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Abstract:The structural and semantic relationship between the compound infinitive and the corresponding simple counterpart missing light verb is one of the topics of interest in the field of grammar and syntax of the Persian language. This issue is generally based on the assumption that the light verb in the corresponding pair is omitted. This article aims to investigate the syntactic structure of the two constructions so as to evaluate the assumption of the omission of the light verb. Furthermore, it seeks to determine and explain the derivation of the two structures and their probable distinctiveness or correspondence. To this end, the Distributed Morphology approach is employed as the theoretical and analytical approach. As the roots has no category at the beginning phase of the derivation, the dual or multiple behavior of the lexical units can be explained well. The findings suggest that the syntactic structure missing light verb cannot consider a derived form of the compound infinitive by losing the light verb, but the two constructions are completely different in terms of syntactic derivation. The compound infinitive has followed the steps of derivation according to the suggested pattern and acquires all the nominal-verbal characteristics. This is while the constructions lacking light verbs are actually nominal and of course without verbal characteristics. In this regard, we tried to explain the level of transparency and productivity of these two structures and how to take away the usage limitations through the context.Keywords: Compound Infinitive, Missing Light Verb Infinitive, Productivity, Transparency, Distributed Morphology IntroductionOne of the challenging issues in the domain of infinitive constructions concerns with compound infinitives, which typically possess a corresponding simple form that lacks a light verb. The problem is to determine and explain the derivation of the two structures and their probable distinctiveness or correspondence In this connection, despite the omission of the light verb, some scholars argue that simple constructions can be essentially regarded as equivalent to compound infinitive forms, (cf. Batani 1984: 107-108). Consequently, both constructions are deemed to be infinitives.Moreover, the determination of the infinitive category per se as well as its interrelation with other deverbal nominals remains a subject of disagreement among grammarians and linguists. The inherent duality of its nominal and verbal characteristics has led certain scholars to regard it as a noun (Natel Khanlari 1998; Hosseini 2002; Farshidvard 2003; Darzi 2005; Anvari and Ahmadi Givi 2013), while others classify it as a verb (Shariat 1985; Nobahar 1993; Mosffa Jahromi 2014). Simultaneously, others assert that the infinitive exhibits behaviors of both nominal and verbal categories (Shafaei 1984; Rezai 2016).According to Rasekh-Mahand (2014) the categorization of the infinitive cannot definitely ascribed to either noun or verb because it depends on discourse considerations. Consequently, attempts have failed to prove that the infinitive exclusively belongs to either category. Explaining the dual nature of infinitive behavior, Anoushe (2021: 731) posits that the root undergoes a merge operation with the null verbal head, followed by a subsequent merge with the nominal head in order to receive the infinitive affix.There is a huge body of literature examining the infinitives (e.g., to analyze), gerundive nominals (e.g., analyzing), and deverbal nouns (e.g., analysis) in various languages, including English. Chomsky (1970: 215) posits that the merge position of gerundive nominals and deverbal nouns differ; the former is generated within the lexicon, while the latter is generated within the syntax. According to Alexiadou (2005: 139-152), the affix “-ing” can be classified into two categories, namely nominal and aspectual, which diverge in terms of distribution and meaning. The nominal category is derived within the nominal domain, whereas the aspectual category is derived within the participial domain. Emonds (2022) suggests that English gerundive nominals occupy the DP (Determiner Phrase), with their subjects bearing the genitive case. Conversely, infinitives are construed as clauses that can feature an overt subject or PRO (a null pronominal). According to Rouveret (2023: 87), within the framework of Distributed Morphology, the suffix “-ing” in gerundive nominals that encompass argument structure is positioned in the head of vP (verb Phrase). As they assign case to their arguments, Rouveret refers to them as Acc-ing nouns. On the other hand, nominal gerunds lack argument structure and, consequently, do not possess a vP. Instead, they are merged in the head of nP (noun Phrase). Methodology and theoretical basisThe present study aims to investigate the characteristics of the compound infinitive and its simple counterpart in Persian, along with the syntactic structure of both forms. Additionally, it seeks to explore the relationship between the two forms and the assumption of light verb omission in the simple counterpart. Furthermore, by analyzing the syntactic structure and considering some behavioral differences, the study examines the transparency and productivity of compound infinitive constructions and their simple counterparts. It investigates how these two characteristics manifest and why the two constructions do not exhibit similar behavior in these regards.To achieve the aforementioned objectives, the research employs the Distributed Morphology framework (referred to as DM) and the model proposed by Sarkissian et al. (2024) for the Persian infinitive. DM serves as an effective framework due to its treatment of roots as category-less entities, enabling simultaneous explanation of both similarities and differences in the syntactic behavior of the two aforementioned constructions.Morphemes, as primary components, generate non-simple structures through syntactic merging. They can be classified into two types: functional morphemes and roots (Embick 2015). Roots acquire their category by merging with categorizer heads such as n (noun), v (verb), or a (adjective) (Embick & Noyer 2007; Embick 2015; Alexiadou 2016). Discussion and ConclusionsSarkissian et al. (2024) have proposed a hierarchy for Persian infinitive projections. Within the framework of DM, Persian infinitives merge with two categorizer heads, namely v (verb) and n (noun), which accounts for their dual characteristics. This claim is supported by the co-occurrence of adverbs as verbal dependents and adjectives as nominal dependents. The causative and negative forms of infinitives further confirm the existence of causative and negation projections. The presence of NegP (Negation Phrase) substantiates the presence of TP (Tense Phrase), as NegP is positioned above TP in Persian (cf. Darzi 2008). The possibility of Wh-words appearing in infinitive constructions provides evidence for the existence of CP (Complementizer Phrase), which in turn supports the presence of TP (Chomsky 2001; Chomsky 2004). Consequently, the projection hierarchy of Persian infinitives can be presented as follows: CP < (NegP) < TP < InfP < (CauseP) < vP < √P < nP The presence of an adverbial dependent accompanying infinitives provides evidence that the light verb cannot be omitted in compound infinitive constructions. Removing the light verb leads to structurally ill-formed results. This claim is further supported by the negative compound infinitives, which lose their negative interpretation when the light verbs are removed. Additionally, considering the two nominal characteristics of infinitives, namely their ability to take adjectival dependents and serve as complements of prepositional phrases, it becomes evident that constructions lacking light verbs are fundamentally nominal constructions rather than compound infinitives with missing light verbs.As a result, two distinct syntactic derivations are posited for the compound infinitive and the seemingly simple counterpart, thereby accounting for the disparities observed in the transparency and productivity of compound infinitives and their nominal counterparts. In accordance with this analysis, infinitives reside in the outer domain of the nominal categorizer head, rendering them transparent and productive, while the constraints imposed on their nominal counterpart stem from the derivation taking place within the inner domain of the nominal categorizer head.

Numerals and ordinals occupy a special place in the typology of suppletion. In generative work, one basic cross-linguistic parameter is whether ordinal allomorphy displays internal vs. external marking. Internal marking is when irregular forms propagate from lower ordinals to higher ones (English 'first' $ \to $ 'twenty-first'), whereas external marking is the lack of propagation. We catalog ordinal formation in Armenian dialects through both formal-generative and functional-typological perspectives. We find that Eastern Armenian and Early Western Armenian are uniformly external-marking systems for the ordinals of '1–4'. However, Modern Western Armenian is a mixed system: '1' displays external-marking while '2–4' display internal-marking. Simultaneously, the ordinal of '1' uses a suppletive portmanteau, while the ordinals of '2–4' use agglutinative allomorphs. We formalize these differences in a derivational approach to morphology (Distributed Morphology). We argue that mixed systems arise from allomorphy rules that are sensitive to either constituency or linearity. The Western mixed system seems typologically rare and novel. Given our formal analysis, we then uncover other asymmetries in the propagation of irregular ordinals and the retention of portmanteau morphology across 35 Armenian varieties. The end result is a strong functional correlation between suppletion, external marking, and lower numerals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An often discussed dimension of the locality conditions on allomorphy is visibility: when do the trigger and target of allomorphy "see" each other? An equally important dimension is intervention: when do the trigger and target stop seeing each other? Through the lens of a detailed analysis of Greek verbal morphology, I examine the conditions under which intervention forces the insertion of a default exponent. On the basis of two case studies on affixal allomorphy and one on stem allomorphy, I argue that patterns of intervention are easily accommodated under adjacency-based theories of the locality of allomorphy, and mysterious under less restrictive alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In both the typological literature and literature on formal syntax and semantics, a division is drawn between nouns that are inalienably possessed such as body parts and kinship terms and nouns that are alienably possessed such as owned materials. In this paper I re-examine data from Spanish and Mayan languages and propose an analysis of it that emphasizes two important points regarding the roots and structures associated with inalienable and alienable possession. I first make the novel observation that various types of external possession in Spanish provide clear support for the idea that inalienable possession is structurally less complex than alienable possession: inalienable possessive relations are introduced within a complex n head that consists of a root and nominalizing head. I then explore attributive possession in Mayan languages and highlight data that leads to conflicting conclusions about where, precisely, inalienable relations such as part-of and kin-of are encoded: on n heads or on roots. I outline avenues for future research with the Mayan language family that may help elucidate which of these two analyses may ultimately be correct.

Distributed Morphology (DM) predicts that the units of syntactic derivation are smaller than words. This paper explores the implications of this prediction for language acquisition research and questions if DM is descriptively and theoretically sound when faced with acquisition phenomena. We first introduce independent evidence supporting sub-word units in acquisition: results from a computational model of lexical acquisition show that slightly more morphologically complex input data, such as Brazilian Portuguese when compared to English, cause a substantial decrease in the model’s performance; children’s early productions when acquiring polysynthetic languages reveal they are attempting to find these languages’ morphological units, instead of relying on chunks of non-analysed material; and words are shown to lack explanatory power in describing language acquisition in terms of storage, bootstrapping, or production. We then bridge the gap between DM and earlier proposals for the identification of words and formal features, briefly outlining a strategy for acquiring morphemes. Finally, we present accounts for two prevalent phenomena linked to language acquisition through the lens of DM: the overregularisation in acquiring irregular verbs, a step observed in children acquiring different languages; and the Brazilian Portuguese verbal paradigm shift, an example of morphological diachronic change. Our findings support the non-lexicalist derivation of words, highlighting that words are incompatible with acquisition from multiple perspectives. This suggests that understanding language acquisition benefits from considering the smaller, morpheme-based units predicted by Distributed Morphology.

The paper provides a novel motivation in favor of a complex and fine-grained syntax of spatial PPs in Arabic. It neatly fills a gap between the complex semantics of spatial expressions and their morphosyntax, which remains unexplained using wide spread cognitive approaches. We propose a fine-grained architecture of root nodes, categories, and features in the basic representations of Path/Place expressions, inspired by cartographic analyses of PPs, but based on a pP dual-projection model, separating the root/lexical part from the functional/categorial part, as in Distributed Morphology (=DM). In so doing, the paper challenges traditional analyses of PPs as projecting a uniform Path over Place structure (with no bifurcating domain separation). It also provides essential ingredients allowing the decomposition of Place and Path words or expressions, including COINCIDENCE, CONTAIN, CONTACT, etc., or syntactic projections such AxPs, DeixPs, DegPs, ScaleP, GoalPs, etc., which play important syntactico-semantic roles in the grammar. Our analysis successfully accounts for complexity of prepositions or spatial expressions, their morphosyntactic alternations, variation, and polysemy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I address the directionality issue posed by conversion in English through an investigation of category mismatch under VP-ellipsis, a less-studied type of ellipsis mismatch. For example, certain nouns, such as graduateN and sneezeN, allow the ellipsis of the VP headed by their morphologically related verbal counterparts, graduateV and sneezeV, but not vice versa. I argue that this kind of directional asymmetry, which would be mysterious under a purely semantic identity approach to ellipsis, based on truth-conditional equivalence and mutual entailment, is accounted for in terms of the syntactic identity condition to the effect that the structure of an ellipsis site must be properly contained within the structure of its intended antecedent expression. I will then use this syntactic account of category-mismatched VP-ellipsis as a critical probe into the internal syntax of zero-related N-V pairs and show that both N→V and V→N word-based derivations, in addition to the root-based derivation, must be admitted to account for conversion in English. To the extent that my proposed analysis is on the right track, the kind of asymmetries observed in N-V conversion furnishes an excellent testing ground for an abstract syntactic derivation for these morphologically related word pairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Abstract Persian independent pronouns can be considered as the head of noun phrases) Shaghaghi, 2015). However, the head of the noun phrase with a prepositional phrase (preposition + pronominal clitic) can be occupied by a pronominal clitic. To deal with this dual behavior, we adopt distributed morphology, developed by Halle & Marantz (1993), to analyze the internal structure of dependent pronouns or pronominal clitics. This research draws upon descriptive-analytical method, and the data come from Persian language. In this paper, theoretical arguments as well as linguistic evidence will be employed to examine the hypotheses. We suggest that the so-called “pronominal clitics” are actually different elements with different semantic features and structural relationships. Finally, we argue that the (M) index, as a secondary product of morphological merger (Merger) between the two heads, is supposed to be the distinctive element of the dependent pronouns, not of the independent pronouns. Keywords: Clitics, Distributed Morphology, pronominal clitics, Object agreement, Morphological merger Introduction The present paper intends to examine the nature of Persian pronominal clitics or dependent personal pronouns within the framework of distributed morphology. Independent personal pronouns can appear at the head position of a noun phrase. However, it is not true for their clitic forms unless their host be a preposition phrase, wherein that the pronominal clitics can function as the head of the noun phrase. This points to the underlying distinctions between dependent personal pronouns. The present research is grounded upon the very behaviors of pronouns and intends to describe the content features and internal structure of the dependent pronouns. Materials and methods In the framework of generative grammar, the intuition of native speakers is an important criterion to judge the well-formedness of sentences. It is thus understood that research into different structures of a language can be based on the intuition of a competent native speaker of the language in question. The data for analysis were collected based on the intuition of one of the co-authors which were then reviewed and confirmed by other members of the research team. In the next step, data obtained were analyzed for descriptive goals related to clitics in Persian language and were then explained on the basis of Distributed morphology framework. Distributed morphology is a post syntactic framework developed by Halle and Marantz (1993). It assumes that there is no generative lexicon, and the formal features are solely restored in a basic storage. According to Marantz (1998), this non-generative storage (which Marantz calls “pure lexicon”) does not participate in the word formation process. In this theory, the other functions of the generative lexicon are now distributed along the syntactic, morphological and phonological components. In Marantz’s (1998) approach, the output of the computational system would be manipulated across the morphological component. In other words, the morphological operations that apply at the post-syntactic level can modify the structure mainly before the phonological component. Furthermore, Bobaljik (2008) argues that agreement features are assigned post-syntactically. In this descriptive analytic research, we mainly use this framework to investigate the nature of pronominal clitics in Persian Discussion of results and conclusion This paper is intended to analyze the internal structure and nature of morphemes known as pronominal clitics. These morphemes are attached to different hosts including nouns, prepositions and verbs. We are also aimed at finding out if they possess the same content feature. Considering this inquiry is significant from two perspectives: Firstly, the research in this area claims that one of the most important features that places the pronominal clitics in the category of Clitics is their ability to connect to different hosts. If the analysis shows that the content feature of these elements are different in structures with discrepant hosts, they can no longer be categorized as clitics. Secondly, the dual behavior and the morphological peculiarities that have been shown in combination of “base + pronominal clitic” indicate the underlying distinctions between dependent personal pronouns. Such questions lie at the bedrock of suggesting (M) index. It is assumed that this index, considered as a secondary product of morphological merger between two heads, is the distinguishing factor between dependent and independent forms of pronouns. To examine the explanatory efficiency of the (M) index, we investigated the performance of this index in the reflexive structures with local dislocation and some noun phrases. Finally, the current research investigated the structural position of the dependent pronouns attached to verbs and their structural relation to the agreement mechanism; In this part, we describe the content feature and internal structure of these pronouns. The important issue regarding these elements is that these pronominal systems really resemble affixation more than clitic systems. Within the framework of distributed morphology, it was found that the dependent personal pronouns attached to nouns, verbs, and prepositions are separate elements with different content features and internal structures. The dependent personal pronouns can also be placed first before other morphemes making thus pronouns closer to the stem. In fact, the findings of this research indicate that these pronominal systems do not really resemble clitic systems.

As most other sign languages, Hong Kong Sign Language (HKSL) makes use of verbal classifiers for the purpose of spatial predication. However, a thorough study of the Asian SignBank shows that these same classifier handshapes occur in 76% of all HKSL nouns. In this paper, I argue that these classifier handshapes embedded in nouns are in fact noun classifiers. Under the framework of Distributed Morphology, classifier handshapes are underspecified roots in root compounds which can be assigned the nominal category when merged with a nominal functional head in syntax. The function of these classifiers is to identify, and categorize a discourse referent, and they are full-fledged classifiers according to standards set by the general linguistic literature on classifiers. In addition to verbal and noun classifiers, I also briefly show how HKSL uses mensural numeral classifiers to intervene between mass nouns and numerals within the NP. Taken together, this means that HKSL employs three different types of classifiers: verbal, noun, and numeral classifiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this research was to conduct a morphological analysis of adjectives in Punjabi language by employing the theory of distributed morphology. The study intended to identify the prefixes, suffixes and morphemes involved in the formation of the adjectives and to determine the pattern, how adjectives inflect for number and gender. Morphology is a vital aspect of linguistics, and the basic understanding of the morphological structure of a language is crucial for delving into syntax and semantics. This research focused specifically on the morphological analysis of adjectives in Punjabi, a language with rich morphological patterns. A corpus of Punjabi language was collected and tagged to extract the list of adjectives. The theory of distributed morphology was employed for morphological analysis. Patterns of prefixes, suffixes and the morphemes were identified to understand how adjectives are formed in Punjabi. The analysis revealed key morphemes such as ی، یا،ئے، دہ، لا, and وی, (la, deh, nay, ya and vi) as well as important prefixes and suffixes in the formation of adjectives. Adjectives were found to inflect for number and gender and displayed the agreement with nouns. Further research can explore the semantic nuances of these morphemes and their role in adjective formation in different syntactic contexts. Additionally, the pedagogical implications can be drawn for teaching Punjabi morphology and syntax to the first and second language learners of Punjabi language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper provides a novel motivation in favor of a complex and fine-grained syntax of spatial PPs in Arabic. It neatly fills a gap between the complex semantics of spatial expressions and their morphosyntax, which remains unexplained using wide spread cognitive approaches. We propose a fine-grained architecture of root nodes, categories, and features in the basic representations of Path/Place expressions, inspired by cartographic analyses of PPs, but based on a pP dual-projection model, separating the root/lexical part from the functional/categorial part, as in Distributed Morphology (=DM). In so doing, the paper challenges traditional analyses of PPs as projecting a uniform Path over Place structure (with no bifurcating domain separation). It also provides essential ingredients allowing the decomposition of Place and Path words or expressions, including COINCIDENCE, CONTAIN, CONTACT, etc., or syntactic projections such AxPs, DeixPs, DegPs, ScaleP, GoalPs, etc., which play important syntactico-semantic roles in the grammar. Our analysis successfully accounts for complexity of prepositions or spatial expressions, their morphosyntactic alternations, variation, and polysemy.

In Farsi, the clitic pronouns are often added to the stem as the last element, but in some structures, they can be immediately attached to their hosts. The ability to describe this dual behavior can be used as a criterion to check the effectiveness of different approaches. This research aims to find out if Distributed Morphology and its post-syntactic mechanism are needed to determine the position of different morphemes at the level of the word? Or it can be explained using lexicalist hypothesis? For this purpose, after introducing the theoretical background and previous researches, we analyze data from Farsi; the analyses shows that the assumptions of lexicalists cannot explain why the clitic pronoun (shon) has two positions in (xodeshoniha) and (xodihashon), but this phenomenon is not allowed in other structures. On the other hand, by analyzing the data in the framework of Distributed Morphology, it was found that only with the existence of post-syntactic operations such as local dislocation and considering the content feature of clitics and stems the dual behavior of the clitic pronouns can be explained.

This article challenges the view that eventive and stative passive participles are verbs and adjectives, respectively. Instead, I argue that existing diagnostics are sensitive to the eventive/stative contrast and to independent restrictions on word order. I show that both eventive and stative participles in Serbo-Croatian have the external syntax and morphology of adjectives, and propose that passive participles in various languages are adjectives that embed varying amounts of verbal structure. Finally, I contend that agentive phrases are always available with stative participles that entail a prior event in languages that obligatorily express grammatical aspect on the verb stem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A homonymy analysis is proposed to explain the so-called "demonstrative use" of personal pronouns. This analysis explains why some pronouns (it) do not allow a demonstrative use, as demonstrated in Nunberg (1993). The absence of a demonstrative feature in it can also account for the fact that it does not allow deferred reference. It is argued on the basis of the structure of the nominal demonstrative paradigm that the homonymy analysis is more parsimonious than a single-item analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we bring evidence from English and Italian deverbal zero nominals (to climb > the climb-Ø N) that zero is a possible spell-out of a nominalizer otherwise overtly instantiated in suffixed nominals (examin-ation ). We argue in favor of a Distributed Morphology approach, a separationist theory that recognizes and easily implements zero morphology with underlying syntax-semantics. Abstracting away from other theoretical trends and their foundational reasons to refrain from using zero suffixes, we address three properties that have been argued to fundamentally distinguish zero nominals from overtly suffixed nominals, with the implication that they instantiate a different word formation process: i) realization of verbal argument structure, ii) possibility of embedding verbalizing suffixes, and iii) semantic transparency in relation to the verb. By means of corpus data and two manually collected datasets of 561 English and 174 Italian zero nominals based on lexicographic information, we bring solid evidence against these claims, by arguing that: i) a great proportion of zero nominals do realize verbal argument structure, ii) the zero affix may embed verbalizing affixes within the limits of the selectional restrictions it independently imposes on its base, and iii) zero nominals present the same patterns of polysemy that suffixed nominals display. However, we show that zero nominals also present some idiosyncrasies to the extent that not all of them express compositional event readings with argument structure, a matter that deserves further research within the frame of their competition with suffixed nominals.

Zero-affixes have been used in morphology within pre-generative analyses, lexicalist analyses and syntactic approaches to morphology. The (over)use of zero-affixes has also led to criticisms and to alternative approaches, both within lexicalist models and syntactic approaches to morphology. In this paper, on the basis of French, a mix of several syntactic approaches is proposed. Two problems for Borer’s Exo-Skeletal model, in which derivational zero-suffixes are dispensed with on the basis of English, are discussed. First, on the basis of V → N conversions in French an alternative to zero-suffixes is proposed. Second, the discussion of A/N parallel suffixes in French leads to the adoption of a second alternative to zero-suffixes. Both alternatives require an adaptation of the Exo-Skeletal model: the acceptance of mixed functional projections and suffixal roots in the model.

In this paper, I address the directionality issue posed by conversion in English through an investigation of category mismatch under VP-ellipsis, a less-studied type of ellipsis mismatch. For example, certain nouns, such as graduateN and sneezeN, allow the ellipsis of the VP headed by their morphologically related verbal counterparts, graduateV and sneezeV, but not vice versa. I argue that this kind of directional asymmetry, which would be mysterious under a purely semantic identity approach to ellipsis, based on truth-conditional equivalence and mutual entailment, is accounted for in terms of the syntactic identity condition to the effect that the structure of an ellipsis site must be properly contained within the structure of its intended antecedent expression. I will then use this syntactic account of category-mismatched VP-ellipsis as a critical probe into the internal syntax of zero-related N-V pairs and show that both N→V and V→N word-based derivations, in addition to the root-based derivation, must be admitted to account for conversion in English. To the extent that my proposed analysis is on the right track, the kind of asymmetries observed in N-V conversion furnishes an excellent testing ground for an abstract syntactic derivation for these morphologically related word pairs.

In this paper, we discuss the morphosemantics of aspect and tense in the Portuguese infinitives. Specifically, within Distributed Morphology framework (Halle & Marantz, 1993), in advancing Resende & Pires de Oliveira (2022)’s recent proposal, we approach the internal constituency of Portuguese infinitives (mostly Tense and Aspect) and discuss what exactly these pieces of structure denote. Firstly, we argue that all infinitives contain AspP and that its head is featured as neutral, in the sense of Smith (1997). Secondly, we approach TP and argue for a tree-way system (T[+TENSE], T[–TENSE], T[ ]), which can be associated to two different syntactic environments (in this case, DP vs. no DP), but not to different syntactic settings (for instance, raising vs. ECM). On the sematic side, Asp[neutral] denotes a set of time intervals where the event denoted by the verbal stem has started. As regards Tense, if T is [–TENSE], then it renders a simultaneous reading in relation to the matrix verb and if it is [+TENSE], the infinitive is futurate in relation to the matrix verb. However, if T lacks a tense-value, the TP will denote a property of events, almost like the nP-denotation in the nominal domain.

This paper investigates the verbal morphology of Latin in terms of the theoretical framework of Distributed Morphology (DM). In addition to providing a synchronic analysis of the verbal system of Latin, this paper discusses the development of the thematic vowel system and of athematic perfect forms in this language from their reconstructed Proto-Indo-European (PIE) antecedents and demonstrates the role of morpho-syntactic structure in constraining the historic analyses, and specifically the role that morpho-syntactic locality played in this historical development. It will be shown that despite radical changes in the exponence, the morpho-syntax and the semantics, of the verbal forms, the (local) structural relation between roots as the repositories of idiosyncratic morphological information and aspectual morphemes displaying special (irregular) exponents was consistently preserved across the millennia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Polish, passive potential adjectives are productively formed by means of attaching the suffix -alny to transitive verbs (Szymanek 2010). They have been shown to project the external argument of their verbs, as well as being able to co-occur with agentive przez-phrases and instrumental phrases (Bloch-Trojnar 2019). Hence, under a syntactic approach to word formation such as Distributed Morphology, they are derived via outer affixation, with their structure containing the vP and VoiceP heads. A small subset of Polish passive potential adjectives are derived with affixes other than -alny. These include czytelny ‘legible, readable, understandable’, strawny ‘digestible’ and zrozumiały ‘understandable, comprehensible’. In this paper, it is demonstrated that while these adjectives behave similarly to -alny adjectives in terms of licensing Voice-related modifiers, they are excluded from a wide range of verbal contexts available to regularly derived passive potential adjectives. As such, czytelny, strawny and zrozumiały offer evidence for the claim that the layer that introduces event implications is distinct from the verbal head that triggers spell-out. Specifically, adjectives such as czytelny, strawny and zrozumiały can be argued to contain the little v head, but not the cyclic vP projection, which is in line with the architecture of grammar as proposed by Embick (2010).

Ergative construction (EC) as a subtle characteristic of Iranian languages and dialects has massively fostered a large body of research in the literature over previous decades. In this regard, the current study focuses on the morphotactics of the verb construction and the manner through which ergative alignment is formed in Targhy accent of Rajy dialect of which description and explanation of language behavior in the area in question have been entirely overlooked from distributed morphology (DM) viewpoint. Generally speaking, EC, according to Karimi’s (2012a) generalization, in all Iranian and dialects can be classified into two categories. In the first group including North Kurdish and Baluchi, there is an agreement relation between the direct object and the T head represented by a verbal agreement (VA) at the end of the verb. In his proposal, in the EC of the second class including Central Kurdish and Larestani, which based on the current article, Traghy is of their pattern as well, however, there is no agreement in that oblique pronominal clitics (PCLs), which enter as a big DP form in the syntactic derivation, function as interveners, blocking any conceivable agreement between T head and a direct object altogether. Plus, there exists a complementary distribution between Vas and oblique PCLs, Karimi (ibid) says. He asserts, without any agreement relation with T, oblique PCLs just double φ-features of the subject, and the PCLs function as a repair strategy in response to the loss of oblique (here ERG) case marker, whereas EC still exists dynamically. Nonetheless, this article, based on both empirical and theoretical evidence, argues that contra to Karimi’s (2012a) generalization it seems fair to suggest at least in EC of Targhy, which in turn bears the pattern of the second category, there is a genuinely fullfledged agreement in place, while agreement exponents, be it VAs or agreement clitics (ACLs) have no complementary distribution with their oblique PCL counterparts whatsoever.

Recent work argues that a bilingual linguistic system is fully integrated in one competence system and does not consist of two separate, autonomous systems as is commonly assumed (see Goldrick et al 2016, Grimstad et al 2014, López 2020, Riksam 2017). Here, we explore the organization of the lexicon within the integration hypothesis using data based on idioms and code-switching. The working hypothesis is that if the lexicons of a bilingual person are integrated in the sort of grammatical architecture presented in López (2020), one should be able to code-switch within the idiom and retain the idiomatic meaning. After a pilot study with a community of Papiamentu-Dutch bilinguals, we tested this hypothesis with two communities of bilingual code-switchers: Basque-Spanish, English-Spanish. The task consisted of choosing a meaning out of three choices for a range of sentences, some of which included code-switched idioms. Our results, by-and-large, confirm the hypothesis that code-switching does not destroy the integrity of the idiom.

Recent work argues that a bilingual linguistic system is fully integrated in one competence whole and does not consist of two separate, autonomous structures as is commonly assumed (see Alexiadou et al 2015, Alexiadou et al 2018, Goldrick et al 2016, Grimstad et al 2014, López 2020, Riksem 2017). Here, we explore the organization of the lexicon within the integration hypothesis using data based on idioms and code-switching. The working hypothesis is that if the lexicons of a bilingual person are integrated in the sort of grammatical architecture presented in López (2020), based on Distributed Morphology (Marantz 1997), one should be able to code-switch within the idiom and retain the idiomatic meaning. After a pilot study with a community of Papiamentu-Dutch bilinguals, we tested this hypothesis with two communities of bilingual code-switchers: Basque-Spanish, English-Spanish. The task consisted of choosing a plausible meaning out of three choices for a range of sentences, some of which included code-switched idioms. Our results, by-and-large, show that code-switching does not destroy the integrity of the idiom, thus providing empirical evidence for the integrated lexicon hypothesis as well as the validity of Distributed Morphology as a theory of grammar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Suppletion is central to the debate on the nature of roots: whether roots are characterized by their phonology or are phonologically abstract. Borer (2014) holds that so-called suppletive verbs consist of different phonologically constant roots with overlapping semantics. Harley (2014) , however, argues that suppletive verbs instantiate root suppletion: one abstract root with distinct phonological realizations dependent on grammatical environment. This squib presents additional evidence from verbal suppletion in Creek (Muskogean) that supports the view that roots are abstract. Creek suppletive verbs are part of a larger three-way number-marking paradigm and their distribution is dependent on the formal number features of their first argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discontinuous agreement has been the focus of considerable research, especially within the Afroasiatic language family. However, most previous work has focused on how discontinuous agreement is generated and has relied on data from verbs with relatively basic tense, aspect and mood. In this paper, I investigate a different kind of discontinuous agreement puzzle in an atypical kind of verb, namely, why and how the agreement prefix (but not the agreement suffix) is lacking from imperative verbs in Amharic. I argue that the agreement prefix undergoes morphological haplology because it repeats the second person features found in the imperative head. I then demonstrate how a haplology approach decides between two different analyses of discontinuous agreement: it furnishes evidence against a Linearization analysis (Harbour 2008a, 2016, this issue) and in favor of a Metathesis analysis (Hewett 2022, this issue). Overall, this paper develops a novel approach to imperative inflection, supports a Metathesis approach to discontinuous agreement, and advances our understanding of morphological haplology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present descriptive-analytic article is aimed to study and compare the syntactic structure and linear order of Persian verbal inflectional categories within the framework of Distributed Morphology (DM) (Halle & Marantz, 1993). First we suppose the syntactic hierarchical position of functional categories and clause syntactic structure of Persian to be what Taleghani (2008) proposes. Then based on the post syntactic operations such as, “lowering” and “local dislocation” and what Embick (2015) proposes for linearization of constituents within the framework of DM, syntactic and linear position of verbal compounds in present, past and future tenses are compared. Finally, any mismatches between the two structures are explained through the two post syntactic operations. Research findings showed that “negation morpheme”, compared to other morphemes, mismatches much more in the syntactic and linear structures and requires more explanations in post syntactic component. It is concluded that this morpheme at post-syntactic component, lowers and prefixes mostly to vp and in some cases to aspect and auxiliary morphemes.

As opposed to syntactic operations (such as Merge), morphology has been seen as the source of language variation. But few attempts have been made in the field of Distributed Morphology to explicitly and formally identify the role of postsyntactic rules in language change. By analyzing the change in the Japanese addressee-honorification system (Yamada 2019c), this paper proposes that the emergence of the new grammar — which seems to be an instance of a microparametric change in the Agree operation (Kayne 2000; 2005; Biberauer & Roberts 2012; Barbiers 2013) — is, in fact, explained as a morphological reanalysis: the reanalysis is caused by overgeneralization of vocabulary insertion rules resulting from abductive reasoning in pursuit of default rules. It is also suggested from a quantitative corpus survey using Time Series Analysis (the Dynamic Generalized Linear Mixed Effects Model) that the reanalysis is facilitated particularly in the configuration where the addressee-honorific marking is immediately followed by a sentence-final particle.

Slovenian verbs have been analyzed as displaying non-local root allomorphy which gets triggered across the theme vowel (Božič 2016; 2019). We reevaluate the data (using a larger set of verbs) and reconsider the structure of the verb in Slovenian (focusing primarily on the position of the theme vowel). We show that root allomorphy in Slovenian only occurs in a very limited number of theme-vowel classes, making the inventory of theme-vowel classes crucial for the correct analysis of root allomorphy. We further show that an overwhelming majority of verbs with root allomorphy is ambiguous in that these verbs can be analyzed as belonging to different theme-vowel classes. We propose a way of resolving the ambiguity and present an analysis of root allomorphy in terms of phonologically conditioned allomorph selection. In the proposed model, which combines Distributed Morphology and Optimality Theory, a single Vocabulary Item with a complex phonological representation gets inserted and then phonological constraints select the final shape of the exponent (Kager 2008). We show that all root allomorphy is triggered locally and restricted to the phase in which the root gets spelled out.

The decompositional, non-lexicalist, approach to word-structure and the theory of roots have proven highly rewarding. One grey area, however, comes from Romance since, rather than roots, the word structure primitive appears to be the stem: root + ‘stem-formative/theme vowel’. Regardless, there have been perspicacious decompositional accounts of Italian, however these are still marred by the large number of morphological/item-specific irregularities, motivating arbitrary noun classes. Additionally, there are roots that do not inflect: consonant-final and vowel-final forms when these are oxytonic or loanwords. Given these irregularities, previous analyses in Italian have included the use of lexical exceptions and class features. We challenge the use of class features in generating the attested patterns (and their exceptions). Instead, we propose a new categorisation of root-shapes, which, when combined with the exponents of nominal inflection, produce the correct surface pairings, as well as the non-alternating forms. In our analysis, there is no diacritic or special marking of lexical exceptions, all forms inflect regularly in accordance to their phonological shape. This requires the innovation of one new mechanism (Inhibition), but we back it up by showing that it leads to an unexpected beneficial prediction that solves a long-standing problem associated with Raddoppiamento Sintattico (RS).

This paper presents a comparative syntactic account of participial adjuncts in German and English. While the typological literature describes German participial adjuncts as much more restricted than their English counterparts both syntactically and semantically, this paper presents empirical evidence that these differences have been exaggerated. Based on a corpus of more than 3000 participial adjuncts, it is argued that these adjuncts have a clause-like internal structure in both languages. Participial adjuncts are analysed as small clauses that can project all the way up to CP level, with a subject that is either phonetically null PRO controlled via Agree or an overt DP that is case licensed either by an element outside the participial clause or through default case. At the same time, the corpus data show that these participial constructions constitute a versatile group of adjuncts when it comes to their argument-structural properties and categorial nature. An analysis couched within the framework of Distributed Morphology is presented that can account for this diversity. This empirically based and theoretically founded account of participial adjuncts contributes to our understanding of the structural possibilities of small clauses cross-linguistically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The paper proposes a constructionist analysis of two highly syncretic non-finite forms in Irish, traditionally referred to as the verbal noun (VN) and the verbal adjective (VA). The VN can fulfil the function of the infinitive, the 'present participle' in the periphrastic progressive, the argument supporting (AS) nominal and the R(eferential)-nominal. The VA can function as the passive participle in periphrastic passives/resultatives, the 'passive' adjective, the active participle (showing further syncretism with the genitive of VN) and the 'active' adjective. The basic idea is that the two syncretic forms receive a unified analysis (i.e. same structure). The VN is viewed as a kind of "elsewhere" realization of [vP[Root]] in all contexts except for [Tfin [VoiceP [vP [Root]]]]. VA spell-out is implemented when the morphosyntactic bundle carries no features that positively define the input as verbal or nominal. The height of affix attachment is indicative of the type of participle involved. Verbal passive/perfective participles and corresponding adjectives embed the external argument introducing projection (VoiceP), whereas active verbal participles and adjectives lack it. The extensive multifunctionality and syncretism in Irish seem to be closely linked to the lack of the AspP layer in the structure of non-finite verbs, nominals and adjectives as well as the lack of overt transitivizing morphology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like other syntactic elements, affixes are sometimes said to be heads or modifiers. In Russian, one suffix,-onok, can be either: as a head, it is a size diminutive denoting baby animals, and as a modifier, it is an evaluative with a dismissive/affectionate flavor. Various grammatical properties of this suffix differ between the two uses: gender, declension class, and interaction with suppletive alternations, both as target and trigger. We explore a reductionist account of these differences: the baby diminutive comprises a lexical morpheme plus a functional nominalizing head, while the evaluative affix is the lexical morpheme alone. We contend that our account is superior to two conceivable alternatives: first, the view that these are homophonous but unrelated affixes, and second, a cartographic alternative, whereby diminutives attach at different levels in a universal structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question whether synthetic compounds should be analyzed as including a verbal core or as root compounds has issued a long theoretical debate in the linguistic literature since the ‘70s. It is precisely their mixed properties that make this debate so difficult to settle. We investigate compounds headed by suffix-based deverbal nouns and propose that they are ambiguous between true synthetic compounds, which include verbal structure, and root compounds. We trace this ambiguity back to Grimshaw’s (1990) distinction between argument structure nominals (realizing verbal arguments) and result or simple event nominals (which do not realize verbal arguments). The true synthetic compounds are headed by argument structure nominals and realize the verb’s internal argument as a non-head (e.g. book reading, book reader), but deverbal nouns may also head root compounds when interpreted as simple event or result nominals and realize a modifier as their non-head (e.g. police questioning). We account for the differences and similarities between synthetic compounds and argument structure nominals in the framework of Distributed Morphology and show how Voice-related properties account for further characteristics of synthetic compounds concerning event implication and accommodation of idioms.

The subject matter of this paper is the external and internal syntax of adjectival compounds based on -ble adjectives in English (e.g. vaccine-preventable, machine-readable, drug-susceptible) and passive potential adjectives in Polish (e.g. łatwopalny 'combustible', lekkostrawny 'lit. easily digestible, light', szybkozmywalny 'quickly-washable'), with special attention paid to whether the syntactic behaviour exhibited by -ble and -ny/-alny adjectives is also present in compounds headed by them. Drawing on analysis put forth by Oltra-Massuet (2013), the present research departs from Oltra-Massuet's account in that certain ble adjectives which show irregular morphology (e.g. visible, tolerable) are interpreted as high (eventive) -ble adjectives. It is shown that while synthetic -ble compounds in English inherit the syntactic features of their heads, passive potential adjectives in Polish often lose the ability to project the external argument upon being merged with a modifier to form a compound. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current paper aims to capture the properties of reduplication within the distributed morphology model (Halle and Marantz 1993, 1994; Embick and Noyer 2007; Siddiqi 2009; Embick 2010). Taking Standard Arabic (SA) as a representative, the article shows that SA, like many other languages, has both full and partial reduplication. Full reduplication repeats entire stems while partial reduplication doubles part of it. Rather than the available two analyses, i.e. the readjustment approach (Raimy 2000; Frampton 2009) and the affixation approach (Haugen 2008, 2010, 2011; Haugen and Harley 2010), the current paper provides a novel approach to the phenomenon of reduplication in the world languages. It argues that root consonants and vowels should be decomposed into non-phonetic distinctive features that undergo late insertion at PF. These non-phonetic distinctive features are supplied with sound items at PF in the same fashion that the terminal nodes with morphosyntactic features are fed with vocabulary items. This approach serves three purposes. It accounts for speech errors, captures the non-concatenative morphology in Semitic languages, and allows the reduplicant form to copy all the distinctive features of the roots, yielding instances of full reduplication. Instances of partial reduplication can be generated by root-sensitive impoverishment rules which target and delete some of the features of the stem or the reduplicant form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-linguistically, morphomes are empirically robust but there are few well-studied cases outside of Romance. We analyze the distribution of present and aorist stems in Western Armenian, an understudied Indo-European language. Canonically, the aorist encodes perfective aspect, but it is meaninglessly used in different paradigm cells for different conjugation classes. For these meaningless cases, the aorist stem acts as a morphomic item. The shape of the aorist stem varies across conjugation classes, including regular classes that use a dedicated aorist suffix vs. irregular classes that use root suppletion. This parallelism across the regular and irregular verbs further establishes that the aorist stem is a legitimate morphological item, and not just a set of homophonous items. We formalize the data in Distributed Morphology, a post-syntactic morphological framework. We use head-insertion or node-sprouting to model how the aorist suffix has canonical perfective semantics, but it is meaninglessly inserted by the morphology in non-perfective contexts. We find that the creation of the aorist stem occurs early in the derivation, and it cyclically interacts with allomorphy and morphophonological alternations. In sum, the morphomic aorist is well-integrated into Armenian morphotactics, and morphomic elements interact with other morphological operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses verbal stem allomorphy in Romance within the framework of Distributed Morphology (DM). We will present several technical instruments provided by the framework, applying them to an analysis of Romance verbal forms, with a particular focus on stem suppletion with the verb go. We conclude that the best solution to the problem of form–function discrepancies, as they appear in suppletion (but not only), is a spanning approach. This approach operates at Vocabulary Insertion only, without any need for the assumption of further, often critically discussed, morphological processes, such as fusion or pruning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there are several analyses of negation in American Sign Language (ASL), the phenomenon of negative incorporation has been overlooked in the generative literature, except for Sandler's (1999) phonological analysis. The phonological approach makes several useful generalizations but is not without its drawbacks. We, therefore, situate our analysis in the Distributed Morphology framework and argue that negative incorporation is best analyzed as a case of negative suppletion. We motivate our approach based on the observations that (i) negative incorporation is sentential negation, (ii) negative incorporation blocks the occurrence of the canonical negation strategy for the affected verbs, and (iii) there is no verb-to-Neg movement in ASL. When taken together, these factors indicate that negative incorporation cannot be affixation. Suppletion, however, alleviates the problematic aspects of the phonological analysis while maintaining the relevant phonological generalizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several recent accounts (Lowenstamm 2014; Nevins 2015; Creemers, Don, and Fenger 2017) couched in the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993, 1994) argue for extending the separation between roots and categorial heads to derivational affixes. Such approaches offer a straightforward account of affixes that surface under different categorial embeddings (e.g. - ant , both in the noun defendant and in the adjective defiant) by viewing these affixes as roots. In this article, the affixes-as-roots approach is applied to Slovenian affixes. An account is proposed of the variable prosodic behavior of Slovenian derivational affixes, which behave as either stress-attracting or stress-neutral. It is shown that Slovenian derivational affixes have no lexical stress and all their prosodic effects follow from the structures in which they occur. Specifically, stress-attracting behavior is a result of the fact that sequences of roots with no intermediate functional structure (the so-called radical cores) are spelled out to phonology without any prosodic specification. Phonology then assigns the default final prosody to such sequences, creating the illusion of accented derivational affixes. The proposed account is applied to two affixes, - av and - ov , which occur across categorial embeddings (nominal, verbal, adjectival). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]