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On October 16, 2017, over 12,000 faculty, librarians, and counsellors in 24 independent postsecondary colleges in Ontario, Canada went on strike for the fourth time since they organized in 1971 as members of the Civil Service Association of Ontario and won their first collective agreement the next year. Begun as an apolitical, self-consciously quasi-colonial, and decidedly elitist "professional" body in 1911, the CSAO has transformed itself in name and in nature into an increasingly class-conscious and intermittently militant Ontario Public Service Employees Union with current membership of approximately 180,000 including: clerical staff; community and social service workers; corrections officers; healthcare, transportation, and natural resource workers; as well as college academic and support staff employees. Relations with their employers have become increasingly adversarial and rarely greater than in the college sector. This paper explores this strike.

Within the past century in North America, Europe, and elsewhere, brief episodes of student political activism and protest have alternated with much longer periods of apparent apathy and social conformity (fringe elements of artistic bohemianism notwithstanding). This article looks to the ideological origins of student protest in the Marxist tradition and to the relationship among generational protest, critical theory and the influence of Jürgen Habermas on the evolving issues of democracy, social justice, and environmental sustainability. While Marx remains central to the critique of capitalist economics and the exploitation of workers under capitalism, Habermas opens the path to a more expansive, communication-based understanding of domination with implications for transformative education that will contribute to a social change based on a wider platform than social class, including issues of ecology and social justice in a comprehensive approach to human emancipation.

As a postsecondary educator with most of my experience teaching in colleges, but with some also in undergraduate and postgraduate studies both in Canada and the United States, I have been teaching politics and government for close to fifty years. That time has been spent not only undertaking empirical analyses of political behaviour and the normative analysis of political theory, but also in the practical activity of promoting understanding of what is frequently called "civic life". The authorities who develop broad educational goals seem to have it in mind that promoting ideas of good citizenship and suggesting ways in which this citizenship can be enacted should be among the several goals of faculty members involved in "general education." As we live in a liberal democracy, it follows that a good part of that mission should involve the both cognitive knowledge (how governments work, issues of policy development, elements of the political process, etc.) and what are sometimes called affective and behavioural traits--habits of attitude and action that encourage and exemplify good citizenship. Specifically, we are expected to teach something about democracy.

In this article, Howard Doughty examines how today's technological devices alter and increasingly substitute for one's body/mind, sociality and (a)morality. He claims that today, under the crushing weightlessness of virtuality, citizens are less confident, more willing to retreat into the idiocy of private life. He goes on to address the promotion of paranoia that accompanies electronic communications and privacy breaches. He points out that not only are electronic communications monitored with the intent both of selling commercial products and also detecting dissenters from whatever dominant social, economic or political agenda is operative at any particular time and in any particular place; but, according to those who know it best (Julian Assange, Edward Snowden, Glenn Greenwald and the rest of the usual suspects), the extent of this surveillance has made the entire concept of privacy obsolete, something future generations will never experience and will not be able to imagine (Greenwald, 2014). Doughty goes on to introduce four hierarchical levels of electronic information media and surveillance issues that, while categorically distinct, are interconnected: (1) the "micro" level (includes educators' work in relation to students, classrooms, chat rooms, curriculum design, teaching "strategies" and "delivery systems," and the like); (2) the "meso" level (involves educators' institutional settings, focuses on educators' relationship to their immediate administrative arrangements and college management structures and involves their frontline supervisors, CEOs, and Human Resources department); (3) the "macro" level (deals with educators' institution's organizational superiors, commonly in the form of some governmental ministry, local Board of Governors, Trustees, Regents, etc. and whatever accrediting agency is authorized to take responsibility for the bulk of their funding and academic legitimacy); and (4) the "meta" level (connects educators to broader cultural, social and economic patterns in compliance with which they describe, explain and justify their overall enterprise and which subtly or stridently imposes its norms and practices upon them). His discussion focuses on the "micro" and "meso" levels and delves into the following four issues: (1) employee rights and academic freedom; (2) student vigilantes; (3) social media interaction with students; and (4) student tracking devices.

Postsecondary teacher, Howard Doughty, has been teaching politics and government for close to fifty years. That time has been spent not only working with the empirical analysis of political behaviour and the normative analysis of political theory, but also in the practical activity of promoting understanding of what is frequently called civic life. In line with current standards and educational goals for faculty members involved in "general education," Doughty asserts a good part of that mission should involve the both cognitive knowledge (how governments work, issues of policy development, elements of the political process, etc.) and what are sometimes called "affective" and "behavioural" traits--habits of attitude and action that encourage good citizenship. More specifically, these educators are expected to teach something about democracy. Herein, Doughty discusses the historical controversy that follows the concept of democracy in theory and in practice. Next, he highlights four primary concerns about the current state of democracy and electoral system. Doughty goes on to explore briefly one set of criticisms of contemporary democratic politics as they are practiced in the United States of America, Canada and the United Kingdom. A description of the First-Past-the-Post (FPP) electoral system and its overall flaws are then discussed. Three cases are then presented to illustrate why some people regard FPP as an unfair and even an undemocratic way to elect presidents, prime ministers and legislators of various descriptions. Doughty concludes with several arguments demonstrating why FPP should be replaced with the Proportional Representation (PR) electoral system.

Innovation should be about procedures and methods. Little thought is given to proximate, much less ultimate aims. In this article, the authors invite educators to take a break and explore the educational enterprise to which they devote their life's work. They discuss two bits of excerpted writing, both over half a century old. One comes from Jack Kenney, a high school English teacher whose career in Port Colborne and Collingwood, Ontario spanned the years from 1938 to 1974. The other was composed for the September, 1957 issue of the "Royal Bank of Canada Monthly Letter" by James Muir, then Chairman of the Board and President of that venerable financial institution. The first gives advice to students about to enter high school. The second offers counsel to those concerned with even higher education. They argue that education is in trouble if it is not "both" fun "and" practical. They then offer some observations on Jack Kenney's mantra, "The only object is intellect", for reflection.

One of the author's enduring concerns about the concept of academic freedom is with semantics. It has seemed to him that one of the biggest difficulties with discussions of academic freedom (as with many conversations about "value-laden" terms such as "democracy," "equity," and "justice") is that people begin from different positions and with different definitions in mind. When terms are defined differently by various parties to a discussion, it is hard to resolve disputes. Moreover, when circumstances change, already precarious definitions may have to be modified to adapt to new environments. Depending on what people mean by their words and how their words are to be used in new situations, substantially different policy implications may follow. As the title of this article implies, the author believes that people are now facing new circumstances. The changing circumstances he has in mind relate to the socially constructed rationale for institutions of higher education, alterations in patterns of finance, and a new view of how colleges and universities are expected to demonstrate accountability in the emerging postindustrial society. In the recent past, each of these has been infused with what is best described as the "market mentality," the belief that institutions do best when they are subjected to a pat on the back or a slap in the face from the "invisible hand" of consumer choice. It is this author's feeling that this market mentality may be in for a spanking of its own. In this article, he revisits the subject of academic freedom. The focus of the changes discussed in this article is postsecondary schools, and the locus of debate concerns both colleges and universities. The changes are complicated and made even more controversial by the emergence of serious debates within and among "two-year" colleges and "four-year" universities, as well as the host of hybrids now struggling for recognition and success.

Education is many things, but it is primarily the mode of production and reproduction of socially sanctioned knowledge, including the technical skills and sustaining ideology needed to maintain cultural continuity while adapting to social change. To teach creatively and to explore and shape knowledge amidst vast technological changes is the test of contemporary educational success. Part of that test involves the protracted assault on the liberal arts in the presence of transformational information technology, an increasingly competitive global economy and the neoliberal market mentality. Liberal arts defenders have confronted disparaging critiques with three basic types of argument: autonomy (the liberal arts are inherently valuable); service (the liberal arts support vocational training); and complementarity (the liberal arts properly balance marketable skills). A fourth position is that humanity's precarious position in dangerous times provides the liberal arts' principal rationale: The liberal arts are essential for ecological sustainability, social survival, the future of our species.

Anyone who already regards college education as a business should have no trouble with corollary notion that marketing is essential to success. In the information and service industries including education, marketing depends more upon image than it does in resource extraction, refining and manufacturing. In this article, the authors focus on Diana Oblinger, Executive Director of Higher Education for Microsoft Corporation, as merely one of the more prominent market analysts who has sought to single out a new cohort of educational consumers and describe what makes them unique. Acceding to the alleged needs and only dimly articulated preferences of contemporary college students, one finds a bizarre pedagogy emerging. This is most easily witnessed in the study of history, although ample examples could be drawn from areas as diverse as anthropology and zoology. Rather than "telling students about the conclusions of history," Oblinger touts games allow that "students to explore authentic information via multiple paths." The authors argue that Oblinger displays neither academic nor scholarly pretensions.

Throughout North America and the world, educators are awash in urgings and suggestions about how to change what they do and how they do it. "Challenges" and "crises" are identified and elaborated. Teachers are made to feel embarrassed if they are unaware of "cutting-edge technologies" and uniformed about profound demographic and attitudinal shifts among their "customers" and "clients." The result is an addition to novelty that poses problems of its own. Innovations in education must be understood and assessed in context. Instead of judging whether new educational theories and practices produce measurable improvements in the success of educational programs (higher achievement in learning, more efficient "curriculum delivery," lower attrition rates, and so on), it is first necessary to establish the material conditions under which education happens, the normative values it carries with it, and the social interests it serves. Like every other human project, education is not "value-free," but is inherently biased--philosophically, politically and economically. To undertake a thoughtful discussion of educational change requires a preliminary exploration of the political economy of education--an inquiry into the ways in which educational policies and applied pedagogy support larger general or special interests, and either uncritically support or critically interrogate deep patterns of social and cultural power and authority. The invitation to critical analysis is followed by a suggestion that education does not suffer from a lack of innovation, but from a failure to see and act upon the need for renovation.

In a previous article ("Academic Freedom: An Essentially Contested Concept," The College Quarterly, 2:3 (1995)), the author made some observations to the effect that the concept of academic freedom was not easily discussed, for it was defined differently by various parties to the conversation. This remains true. In fact, it is now complicated and made more controversial by the emergence of serious debates within the "two-year" colleges as well as the "four-year" universities. In non-degree-granting colleges, or in colleges that award some form of "applied" degree (commonly called a Bachelor of Applied Arts or a Bachelor of Technology), academic freedom deals with roughly parallel issues to those present in the university tradition, but it has very different origins and has followed a very different path. Duncan Hill is to be commended for his thoughtful and focused discussion of academic freedom in the university setting, particularly with regard to the matter of student assessment. In this article, the author does not take issue with Hill's main theme or its application. Rather, he points to ways it may be extended and applied to other institutions.

In the early 1980s, it was not sub-prime mortgages and toxic assets, bank failures and factory closures that crowded the pages of the business section of the daily newspapers. It was something called "stagflation," a noxious combination of inflationary pressures on currency and stagnating levels of production. Still, the effects were roughly similar, and the growth of unemployment was almost identical. Politicians called upon both academic economists and the leaders of business and industry to come up with a plan to solve the crisis, just as leaders are doing today. In the midst of the emergency, however, something else happened. The bishops of the Roman Catholic Church in Canada came out with a bold document. Excise the references to God, Jesus and the Gospels and one would find a rather radical economic manifesto. Keep them, and one will read a test of faith, hope and charity. The Bishops proposed that the interests of labour be put ahead of the interests of capital, that the dignity of work supersede the quest for technology, that economic justice be recognized as the overarching social goal and that the "preferential option" be for "the poor, the afflicted and the oppressed" be exercised in all actions. In short, these high-ranking members of the largest religious denomination in Canada spoke eloquently about making the economy about morality and not money. In time, prosperity of a sort returned. Whether the recovery was a predictable consequence of the business cycle or won on the backs of the poor, the working and the middle classes through draconian cut-backs in social services and other efficiencies is a matter of debate. What is clear, however, is that the counsel of the clergy was totally ignored. The author does not reclaim this document and disseminate it as a cure-all. In some ways, he thinks its diagnosis and recommended therapies are utterly naive. He also does not endorse its religious premises. However, he thinks that the Bishops were on to something important, and he thinks teachers would do themselves and their students no permanent harm if they were to consider the ethical context for whatever they teach since, in one way or another, the various global tensions--ecological, ideological and economic--cannot forever be ignored and, as teachers, they surely have some responsibility to raise the truly important questions. In this article, the author presents the document and his views.

Social class lies at the core of much that Marx said about the "laws of history." Class conflict was to be the means whereby capitalism would be overthrown, superseded by a revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat and, subsequently, by a communist society in which alienation and exploitation would be replaced by emancipation and the full flowering of human potential as both individuals and a species. The capitalist system, however, has proven remarkably resilient and resourceful. The welfare state ameliorated extreme economic distress, popular culture sapped revolutionary energy, and "identity politics" fragmented political radicalism. Meanwhile, the definition of social class itself became problematic. A reorganized labor market produced divisions between the traditional working class and precarious workers and, in colleges and universities, the old "professoriat" was joined by a new "precariat" that now does over two-thirds of the teaching. Thistrend is part of the "corporatizing" of higher education and the "neoliberal" restructuring of work in late capitalism. Intellectuals, once the theoretical "vanguard of the proletariat," are now practical leader stoo. Educational worker militancy has implications for the academy and class tensions throughout society. It raises the question: Was Marx wrong, or has he just not yet been proven right?

The text for this article derives from Antonio Gramsci's Prison Notebooks, which contain the central elements of his extensive critique of education in Benito Mussolini's Italy. In prison from 1926 to 1937, he produced a remarkable amount of writing on many political and cultural subjects, all of which were scribbled out in student notebooks and smuggled from his cell to an awaiting world. His critique of education was especially fascinating, because he advocated a "classical" education for all citizens. The problem for Gramsci was the same as for educators today: how to provide citizens with the intellectual opportunities to make citizenship meaningful. The author describes the steps that Seneca College has taken toward becoming a corporate college which include the imposition of an industrial model of labour relations, the commodification of education and the reduction of active students to passive consumers of educational merchandise. Seneca increasingly displays a comprehensive and exclusive commitment to a definition of education that deskills teachers by transforming them from autonomous academics to standardized technicians "delivering curriculum" to submissive customers. Control over the entire process remains with a hierarchical management structure that regulates every step of the teaching and learning process, quantifying and monitoring each aspect of classroom performance and eliminating as much "variability" as possible in what and how teachers teach, and what and how learners learn, such that every expectation of the corporate agenda is met--including reduction of production costs to the lowest possible level. The author also explains what he means by a propositional inventory. He has arranged seven subtopics through which to focus on one or another element in the complex set of corporatist arrangements within which teachers live their professional lives. Each one contains three propositions and a summary question that, if effectively considered, could help erect a framework upon which it will be possible to construct an alternative vision of what the college could have been and what it still could be and should be. The author does not insist that his idea of Seneca is either optimal or even possible. He does believe, however, that some alternative is fundamental to the redemption of the college and the restoration of its capacity to contribute to the recovery of what is best in civilization, necessary for the society, crucial for the college and vital for the emancipation of the people--including teachers and their students--who live within it.

This article offers a skeletal critique of the pedagogical theory and the teaching practices arising from the work of educational innovator, Benjamin Bloom. Professor Bloom's theory and method have overtly and covertly insinuated themselves into North American educational practice over the past half-century. Their impact and influence have been felt in almost every aspect of teaching and learning, and at almost every level of education. This critique narrowly speaks to certain elements in Bloom's pedagogical paradigm. It specifically addresses the matter of learning objectives and, more particularly, the admonition to write learning objectives using "action" verbs in the construction of course outlines. This article demonstrates how even the selection of the words to be incorporated into college course outlines are connected to larger domains of ideology and the overall mode of production and distribution in contemporary society.

This article explores four kinds of critical thinking. The first is found in Socratic dialogues, which employ critical thinking mainly to reveal logical fallacies in common opinions, thus cleansing superior minds of error and leaving philosophers free to contemplate universal verities. The second is critical interpretation (hermeneutics) which began as the attempt to reveal the hidden meanings of pagan oracles and the sacred texts of the Abrahamic religions, and evolved through sociology into contemporary literary criticism and semiotics. Third are the analytical techniques that comprise a set of instructions about "how to think" in accordance with the scientific method and technological rationality. Finally, there is radical criticism that interrogates every kind of inquiry and knowledge (including science) to reveal the human interests that they serve. Of the distinctively modern kinds of critical thinking, analytical techniques serve as the unofficial ideology of contemporary education. In the alternative, radical criticism--commonly but not inevitably associated with the Marxist tradition--questions that ideology, and produces a critical consciousness that dissents from the dominant pedagogy and politics of college life. All four--Socratic dialogues, hermeneutics, critical analysis and critical consciousness--are important precursors to, or examples of, critical thinking.

Both parts of the author's past--a concern with terrorism and with the education of future agents of the state who will be expected to curb, if not to eliminate, it--contribute to what he wants to say in this essay. He seeks to make six points: (1) Racial profiling is not a discrete issue but an instance of a more pervasive racism that is evident in the overzealousness of law enforcement, the discrimination inherent in the criminal justice system and the stratagems of the so-called "war on terror"; (2) The issue of racism is also connected to historical, legal and political events which cannot easily be isolated and which confound efforts to make it into an issue of clear ideological distinctions between right-wing and left-wing politics; (3) Much of the debate over racial profiling is compromised because it takes place within an ideological context of hegemonic liberalism which begets false and futile attempts to balance civil liberties with security; (4) To overcome this bogus debate, it is necessary to gain perspective by examining the situation from a different perspective and, since Marxism is at least temporarily disreputable, individuals must look elsewhere; (5) Above all, individuals must recognize the ubiquity of technology, not as a set of instruments or, worse, devices that are intended to achieve conscious human purposes, but as determinants of what those purposes are; and (6) At a time when Marxian social theories are in at least in temporary eclipse, there is much to be gained by paying provisional attention to the preoccupations of traditional conservatism as a means to begin the critical interrogation of the modern project and its implications for thought about technology and human rights. (Contains 1 endnote.)

Phil Ochs was a prominent topical songwriter and singer in the 1960s. He was conventionally considered second only to Bob Dylan in terms of popularity, creativity and influence in the specific genre of contemporary folk music commonly known as "protest music." Whereas Dylan successfully reinvented himself many times in terms of his musical style and social commentaries, Ochs failed to win critical support when he, too, attempted to transform himself from a broadside balladeer into a more self-consciously artistic lyricist and performer. From the events at the Democratic Party convention in 1968 until his suicide in 1976, Phil Ochs' public and private life spiraled downward. Today, he would be readily identified as a victim of "bipolar disorder." Such a psychiatric assessment, while plausible in its own terms, says nothing about the political events that set the context for Phil Ochs' personal tragedy. This paper attempts to balance the individual and larger contextual themes. (Contains 2 endnotes.)

The subject of this article is the report, "Ontario: A Leader in Learning" (Rae, 2005), presented to the government of Ontario by its principal author and key public face of the document, Bob Rae. The presentation is divided into four main parts: (1) the authors attempt to summarize the political philosophy of Bob Rae, the former Member of Parliament and federal New Democratic Party foreign affairs critic, former NDP Premier of Ontario, corporate lawyer, mediator, specially chosen investigator of the postsecondary educational system in Ontario and, most recently, advisor on whether or not it would be a good idea to conduct a competent investigation into Canada's most devastating terrorist attack twenty years after the event; (2) the authors discuss the process whereby Rae and his associates conducted the review of postsecondary education as a matter of political procedure and symbolic practice; (3) the authors assess the resulting report and reactions to it as matters of political discourse; and (4) the authors speak about the 2005 Ontario provincial budget as it reflects the influence of the Rae review and sets the stage for educational reform in Ontario. Finally, the authors add a few obligatory concluding remarks.

The field of Postcolonial Studies is one of the academic fashions that has arisen in an attempt to amend or replace radical theories of social power since the alleged discrediting of Marxism. The Canadian case is more ambiguous. Postcolonialism, already an essentially contested concept, is especially conflicted where Canada is concerned. Canada has certainly had a colonial past, with parts of its territory having been claimed by one European power or another since Giovanni Caboto (alias Jean Cabot, a.k.a. John Cabot) landed in Newfoundland in 1497. Canada, however, is unlike countries such as Peru, Congo, Iraq, India, and Malaysia whose indigenous populations were politically repressed and economically exploited during long periods of alien cultural domination. As Cynthia Sugars (2004) has pointed out, like other "settler-invaded cultures," the application of postcolonial methodology is problematic because of Canada's "location within the industrialized West [and] because of its treatment of its aboriginal peoples and other minorities. [So], questions proliferate: Is Canada postcolonial? Who in Canada is postcolonial? Are some Canadians more postcolonial than others?" Elements of this story have cropped up in the work of the widely respected US sociologist, Seymour Martin Lipset. The genuine and original "Canadian identity," Lipset says, is "the result of a victorious counterrevolution, and in a sense must justify its raison d'etre by emphasizing the virtues of being separate from the United States."

This article presents the author's response to Frank Daley. Frank Daley begins with the claim that education is more important than health, war and the economy. The author supposes that in some sense professor Daley may be right. Professor Daley, however, seems to mean something more specific. He is interested in college and university education, which is more problematic. When thinking about student retention, the author argues that it is possible to focus on the individual student. This is something that Professor Daley does splendidly in his work with students. He and his colleagues really do help students to change their own lives, to become focused, attentive and thoughtful in their efforts to define and achieve meaningful goals. Here, the author offers a complementary set of concerns. In addition to looking at the individual student and risking the problem of taking the nature of college programs and the designated role of official education in the perpetuation of the fundamental structures of social reproduction and control, the author contends that it is important to see education in a larger context. While it is important for students to reform themselves, there is at least as much to be done in interrogating and redesigning the society to which they are being asked to adapt and into which they are expected to integrate.

The article focuses on recent policy moves in Ontario's education system, including allowing students to start apprenticeships after Grade 11 and removing the requirement of a post-secondary degree or diploma for police officers. It discusses the historical context of Ontario's college system and its evolution in response to various ideological shifts, including the rise of neoliberalism.

The historical failures of Marxism in the twentieth-century came in three forms: the inability to account for the rise of fascism and Nazism; the establishment of authoritarian regimes where "communist" revolutions had occurred, largely in pre-industrial societies from barely post-feudal Russia to peasant-based China and "developing" nations such as Vietnam; and the incapacity of the proletariat to develop class consciousness and foment class conflict in advanced industrial societies, where Marx and his followers knew capitalism to have arisen and where they assumed it would first be transcended. Seeking to understand these failures, yet to preserve and apply foundational elements of Marx's thought, the "critical theorists" of the Frankfurt Institute--at home and in exile--drew on additional sources including Hegel and Freud to diagnose the pathologies of modernity, though rarely to offer restorative treatments for Enlightenment values or Marxian transformation. Jürgen Habermas, the acknowledged leader of the "second generation" of critical theorists refused to succumb to the pessimism of his elders and reached out to increasingly diverse scholars in an effort to redeem the goals of reason, democracy and equity in modern life. His theoretical work--often abstract and dense--remains almost as marginal to mainstream thought as that of Adorno and Horkheimer before him; yet, it has influenced a minority of philosophers and social scientists still interested in education as an emancipatory human project. Using the specific context of contemporary community colleges, this contribution seeks to build bridges between Habermas' combination of basically Marxian, often Kantian, and always eclectic thought to show how educators could profitably reflect upon their professional lifeworlds, better comprehend the neoliberal ideology and power relations that entrap them, and find new inspiration and advice should they wish to interrogate and confront the corporate world in which they ply their trade.

Like everything else today, there is a changing pattern in education. Some obvious elements are education's social function, demographics, and technology. A fourth dimension is being added to function, audience, and technique, and that is research. Research is also being reorganized, and now it is becoming an issue in the colleges. When, for example, the United States Congress banned the use of federal funds for research in political science unless the project could be shown to enhance "homeland security" or to protect American economic interests abroad, it was deemed a short-lived but nonetheless frightening aberration. Now, however, it is commonplace to find that a condition for research funding is that a project must prove itself in terms of commercialization. Because it is largely funded by private sector companies, research is expected to provide a material payoff--such as a new product or process that will find its value in the economic marketplace. In the alternative, academic research intended mainly to satisfy intellectual curiosity or to advance purely theoretical knowledge without thought to profit finds it difficult to locate a sponsor. Since most colleges were never interested in either scholarly or practical research, the issue of corporate-sponsored versus independent academic inquiry rarely surfaced. Now, however, some colleges are understandably tempted by the prospect of financial investment from private firms, nongovernmental agencies and the increasingly fashionable public-private partnerships. So, targeted "applied" research has produced a flurry of activity. Since government funds have shriveled and student fees are reaching a breaking point, the advantages of industry funding are too attractive to ignore. Howard Doughty writes here that "The College Quarterly" is sensitive to the legitimate educational concerns that have arisen in response to the new ethical and academic ambiguities inherent in the current enthusiasm for applied research projects and also to the socially useful consequences that such projects may bring. Although the funding possibilities are important, a strong case can also be made for the educational value to students and the end product economic value of a student-centred research experience. In this article, Doughty indicates that "College Quarterly" hopes that engaged educators will be willing to share their experiences, submit examples of applied projects either as research papers in themselves or as commentary on the ways that applied research relates to the pattern of transformation reflected in the social function, demographics, and technology of college education.

NEIL TUDIVER, Universities for Sale: Resisting Corporate Control over Canadian Higher Education. Toronto: James Lorimer and Company, 1999. Canadian social scientists have, over the past century, provided both scholars and [...]

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