-related mortality among black women (aRR = 1.15, 95% CI = 1.05; 1.25 and aRR = 1.14, 95% CI = 1.04; 1.24, respectively) after controlling for states’ racial compositions and socio-economic conditions. In addition, both lagged and contemporaneous income inequality were associated with larger absolute and relative racial inequities in pregnancy-related mortality. These findings highlight the role of contextual factors in contributing to pregnancy-related mortality among black women and the persistent racial inequity in maternal death in the US., Highlights • Considerable racial disparities persist in reproductive health outcomes in the US. • Higher state-level income inequality was significantly associated with black but not white PRM. • State income inequality was also linked to increasing racal inequity in PRM across the US. • Contextual factors contribute significantly to black PRM and racial inequity in maternal death in the US.

Key Points Question What is the association of state-level criminalizing immigrant policies vs state-level inclusive immigrant policies with preterm births for immigrants and women of color in the US? Findings In this cross-sectional study of 3 455 514 live births in 2018, criminalizing immigrant policies were associated with higher rates of preterm birth for Black women born outside the US, while inclusive immigrant policies were associated with lower preterm birth for all women born outside the US, particularly White women born outside the US. Meaning This cross-sectional study suggests that states that have enacted inclusive immigrant policies were associated with higher levels of preterm births among certain populations, even in the context of criminalizing policies., Importance Criminalizing immigrant policies, a form of structural racism, are associated with preterm birth; however, to date, few population studies have examined this association by race and nativity status or examined the association of inclusive immigrant policies with preterm birth. Objective To assess the extent to which variation in preterm birth by race/ethnicity and nativity status is associated with state-level criminalizing vs inclusive immigrant policies. Design, Setting, and Participants This retrospective, cross-sectional study analyzed birth record data from all 50 states and the District of Columbia in 2018, as well as state-level indicators of inclusive and criminalizing immigrant policies. White, Black, Asian, and Latina women who had singleton births were included in the study. Statistical analysis was performed from June 1, 2020, to February 5, 2021. Two continuous variables were created to capture the number of criminalizing vs inclusive immigrant policies in effect as of 2017 in each state. Main Outcomes and Measures The main outcome measure was preterm birth (, This cross-sectional study used US birth record data to assess the extent to which variation in preterm birth by race/ethnicity and nativity status is associated with state-level criminalizing or inclusive immigrant policies.