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Purpose. To determine the general patterns in the formation of the sorption capacity of coal and the natural regional methane content of coal beds using a quantitative indicator – the relative gradient of gas content. Methodology. To determine the sorption capacity of coal, the authors used the well-known “volumetric method” and the method of EPR-spectroscopy (electron paramagnetic resonance). We used the results obtained during geological exploration to analyze the natural gas content of coal beds. The determination of natural gas content was carried out using special gas-core-samplers and formation testers. Methods of mathematical statistics were used to process experimental data. Findings. According to experimental data regarding the sorption methane-bearing capacity and natural gas content of Donbas coal beds, we carried out the analysis, statistical processing, and generalization of the obtained results. A regular change in the relative gradient of coal beds’ methane content has been established for the entire Donbas as a whole. The values of relative gradients for coals of various grades naturally decrease with increasing stratification depth and also naturally decrease in each depth interval from low-metamorphosed (grade D) coal to highly-metamorphosed one. Based on the approximation results, the corresponding equations were obtained for each grade of coal metamorphism from gas to-anthracite (A). Originality. New indicators have been proposed – the relative gradient of sorption methane-bearing capacity and the relative gradient of gas content, which allow comparison of these characteristics measured in absolute values (cm³ /g, m³ /t) for individual coal beds of different grades of metamorphism, at different depths and lying in different geological conditions. It has been proven that the sorption capacity of coal matter determines the natural regional (background) methane content of coal beds, and naturally, according to a hyperbolic dependence, decreases with increasing stratification depth and also naturally decreases in each of the depth intervals from low-metamorphosed coal (grade D) to highly metamorphosed one (grade A), with a relative gradient that asymptotically approaches to 1 at pressures above 6 MPa. Practical values. The obtained dependences of the relative gradient of gas content on depth and gas pressure for various grades of metamorphism can be used to predict the natural regional (background) gas content of coal beds by determining the maximum sorption capacity and calculating the desired depth or pressure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the Soviet grand narrative of the Great Patriotic War (1941–45) was used in the school educational institution in one of the two Donbas "people's republics" between 2014 and 2021. Using as a case study a Luhansk school with one of the most pro-Russian and pro-occupation administrations, it explores which GPW sub-narratives were present in the school discourse of extracurricular activities, described in the school VKontakte online community. This article employs the elements of discourse analysis to assess visual and verbal texts, published by the school administration, which depict how schoolchildren engage in different Soviet-military contexts, celebrating, commemorating, or learning about GPW-related events. The article concludes that although the school administration incorporated the main Soviet narratives of the Great Patriotic War, present in contemporary Russian education, it also employed two regional GPW sub-narratives, which provide the Luhansk "republican" authorities with the local ideological foundation for militarizing the school youth. The article demonstrates that such militarization of the semiformal school setting is linked with the Russian educational policy and has implications on how pupils of different ages see the social reality and their role in it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existing literature explains the war in Donbas and the rationale for why conflict broke out there while failing to do so in other Ukrainian provinces, such as Odesa or Kharkiv. Local pro-Russian organizations could not attract considerable attention and support in the pre-war period in all parts of Ukraine, except for Crimea. The social marginalization and negligible influence of the pro-Russian organizations among the locals presumably stemmed from their weak social ties among the local population. The question is why they had such weak social embeddedness in the local societies despite relatively popular pro-Russian sympathies in these regions? Surprisingly, nobody has sought to explain the social origins of the pro-Russian movements as a source of their weakness and failure to be sparked by the anti-Ukrainian rebellion in 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ukrainian art, from the economic and political transformation of the 1990s through the events of 2014 (Crimea's annexation and war in Donbas) to the Russian Federation's full-scale invasion in 2022, has been haunted in various ways by the question of trauma and loss. At the same time, however, the problem of trauma is not just a problem of war or conflict but is somehow inscribed in post-Soviet space. Photography has a special role to play here, as a medium constantly oscillating between visible and invisible and between presence and absence. Since traumatic images transform and question the medium, a discussion about trauma becomes a discussion about the image itself. This article analyses selected projects by Ukrainian artists in various disciplines made in three chronological moments: the first half of the 1990s, after 2014, and now, in response to the ongoing war. Each project touches in different ways on the issue of trauma and the traumatic view while also touching the broader level of relationships between affects, vision, and history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the conflict studies literature, the article classifies the latest scholarly writings on the origins of the Donbas conflict into three general groupings: on the role of the history and identity of the region’s inhabitants, on the interference by “third” actors and on so-called contentious politics. The analysis suggests that the initial support of the uprising by Russia is usually greatly overestimated, and the level of social discontent and protest movements is underestimated. The study of contentious politics appears to be the most appropriate tool regarding the origins of the conflict. After 2015, the conflict took on, at least in part, the contours of an interstate clash, but the Donbas insurgency has continued to retain its authenticity. The failure of the 2015 settlement and the path to war after 2018 cannot be understood without considering the actions of Russia and those of Ukraine and leading Western states.

Subject. Institutional support for the development of the Donbas during the process of its adaptation to the social and economic system of the Russian Federation. The state and development prospects of institutional subsystems: business, public authority, financial, and non-commercial sectors. Purpose. To study the main parameters of the institutional subsystems in the Donbas and determine the problems and the vectors of institutional, social, and economic development of the region in the situation of an armed conflict running parallel to its integration with Russian institutes. Research methods. The theoretical basis of the study was the dialectical method, which allowed us to consider social, economic, and institutional systems of the Donbas in the context of integration of the region in Russian social environment. To determine the problems of social, economic, and institutional development of the region, the monographic method was used. It allowed us to review the existing approaches to the state and prospects of the economy and the supporting institutes during the period of integration into the Russian Federation. A retrospective analysis was a key practical research method. It helped to determine the dynamics of the main institutional subsystems of the region from the point of view of modernisation of the functions implemented by such institutes as business, public authority, financial, and non-commercial sector during the armed conflict of 2014-2021 and the special military operation. Results and discussion. After its inclusion into the Russian Federation, the institutional support of the development of the Donbas requires a fundamental transformation in order to adapt to new conditions. The transformation should involve a comprehensive transformation of the social and economic model of the region and its infrastructure, diversification, and modernisation of the development institutes. At the same time, it is necessary to take into account the weaknesses of the institutional system of the region. They include external threats caused by the armed conflict which started in 2014 and caused damage to the business institute; a dramatic reduction in the number of stimuli for the functioning of financial institutes, especially for the innovative and investment activities; underdevelopment of non-commercial organisations; and a high level of bureaucracy in public institutions. The new institutional model should be aimed at decreasing the vulnerability of the region to geopolitical and economic crises and its dependence on heavy industry and coal mining, while developing high-tech industries and innovations, and investing in education, healthcare, and the retraining of the labour force. It is therefore necessary to develop reasonable adaptation strategies and programmes, including appointing responsible executives to the governmental and municipal bodies and developing mechanisms for the financing of projects aimed at the economic growth and well-being of the population.

Introduction: The Donbass region has been of great importance in Russian and Ukrainian politics, which consists of the two republics (Luhansk and Donetsk). The region is located in southeastern Ukraine and is characterized by its high economic resources. In 1991, the region separated from Russia and joined Ukraine, and is inhabited by various minorities, including Russians. And Ukrainian and Russian Bella, and these groups belong to the Slavic race, but they differ in language only and are similar in culture and race, despite the fact that the region is under Ukrainian sovereignty, but most of its population has loyalty to the Russian Federation, so the year 2014 was a year for the start of a conflict between the population of Ukraine, of whom they wish Joining NATO and the last opposition, the Russian presence within the region is a natural matter for Russia while maintaining that Ukraine does not join NATO, which poses a threat to Russian national security.

Russlands krigføring i Ukraina siden 2014 har hatt stor innflytelse på ukrainsk kultur. Krigserfaringer tematiseres på mange ulike måter i litteratur, film, musikk og kunst. I et samfunn rammet av krig, intensiveres spørsmål og konflikter knyttet til identiteter. Nyere sosiologiske og sosiolingvistiske undersøkelser i Ukraina har kartlagt utfordringer som oppstår blant folk med hybride identiteter som er utsatt for militær konflikt; disse opplever en økt følelse av desorientering i et uavklart spenningsforhold mellom individuelle, lokale og nasjonale interesser. Litteraturen gir oss anledning til å studere hvordan denne typen komplekse spørsmål forhandles på individnivå. I denne artikkelen analyserer jeg to romaner med handling fra krigen i Donbas, Serhij Zjadans Internatet (2017) og Andrej Kurkovs Grå bier (2018). Romanene skildrer livet til noen sivile i det vi kan kalle ulike dimensjoner av «gråsonen» mellom frontlinjene. Med utgangspunkt i romanenes fremstilling av tospråkligheten (ukrainsk og russisk) i Donbas viser jeg hvordan tekstene kan forstås som en utforskning og fortolkning av spørsmål knyttet til identitet og tilhørighet. Begge romanene beskriver hovedpersonens utvikling i møte med grenselinjer mellom språk, identiteter og tilhørighet, men skiller seg vesentlig i den konkrete tilgangen til problematikken, som også speiles i romanenes stil og poetikk.

The functioning of the Polish language in higher education institutions in the Donetsk region of South–Eastern Ukraine is the main focus of our research. The history of the study of Polish in the region is analysed, in particular at the Donbas State Pedagogical University, where Polish has been taught since 2020. The main problems facing the development of Polish language study in the region and higher education institutions are examined, and the prospects for promoting the development of Polish language study are outlined.

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The extant literature on rebel governance takes the political institutions that rebels develop to rule a civilian population as an indivisible entity. As a result, it cannot answer the question, why do those at the top of the power hierarchy in the pre-war period leave the rebel-controlled territories while mid-level officials are individually co-opted into the rebel political institutions? The argument is that rebels may co-opt not entire pre-existing institutions but selected individuals from these institutions, presumably mid-level officials with the experience of running the administrative affairs, into the new patronage system built by rebels. That claim will be tested against the pre-existing political and government institutions in the Donetsk and Luhansk provinces dominated by the Party of Regions in the pre-war period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conventional narrative about war and women, normalized by patriarchy, is that war is men’s business and that it requires specific masculine characteristics that women do not possess, and as such, women ought to be exempt from direct combat for their own good. So pervasive is this narrative that women are often portrayed in the media coverage of war as hapless and dependent victims in need of rescue and protection. Focusing on the case of Ukrainian women in the ongoing war against Russia, this study debunks the conventional narrative by positing that Ukrainian women have demonstrated agency in the face of unimaginable adversity, serving as diplomats and journalists calling attention to the war, as frontline fighters, as heads of households, and as anti-war activists, among other roles. Further, they have been instrumental in maintaining children’s education and facilitating the delivery of humanitarian aid. This is despite the fact that women have endured political exclusion from the decision-making process on the conduct and end of the war, as well as social exclusion through sexual violence, human trafficking, internal displacement, and refugeehood. Furthermore, they have borne increased economic burdens in the form of energy poverty, food insecurity, unemployment, and poverty. Ignoring the pain, suffering, and diverse sacrifices of Ukrainian women amounts to an insidious form of patriarchy that is bound to further prolong the war and worsen their suffering. Any future negotiations aimed toward ending the war, providing post-war humanitarian assistance, and developing reconstruction plans must involve all parties who fought and bore the brunt of the war, especially women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The modern theory of cultural layer is based on idea of indissoluble links of processes of formation and destruction of a layer of the cultural remains. The cultural remains could accumulate both in the sub-aerial and in the sub-aquatic environments. Horizons in the sub-aerial deposits are the most diverse. The equally important features, that demonstrate the current state of cultural layers, depended on scenarios of destruction of the cultural remains horizons. Processes of syngenetic and epigenetic (post-genetic) deformation proceeded differently; syngenetic destruction has been substantially connected with anthropogenic influence unlike the subsequent natural processes of destruction of a layer. The most of cultural layers of the Stone Age sites, which are located in the south of East European Plain, are the result of soil and loessial deposits. A standard epigenetic deformation of horizons was determined by cryogenic and biogenic processes and moved up and down of objects in a burial cultural layer. The degree of such deformation ranged from moderate to highly significant. The method of linking the details of the flint applications makes it possible to confidently diagnose the original stratigraphic position of the cultural layer and, in some cases, reconstruct the topography of a surface of habitation. Weak destruction of sections of the cultural layer with a dense (pressed) mass of cultural remains is noted.

Using the conf lict studies literature, the article classifies the latest scholarly writings on the origins of the Donbas conf lict into three general groupings: on the role of the history and identity of the region's inhabitants, on the interference by "third" actors and on so-called contentious politics. The analysis suggests that the initial support of the uprising by Russia is usually greatly overestimated, and the level of social discontent and protest movements is underestimated. The study of contentious politics appears to be the most appropriate tool regarding the origins of the conf lict. After 2015, the conf lict took on, at least in part, the contours of an interstate clash, but the Donbas insurgency has continued to retain its authenticity. The failure of the 2015 settlement and the path to war after 2018 cannot be understood without considering the actions of Russia and those of Ukraine and leading Western states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Museums in Ukraine’s Donbas region have endured a protracted war since 2014: many were occupied, looted, and re-established in Ukrainian governmentcontrolled territory, leaving behind collections. Against the backdrop of the events of 2014, this paper offers a brief analysis of how museums attempted to safeguard and evacuate their collections when Russia launched the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Identifying key factors behind the widespread lack of successful evacuations, the paper touches on the social and financial cost of contingency planning, the distribution of responsibilities and resources, institutional bottlenecks, and altered perceptions of risk in war-affected areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyse France's actions in relation to the war in Ukraine between 2014 and 2022, based on three pillars: 1) providing support for Ukraine (ceasefire and cessation of military activities); 2) coordinating actions at the international level (TCG, UN, OSCE); 3) maintaining open channels of dialogue with Russia (Macron-Putin) as a pathway to diplomatic solutions. The paper is an attempt at assessing whether and to what extent the joint 'agenda of trust and security' proposed to Moscow by the President of France has influenced the policy of 'de-escalation' of the conflict and the reduction of Russia's neo-imperial ambitions. What were the effects of the dialogue within the so-called Normandy Format and to what extent did it influence the implementation of the Minsk agreements? The author presents the conclusion that from the very beginning, the goal for Russia has not been so much to settle the conflict in the Donbas and restore Ukraine's territorial integrity, but to permanently block Kiev's aspirations for EU accession and to keep Ukraine within Russia's sphere of influence. The references of the paper include official documents, statements from the main decision-making centres (the Élysée Palace, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of France), recognised foreign policy journals ("Politique étrangère"), as well as analyses and studies (French Institute of International Relations, IFRI). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Süleyman Demirel Law Review / Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Suleyman Demirel Universitesi Hukuk Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Post-Soviet deindustrialization and the economic collapse of the 1990s led to a decline in the significance of the Donbas coal-mining region both economically and symbolically, while the start of the Russian war in Ukraine in 2014 aggravated the sense of isolation and fragmentation. The combined effects of these two forms of violence led to technocratic governance, in part promoted and encouraged by the international humanitarian organizations that entered the region after 2014. Where war and neoliberalism narrowed horizons for good life, fragmented technocratic governance limited horizons for political engagement. It also ignored and neglected the potential strengths of inherited socialist state infrastructure that could offer a safety net and a point of reference for citizens' engagement with the world and each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People modify 56% of the Earth’s land. The world trend is changing from rapacious to considered influence such as green construction/production. Nevertheless, the terroristic war of the Russian federation against Ukraine causes the chaotic destruction and snowballing emissions from shell bursts and fires. Reclamation of land should attempt to repair the hugely dangerous influence of this, especially in the temporarily annexed lands of Ukraine. Donbas was one of the most stressed regions due to active mining and other industries, and contained more than 38% of Ukrainian damaged lands. The war deepens the situation. The most natural reconstructive measure is greening. The authors analysed the requirements for greening to gain the maximum benefits. Enduring and effective plant assortments were proposed for the region. For sanitizing the environment, experiments were performed with phytoncide activity using a photographic paper method. It was found and recommend that new phytoncide plants – Japanese quince (Chaenoméles japónica) and barberry (Bérberis) – were most effective.

This study examines the ideology of the nation-building process in the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics. The key features of this process are uncovered through a discourse analysis of school textbooks published in the People's Republics and in Transnistria, and of the 'Russian Donbas' ideology. This is compared to the history and interpretations of the concept of 'Novorossiya'. This research demonstrates the difference between Donbas and other the post-Soviet contested states, and highlights the role of the Russian government and Russian radical right-wing intellectuals in the formation of the 'Russian Donbas' ideology. It concludes that, although Russia had a decisive influence on the development of the conflict in Donbas, Donbas also affected the ideological transformation of Putin's Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ukrainian art, from the economic and political transformation of the 1990s through the events of 2014 (Crimea’s annexation and war in Donbas) to the Russian Federation’s full-scale invasion in 2022, has been haunted in various ways by the question of trauma and loss. At the same time, however, the problem of trauma is not just a problem of war or conflict but is somehow inscribed in post-Soviet space. Photography has a special role to play here, as a medium constantly oscillating between visible and invisible and between presence and absence. Since traumatic images transform and question the medium, a discussion about trauma becomes a discussion about the image itself. This article analyses selected projects by Ukrainian artists in various disciplines made in three chronological moments: the first half of the 1990s, after 2014, and now, in response to the ongoing war. Each project touches in different ways on the issue of trauma and the traumatic view while also touching the broader level of relationships between affects, vision, and history.

The occupation of Crimea and part of the Donbas will prevent roughly 12 percent of Ukrainian voters from participating in elections. These voters voted disproportionately for candidates and parties that supported closer ties with Russia. This article quantifies the changes to the electorate and projects the likely partisan impact. The changes decisively tip the Ukrainian electorate away from the east and south. Candidates and parties can no longer expect to build a national majority primarily in eastern and southern Ukraine, as Viktor Yanukovych did in 2010 and the Party of Regions did in 2012. Anticipating these effects, Ukraine’s government could seek to prolong these voters’ exclusion, while Russia could actually seek to end the occupation to get them re-included. The implication is that various actors could try to “gerrymander” the entire Ukrainian state, a phenomenon that previously has only been explored at the district level, within states. This raises the broader question of how electoral effects shape the many territorial disputes around the world.

The occupation of Crimea and part of the Donbas will prevent roughly 12 percent of Ukrainian voters from participating in elections. These voters voted disproportionately for candidates and parties that supported closer ties with Russia. This article quantifies the changes to the electorate and projects the likely partisan impact. The changes decisively tip the Ukrainian electorate away from the east and south. Candidates and parties can no longer expect to build a national majority primarily in eastern and southern Ukraine, as Viktor Yanukovych did in 2010 and the Party of Regions did in 2012. Anticipating these effects, Ukraine’s government could seek to prolong these voters’ exclusion, while Russia could actually seek to end the occupation to get them re-included. The implication is that various actors could try to “gerrymander” the entire Ukrainian state, a phenomenon that previously has only been explored at the district level, within states. This raises the broader question of how electoral effects shape the many territorial disputes around the world.

Bu çalışma, Rusya’nın Donbas Bölgesi’nde uyguladığı hibrit savaş yöntemini açıklamaya çalışmaktadır. Bu bağlamda hibrit savaş yöntemine ve Donbas Krizi’nin doğuşu ile gelişimine dikkat çekilmektedir. Hibrit savaş yöntemi yeni bir olgu olmasına rağmen son yıllarda devletler tarafından daha sık kullanılmaya başlanmıştır. Bu yeni perspektif üzerinden çalışmada, Rusya’nın Donbas Krizi’ne dair yaklaşım ve politikaları üzerinde durulmaktadır. Çalışma krizin başlangıcından 2021 yılı sonuna kadar cereyan eden gelişmeleri ele almaktadır. Çalışmada görülmüştür ki, Rusya hibrit savaş yöntemini farklı araçlar aracılığıyla Ukrayna topraklarında önce Kırım’da, sonrasında Donbas’ta kullanmıştır. Aslında Kırım’ın ilhakı ile amacına ulaşan Rusya, Donbas konusunda ise henüz tam anlamıyla istediğini alamamıştır. Bu durum böyle devam ettiği takdirde Rusya ile Ukrayna arasında konvansiyonel bir savaş kaçınılmaz olarak karşımızda durmaktadır.

The functioning of the Polish language in higher education institutions in the Donetsk region of South-Eastern Ukraine is the main focus of our research. The history of the study of Polish in the region is analysed, in particular at the Donbas State Pedagogical University, where Polish has been taught since 2020. The main problems facing the development of Polish language study in the region and higher education institutions are examined, and the prospects for promoting the development of Polish language study are outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war in Donbas led some observers to speculate that this event might threaten intergroup relations in Ukraine. While studies in the 1990s indicated relatively positive attitudes between the different ethnic and linguistic groups, it has not been analyzed systematically how these attitudes have developed over time. Such an analysis contributes to our general understanding as to how war and nation-building politics affect attitudes toward minorities. Analyzing survey data from the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology from 1995 to 2018 using multivariate statistical methods, I show that the prejudice toward Russian-speaking Ukrainians – measured using the social distance scale – has increased since 2014, when both the war and Poroshenko's presidency began, although the rise is rather small. A likely explanation to this phenomenon is the perceived link between Russian speakers and Russia as the aggressor in the war. The fact that Yushchenko's presidency (2006–2009) did not result in a similar increase of negative sentiments, despite similarities between Yushchenko's and Poroshenko's identity politics, allows me to suggest that the higher level of prejudice under Poroshenko cannot be solely explained by the political rhetoric promoting an ethnic Ukrainian identity. However, the interplay of political rhetoric and war might have been relevant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2014, to oppose the state authorities of Ukraine, in some areas of Donetsk and Luhansk regions, illegal armed groups were formed, including young people under the age of 18. Some of the minors underwent appropriate training in paramilitary camps that sprung up spontaneously in the temporarily occupied territories of Donbas in 2014. In the future, the occupation administrations of the so-called republics started "systematic" work on the militarization of local youth: both through the sphere of education and in extracurricular time. Th e purpose of the study is to reveal the features of the militarization of youth in the temporarily occupied territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions through the activities of paramilitary camps. Th e research methodology consisted of historical-genetic and historical-systemic methods. Th e conducted research is based on a complex of sources: offi cial reports of the state authorities of Ukraine -- the Office of the Prosecutor General of Ukraine, the Ombudsman for Human Rights; data collected by human rights organizations; photo and video materials; messages in social networks; publications of mass media, including those controlled by self-proclaimed bodies in the temporarily occupied territories of Donetsk and Luhansk regions; messages from "offi cial electronic resources" of self-proclaimed authorities in the temporarily occupied territories of Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Main results of the study. Based on the analysis of the activities of the paramilitary camps, it was possible to single out the main aspects of their work, the main subjects, the peculiarities of functioning, etc. The "system of military-patriotic education" in the quasi-formations in Donbas needs further study if it is considered a fully approved system of infl uence on children and youth by the Russian Federation for planting in other territories of Ukraine occupied by it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why is a thriving coal and steel industry in the Donbas region currently centered on Donetsk and Luhansk? For example, on the one hand, it is relatively known that the Welshman John Hughes founded the city of Donetsk in the late 19th century, which was once called "Yuzovka" after him. On the other hand, the influence of the British Industrial Revolution on the industrialization of Russia and the development of Eastern Ukraine at the end of the 18th century, which preceded it, has received comparatively less attention. It can be concluded that the British presence and contribution to the industrialization of Russia and the development of Eastern Ukraine in the late 18th and early 19th centuries is also one of the origins of the current situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explains why the Communist Party of Ukraine (KPU) became marginalised during the insurgency in Donbas despite its ideological closeness to the rebel cause. The KPU was a popular pro-rebel party during the rebellion, but sharing the rebels' ideological background doesn't automatically mean the party will profit from the insurgency to expand or retain a share of power in rebel enclaves during the rebel state-building efforts. The KPU officials welcomed the protests against the new government in Kyiv and the onset of the anti-Ukrainian insurgency under the Russian patronage in the Donbas. Still, even despite this open support, the party descended into marginalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between Western military doctrine, international law, and the impact of sieges in war. This paper examines three case studies – the battles of Mosul (2016–2017), the Second Battle of Donetsk Airport (2014–2015), and Ghouta – to analyze the effect of international law on the conduct of sieges and how that impacts the attacker, the besieged, and the innocent bystanders. In the end, we find that Western military doctrine is inadequate to address siege situations, which in turn can result in mishandling siege situations from an international law standpoint. Additionally, we find that international law, as well as applied law, provides the actors therein sufficient leeway to create the conditions for the siege to continue to be used well into the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study was to determine the image of the Donbas cities carried by children who have become forced migrants. The article is based on interviews with individuals under the age of 18 in 2014 who were forced to flee their homes due to the conflict in Donbass. These interviews were conducted primarily in 2020 and 2021. The interviewees cannot return to their cities for various reasons; for some, attempting to cross the border between the so-called LPR and DPR could land them in prison due to the status or public standing of their families. It is important to note that frequently the child did not have the chance to say goodbye to the parental home because the departure was planned for several days or weeks in advance. The article analyzes, from the perspective of the psychology of overcoming a traumatic experience, how the inability to return and the absence of a farewell ceremony affect the current state of a person. It is important for a person to revisit places associated with his childhood and his family’s history at various stages of his life. Such locations include ancestral graves, parental homes, and others associated with significant life events. This situation is complicated by the fact that many respondents’ ancestors, such as grandfathers and grandmothers, chose to remain in territory not under Ukrainian government control. The inability to "say goodbye" traumatizes the psychological state of a person who has been deprived of his roots. What will happen if the images of immigrants and locals collide, how can a potential conflict be avoided, and what role can it play in the reintegration process? The article is relevant to the reconstruction of the cities of Donbass, which were previously in uncontrolled territory, because it raises the issue of image conflict and seeks a solution to this issue.

This article attempts to analyse the situation in Ukraine in the face of ongoing Russian aggression and increasing pressure from the Kremlin towards Eastern European states. The armed confl ict taking place in Ukraine means that the geostrategic situation of Eastern Europe has changed. In this context, the Eastern Partnership, which was meant to be one of the key instruments shaping international relations with the states neighbouring the EU in the East, is quite often seen as an ineffective or even obsolete tool. There can be no doubt that the greatest problem for the Eastern Partnership is that the project is seen in geopolitical categories – thinking of the countries of the Eastern Partnership in the context of the necessity for them to choose between the European Union and Russia (listening to statements by the EU’s political decision-makers, it can often seem that those states have no other option). The key research question is whether we will be dealing with an assertive EU policy in tandem with current US policy, or whether there will be another reset in relations between the West and the Russian Federation.

The hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation against the independent the Republic of Moldova in the Transnistrian region in 1992 (Pridnestrov‘ye), and the Ukrainian point of view to that mentioned aggression. The year 2014, the beginning of the aggressive hybrid war of the Russian Federation against independent Ukraine, the annexation of Crimea, and the occupation of parts of the territory of Ukrainian Donetsk and Luhansk regions (Donbass). A common problem for the World is the lack of a real-world counter mechanism similar to hybrid aggression, stopping such conflicts and resolving them.

The process by which peace has been deteriorating since the beginning of the 21st century until ending in the armed confrontation that takes place in Ukraine, after Russia's invasion of that country, violating international law, is studied. Putin's Russia is solely responsible for this the situation has been the responsibility of many other actors. No one is going to win the war and the urgent thing is to stop it to prevent the death and destruction it causes from continuing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the authors raise the topical issue of historical falsifications, considering them as an element of information warfare. Applying the historiographical method and interpreting the facts of the creation of historical misinformation as manipulation of public consciousness, they present a specific case of historical research on the discovery of the Donetsk coal basin. Therefore, a review of the scientific and encyclopedic literature of Russia, the USSR and Ukraine devoted to the coverage of this issue was made; archival historical documents that show the real picture of the discovery of coal in Donbas have been put into scientific circulation; the manipulative discourse of influence on the mass consciousness is tracked in order to create a mythological narrative about the “Russianness” of Donbass. It has been proven that the falsifications of Russia and the USSR regarding the history of the first discovery of coal in the Donbass have been going on for almost the entire period of the industrial development of the region and to this day, it is an example of an information war against Ukraine. The archival historical documents released by the authors unequivocally indicate that the official discoverers of coal deposits in Donbas were other historical figures than those described in Russian and Soviet scientific and encyclopedic literature, and they are of Ukrainian origin. The methods of spreading the mythological narrative and their actualization during the Russian-Ukrainian war are defined, which are typical for the manipulation of mass consciousness.

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has made iterative changes to its National Security Strategy (NSS) to bolster its position in the world. The initial intent of the NSS was to provide aspirational foreign policy goals and ambitions the Kremlin could work towards. In 2021, President Putin viewed Russia to be in a position to change the Kremlin's status in the world and decided to take action. In addition to publishing the 2021 NSS, President Putin also penned a personal history essay about Russia and Ukraine. President Putin's article provides the Kremlin with a narrative to garner popular domestic support and superficial justification for Russia's actions against Ukraine. The ultimate goal of the NSS is to reestablish the Cold War world order. President Putin is using Ukraine as a means to reassert Russia's position in the world while at the same time attempting to discredit the Euro-Atlantic rules-based order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article was submitted in late 2021, and became dated after Russia’s demonstrative preparation as well as start of an open, large-scale invasion of Ukraine early 2022. We nevertheless publish this commentary here in order to document the debate about the events leading to the escalation. No adaptations to the original 2021 article were made after the outbreak of high-intensity war on 24 February 2022. Avoiding a larger military escalation in the Russian–Ukrainian conflict is an important aim. Yet, historical experience suggests that concessions Ukraine or its Western partners toward Russian revanchist aspirations in Donbas may not help achieve it. On the contrary, Western softness, and Ukrainian weakness vis-à-vis the Kremlin will lead to further confrontation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the authors raise the topical issue of historical falsifications, considering them as an element of information warfare. Applying the historiographical method and interpreting the facts of the creation of historical misinformation as manipulation of public consciousness, they present a specific case of historical research on the discovery of the Donetsk coal basin. Therefore, a review of the scientific and encyclopedic literature of Russia, the USSR and Ukraine devoted to the coverage of this issue was made; archival historical documents that show the real picture of the discovery of coal in Donbas have been put into scientific circulation; the manipulative discourse of influence on the mass consciousness is tracked in order to create a mythological narrative about the “Russianness” of Donbass. It has been proven that the falsifications of Russia and the USSR regarding the history of the first discovery of coal in the Donbass have been going on for almost the entire period of the industrial development of the region and to this day, it is an example of an information war against Ukraine. The archival historical documents released by the authors unequivocally indicate that the official discoverers of coal deposits in Donbas were other historical figures than those described in Russian and Soviet scientific and encyclopedic literature, and they are of Ukrainian origin. The methods of spreading the mythological narrative and their actualization during the Russian-Ukrainian war are defined, which are typical for the manipulation of mass consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the main ANSA involved in the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. It focusses on an analysis of the specific phenomenon of the opolchentsy - Narodnoe opolchenie Donbassa. The aim of this paper is to introduce and describe these actors and to ground them in certain theoretical conceptions. The paper also tracks the changing motivations of the various ANSA brought under the umbrella of the quasi-state actor NOD throughout the conflict, and the changing array of formations that made up the opolchenie during a particular period of time. Evidently, the opolchenie do not fit into the usual classifications of ANSA.

This essay critically examines how the militarization of childhood(s) takes place in the Luhansk and Donetsk People's Republics. The intensification of hostilities in Eastern Ukraine in mid-2014 has had a profound impact on local populations, particularly children. While no systematic recruitment and participation of children in conflict has been reported, childhood has become what Agathangelou and Killian would characterize as a 'site for displacement and maneuvering for militarization.' Drawing on feminist methodologies, I examine processes of the militarization of children's everyday lives. This article investigates a range of ways in which authorities of proto-states in the Donbas region address children as participants and potential collaborators in the processes of militarization. In my analysis, I examine how war and preparation for it are simultaneously co-constituted by the geopolitical—legitimation of new proto-states—and everyday practices, such as engaging with school curricula, visiting museums, and (re)inventing historical narratives. Understanding of mechanisms that militarize childhood and how children become subjects and objects of militarization allows for a critical analysis that reveals spaces of everyday violence. This article, therefore, enhances our understanding about the intersections of childhood, militarism, and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflict has urbanized because half the human population now lives in cities that offer insurgents the best protection from advanced weaponry. However, to understand the increased chance of inter-state urban warfare, it is necessary to consider a third factor: the reduction of force size. As a result of downsizing, state forces are no longer large enough to form fronts, as they did in the twentieth century. Consequently, even in inter-state wars, forces are also likely to converge on urban areas where the most important strategic, operational, and tactical objectives are located. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]